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The Subject of the Ludovisi and Boston Reliefs

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  23 December 2013

Gisela M. A. Richter
Affiliation:
Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York.

Extract

An unsolved problem has a peculiar fascination in archaeology as elsewhere. It compels our interest, and we come back to it again and again to try and find a solution. The Ludovisi and Boston Reliefs have presented us with many such puzzles and have consequently been the subject of much discussion. The two most important publications of these monuments—Studniczka's in the Jahrbuch des deutschen archäologischen Instituts, 1911, pp. 50–192, and Caskey's in the American Journal of Archaeology, 1918, pp. 101 ff.—have dealt at length with the numerous points involved and many of these have now been satisfactorily solved. The identification of the subjects represented on the reliefs, however, especially of those in Boston, is still only tentative. As Mr. Caskey says, ‘none of the numerous attempts to interpret the reliefs has met with unqualified acceptance.’ To the many explanations which have been advanced I am going to add still another, which to me at least seems the simplest, the most natural, and for that reason the most probable.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © The Society for the Promotion of Hellenic Studies 1920

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References

page 113 note 1 Plate V. is reproduced from Studniczka's larger plate in Jahrbuch xxvi. (1911), Taf. I. Photographs of still larger scale were published by Gardner, E. A. in J.H.S. xxxiii (1913), Pll. III.–VIGoogle Scholar

page 113 note 1a Cf. Caskey, op. cit. p. 107 ff

page 114 note 2 Cf. Pausanias, Description, of Greece, v. 11Google Scholar, 8: ‘and after Hestia there is Love receiving Aphrodite as she rises from the sea and Persuasion is crowning Aphrodite’ (tr. Frazer).

page 114 note 3 Cf. the discussion of these theories in Studniczka, op. cit. pp. 101 ff.

page 114 note 4 For a discussion of these various theories cf. Studniczka's and Caskey's publications referred to above.

page 114 note 5 Cf. op. cit. pp. 141 ff.

page 114 note 6 Cf. also Hyginus, , Astronomica, ii. 7.Google Scholar

page 115 note 7 Cf. op. cit. p. 141: ‘weshalb den ganzen Bericht auf diesen Epiker zurückzuführen mindestens unsicher ist.’

page 115 note 8 ‘Sie (diese Sage) ist nicht echte Mysteriensage …, sondern späte Dichtung. Bei Panyasis stand sie jedenfalls nicht; allem Anschein nach ist es die Lösung welche ein Deus ex machina (Zeus, Aphrodite, Kalliop) einem Drama das sich vornehmlich mit dem Schicksal des Kinyras und der Myrrha be schäftigte, gab, also nicht älter als das 4. Jahrhundert.’

page 115 note 9 Cf. Sappho 62 (128), Aristophanes, , Lysistrata, 387 ff.Google Scholar; Praxilla, Bergk 1.

page 115 note 10 This grief is vividly described by Bion (third century B.C.) in his idyll, The Lament for Adonis, Idylls, i.

page 115 note 11 Cf. Monumenti dell' Instituto, vi. 24, 1, and Gerhard, Etr. Spiegel, iv. 325.

page 115 note 12 Cf. Bullettino archeologico napolitano, n. s. vii. 9, and perhaps Mon. d. Inst. vi. 1860, Pl. 42 B (now in the Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York, No. 11. 210. 3; see Museum Bulletin, May 1912, pp. 95–96, Fig. 2).

page 115 note 13 See references quoted above.

page 115 note 14 Iliad, xxii. 209–213.

page 115 note 15 Frag. 278 (from Plut. Moralia, 17 A).

page 115 note 16 Cf. e.g. Homer, , Odyssey, i. 35 ff. and i. 83 ff.Google Scholar

page 115 note 17 Cf. e.g. Homer, , Odyssey, xxiv., 1.Google Scholar

page 116 note 18 Cf. e.g. Alcman, 28 A (26); Sappho, frgts. 117 and 74; Ibykos, i. 6 ff. and ii.; Simonides, 43; Euripides, , Hippolytus, 539 fGoogle Scholar. At the time of Hesiod, however, Eros seems to have been regarded as a primeval god, produced at the same time as Chaos and Earth (Hesiod, , Theogony, 120 f.)Google Scholar.

page 116 note 19 Cf. for approximately contemporary representations a terracotta relief from South Italy, Annali dell' Inst. 1867 D (= Roscher's Lexikon, p. 1451); a terracotta relief from Aegina, Monumenti dell' Instituto, i. 18 (= Denkmäler antiker Kunst, i. 53), and others mentioned by Furtwängler in Roscher's Lexikon, ‘Eros,’ p. 1351 ff.

page 116 note 20 Op. cit. p. 142 f.

page 116 note 21 On the other (the one in the Metropolitan Museum) Adonis is not present, hence the interpretation of the scene as the dispute of Aphrodite and Persephone is uncertain.

