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Published online by Cambridge University Press: 23 December 2013
On a Pisidian tombstone the name Gagdabos Edagdabos occurs. In publishing this in the Revue des Universités du Midi, 1895, p. 360, I quoted Radet's tempting conjecture, that it is a case of filiation expressed by prefix. Religion however furnishes a more probable explanation. A priest named Gagdabos adds his title Edagdabos. Gagdabos is a reduplicated form such as is extremely common in Anatolian nomenclature: e.g. on a sarcophagus found in the north Isaurian hills not very far from Lystra the two names Gaa and Goggoa both occur and are evidently names in the same family, one a reduplication of the other; Kretschmer has noted (like all Anatolian students) the habit of using reduplicated names.
Gagdabos therefore, implies a simpler name Gdabos or Gdawos: this word was grecised as δάος, and latinized as Davus, a common name of slaves from Anatolia.
1 There are two objections to the interpretation of Mount Ida as the ‘chief’ or ‘king’ mountain. (1) The first syllable is long invariably, but Greek poetic usage does not furnish sufficient proof of the original Anatolian form and sound. (2) The statement is quoted from E. M. that Ida means a wooded mountain or saltus, but the authority is insufficient. It is more likely to be a mere scholastic inference from such phrases as in vallibus Idae (as Fraser suggests).
2 In J.R.S. 1917, p. 264 note, I erroneously quoted the name as Idubessos, and suggested an etymology accordingly.
3 Perhaps Lir may be a broken-down reduplication. The G at the beginning would be a Greek attempt to represent the Anatolian W. The town of Lyrbe is perhaps connected. On Lir-Lour see MissRamsay, note in J.H.S., 1904, p. 285Google Scholar.
4 See Buckler, and Robinson, in A.J.A. xvii. 1913, p. 362Google Scholar ff. Fournier, , Rev. d'Et. Anc. 1914, p. 438Google Scholar, suggests Old Persian kāvyáh.
5 Bokaoi was compared with Boukoloi. On these priests see I.G.R.R. iii. 230, 235.
6 On the monument dedicated to the deceased Augustus at Antioch, Pisidian (see J.R.S. 1916, p. 105Google Scholar) the fettered captive Homanadensian or Pisidian Wolf-man was represented in his ideal ugliness as the naked savage. He is the man in his brutality, though retaining the human form.
7 See Pauly-Wissowa, s.v. Aigikoreis.
8 It is assumed that Plato was not inventing novelties, but was guided by wise old ideas: the Critias states Cretan facts, not mere fancies, though under a veil of fancy.
9 Strabo avoids the word ἱϵρϵῖς: this has a purpose, natural to one who knew the Anatolian facts and religious Associations.
10 Plato, , Tim. 110Google Scholar, classes shepherds, hunters, agriculturists together. According to the social order the same set of men would be shepherds in a nomadic pastoral tribe and agriculturists in an agricultural society. Plato's purpose and natural character might lead him to put warriors last, and to use the rather depreciatory term μάχιμοι.
11 Plutarch, Stephanus, and Pollux (who use the form Hoplitai) considered them the Warriors, erring in regard to the meaning of an old Ionian and Anatolian name through identifying it with a later Greek word. Similarly Plutarch (or his authority), who substituted Ergadeis for Argadeis, was influenced by the belief that this class was the Artisans (connected with ἔργον); but in Anatolia the initial digamma would not have been lost.
12 On the Peasant God, “the great moral figure” in the early religion of Anatolia, see Luke the Physician and Other Studies in Religious History.
13 The regular order was (according to Toepffer in Pauly-Wissowa, quoting as his authority Meier, , de gentil. Att. 4Google Scholar) Geleontes, Argadês, Aigikorês, Hopletes.