page 116 note 22 Cf. op. cit. p. 143.

page 117 note 23 Cf. e.g. Homer, Iliad, xiv, 214 ff., where Aphrodite gives to Hera her girdle, ‘fair-wrought, wherein are all her enchantments; therein are love, and desire, and loving converse, that steals the wits even of the wise,’ and adds ‘methinks thou wilt not return with that unaccomplished which in thy heart thou desirest’; and the numerous references given by Furtwängler in Roseher's Lexikon, ‘Aphrodite,’ 400, and in Farnell, , Cults of the Greek States, p. 759, note 119.Google Scholar

page 117 note 24 Cf. e.g. Pausanias, x. 38, 12: ‘At Nau-paktos…Aphrodite is worshipped in a grotto. People pray to her for various reasons and, above all, widows ask the goddess for husbands.‘Various honours are paid to the goddess of this temple (i.e. to Aphrodite) by the Hermionians. Amongst others, it is the custom that every maid and every widow who is about to wed shall offer sacrifice here before her marriage’ (tr. Frazer).

Pausanias, iii. 13, 9: ‘There is (in Laconia) an ancient wooden image called Aphrodite Hera; it is the custom for a mother, at the marriage of her daughter, to sacrifice to the goddess.’

Homer, Iliad, v. 429: ‘but follow thou after the loving task of wedlock’ (Zeus speaking to Aphrodite).

Aeschines, Epist. 10: ‘There was a procession in honour of Aphrodite and the newly-married took part in the festival.’

Greek Anthology, Dedicatory Epigrams, 207, Archias: ‘Aphrodite, who presidest over weddings.’

page 117 note 25 Cf. Pausanias, i. 14, 7: ‘The Cytherians learnt the worship of Aphrodite Ourania from the Phoenicians. Aegeus introduced it into Athens, deeming his childlessness and the misfortune of his sisters were due to the wrath of the Heavenly Goddess.’

‘Near the Hymettos was a shrine of Aphrodite with a spring the water of which makes fruitful the women who drink from it, and the childless become capable of bearing children’ (Photius and Suidas under

Sophocles ap. Plut., Moralia, 756 E, speaks of Aphrodite as (fertilizing). Euripides, , Hippolytus, 449 (quoted above).Google Scholar

Artemidorus, Oneirokritika, ii. chap. 42, : ‘She is especially good for bringing about marriages and partnerships, and in the birth of children, for she is the cause of unions and of offspring.’

Cf. also the references quoted by Farnell, , Cults of the Greek States, ii. p. 759, note 118.Google Scholar The Oriental Aphrodite was of course principally a goddess of fertility (cf. Furtwängler, in Roscher, Lexikon, ‘Aphrodite,’ p. 390 ff.Google Scholar), and it is interesting in this connection to remember the undoubted Ionic influence in the Ludovisi and Boston reliefs.

page 118 note 26 Cf. Studniczka, op. cit. pp. 131 ff., who gives several illustrations of such scenes.

page note 27 Walters, Catalogue, F 220, and Studniezka, op. cit. pp. 130 f.

page 118 note 28 Cf. e.g. references given on p. 7, note 6, and p. 8, note 1.

page 118 note 29 Cf. Burlington Magazine, xvii. July, 1910, pp. 247 ff.

page 118 note 30 This is also more in harmony with contemporary ideas; Eros as a primeval divinity is an earlier conception (see p. 7, note 6).

page 118 note 31 Cf. Caskey, op. cit. p. 109: ‘And if it be rejected, Marshall's imaginative interpretation of the scene on the Boston relief must fall with it.’

page 118 note 32 Cf. Euripides, , Phoenissae, 1762.Google Scholar

page 118 note 33 Cf. e.g. Aeschylus, , Prometheus, 103 ff. and 514 fF.Google Scholar; Sophocles, Fragments, 234 b; Simonides, 19 ff.; Herodotus i. 91 = Anthology, xiv. 80.

page 118 note 34 It might be urged that such a personification of an abstract thought is only known in later Greek art. But this is not so. It is true that the statue of Eirene and Ploutos symbolizing Peace and wealth is generally explained by archaeologists as an innovation in Greek art, ‘characteristic of the new tendencies of the period.’ But we all know that we have such personifications on Greek vases at a much earlier period—as, for instance, the well-known Justice and Injustice contest on an early red-figured vase (Reinaeh, , Répertoire des Vases Peints, i. p. 353).Google Scholar

page 119 note 35 Cf. Caskey, op. cit. p. 113.

page 119 note 36 For burning incense we may quote Pindar's Eulogy, 122 (87): ‘Ye that burn the golden tears of fresh frankincense, full often soaring upward in your souls unto Aphrodite, the heavenly mother of Loves’ (tr. Sandys). For music we may recall the many flute-playing and lyre-playing votive figures found in sanctuaries of Aphrodite in Cyprus (cf. e.g. Ohnefalsch-Richter, , Kypros, Pl. xvii. 5Google Scholar, and Myres, and Ohnefalsch-Richter, , Catalogue of the Cyprus Museum, Nos. 5302 5303, 5674, 57105715)Google Scholar.

page 119 note 37 Cf. Caskey, op. cit. p. 116.

page 120 note 38 Cf. e.g. Homer, , Odyssey, vii. 7ff.Google Scholar; Aeschylus, , Choephoroi, 743 ff.Google Scholar We may here recall also the numerous Tanagra statuettes of old nurses carrying children.

page 120 note 39 Aeschines, , Epist. 10Google Scholar.

page 120 note 40 Cf. especially the Gerepso on the Pistoxenos kylix in Schwerin (Hartwig, , Meister schalen, p. 376)Google Scholar; also other references given by Studniczka, op. cit. p. 150.

page 120 note 41 Cf. Vom alten Rom, p. 142.

page 120 note 42 Identified variously as two red mullets (Rev. Arch. xvii. 1911, 152), and as a red mullet and a grey mullet (Studniczka, op. cit. p. 131).

page 120 note 43 Cf. Studniczka, op. cit. p. 141.

page 120 note 44 Cf. Marshall, , Burlington Magazine, 1910, p. 250.Google Scholar

page 120 note 45 Cf. Marshall, , Revue Archéologique, xvii. 1911, p. 152.Google Scholar

page 120 note 46 For fish, cf. Athen, vii. 282 f. ( born with Aphrodite in the sea); Athen. vii. 325 B, 284 F; Hyginus, , Fabulae, 197Google Scholar; also Keller, , Antike Tierwelt, ii. p. 346Google Scholar; Furtwängler, in Roscher's Lexikon, ‘Aphrodite,’ p. 395.Google Scholar

For pomegranate, cf. Athen, iii. 84, who, quoting from the comic poets Aristophanes and Eriphos, says that Aphrodite planted the (identified by most commentators as the pomegranate) in Cyprus; see also note of Olearius on Philostratus, , Vita Apoll. Tyan. 4, 28, p. 168 f.Google Scholar The pomegranate occurs among the votive offerings found in a temenos of Aphrodite in Cyprus (Ohnefalsch-Richter, , Kypros, p. 78).Google Scholar Aphrodite holding the pomegranate blossom appears on a Locrian relief (Farnell, Cults of the Greek States, ii. Pl. XLVIII), and in a terra-cotta statuette (Gerhard, , Akademische Abhandlungen, Pl. XXX. 4Google Scholar, quoted by Farnell, op. cit. ii. p. 697). Cf. on this subject also Roscher, Lexikon, ‘Aphrodite,’ p. 395.Google Scholar

page 121 note 47 The fish through its power of rapid propagation (cf. Keller, O., Antike Tierwelt, ii. p. 345Google Scholar; Engel, , Kypros, ii. p. 10)Google Scholar; the pomegranate, on account of its many seeds (Studniczka, op. cit. p. 138, quotes Arnobius adv. gent. 5, 6 and 12 in this connection, who tells of Nana conceiving Attis by the mere touch of this fruit; cf. also Farnell, , Cults of the Greek States, ii. p. 697Google Scholar, note; Baudissin, , Studien z. semitisch. Religiongeschichte, ii. pp. 208 f.Google Scholar; Schweighäuser, note on Athenaeus iii. p. 84). Studniczka's objection (op. cit. p. 138) that a symbol of fertility should not be placed beneath the woman whose request for offspring is refused does not hold in this case, since the symbol relates to Aphrodite's power; for otherwise why should it be repeated beneath the lyre-player? His objection to the mullet (τρίγλη;) beneath the other woman as an animal supposedly unfavourable to the bearing of children (Athenaeus 7, 325 a and d) can hardly be taken seriously. Athenaeus's theory is based on a fictitious derivation of the place name Τρίγα from τρίγλη, so that we have no evidence that the belief was held in the fifth century B.C.; on the contrary, Artemidorus ii. 14, basing his information on earlier writers, says: ‘The mullet is good for childless women, for it has young three times, whence Aristotle in his History of Animals and Aristophanes in his Commentaries say with probability that its name is derived.’ It is moreover by no means certain that the fish should be identified as mullets. Though some authorities have done so, Professor Bashford Dean, of this Museum, one of the best experts on this subject in the country, tells me that he thinks it is more probably the common carp that is represented—which all goes to show that it is dangerous to base important theories on trifles.

page 123 note 1 Mr. William B. Dinsmoor suggests that the variation of measurements in the two monuments is due primarily to the difference in size of the two respective blocks of marble. The one which served for the Ludovisi reliefs was somewhat smaller, so that the sculptor had to be economical of his stone; hence the slight depth of the relief, the fact that it is kept all in one plane, and the addition of the architectural ornaments in separate pieces— all points in which the Ludovisi monument varies from the Boston one, where no such economy of marble was necessary.