In December of 1951, the Cornell Peru Project, created under an agreement signed by Cornell University and the government of Peru, undertook a systematic program of research and development in the depressed highland Indian hacienda of Vicos, located in the Callejón de Huaylas, an intermontane valley some 270 miles north of Lima. In subsequent years Project personnel, in co-operation with functionaries of the Peruvian government, carried out a comprehensive program of development that significantly transformed the economic, educational, medical, and political institutions of the community. This program has included the introduction of innovations in farming techniques, the construction of an educational system, the building of a medical facility, and the transfer of local political power into the hands of the Indians.

This paper considers some of the ways in which the activities of the Project have affected population structure and change in the community and, in turn, how some of these population changes have affected, and are likely to affect, the efforts of the Project in the development of the community.

Los gobiernos de facto se suceden en el mundo y particularmente en América, con una periodicidad extraordinaria, debido a causas políticas, sociales o económicas muy profundas que merecen el examen y el análisis detenido y serio de los juristas, de los políticos, de los sociólogos y de los estadistas.

El trabajo que sigue a continuación no pretende ser un estudio exhaustivo de la cuestión sino una contribución más para profundizar su conocimiento.

Al considerar el tema, la primera pregunta que surge es la siguiente: ¿qué es un gobierno de facto? La respuesta, a través de la experiencia recogida en los últimos ciento cincuenta años, sería aproximadamente: “un gobierno provisional o transitorio, surgido a raíz de la independencia o el nacimiento de una nueva nación, o de una revolución triunfante, o de una acefalía presidencial o prevista en la respectiva Constitución, que se encuentra en posesión de las fuerzas militares y/o policiales necesarias para asumir el poder público de esa nación y mantener el orden”.

The armed forces in nearly all of the developing countries have frequently played a significant role in the political process. Because civilian groups—such as political parties, interest associations, bureaucracies—tend to be weak, fluid, and amorphous during the transition from a “traditional” to a “modern” society, the military is liable to be the strongest and best organized actor in the system. The roles may vary, from performing minimal governmental functions to exercising exclusive governing power, but in general the armed forces in the developing countries have a deeper domestic involvement in government and politics than their counterparts in the more “developed” nations.

From an historical point of view, Latin America is often considered the home of political militarism. The caudillo, or “man on horseback,” has traditionally galloped in and out of the presidential palace with frequent regularity.

On October 16, 1962, the President of the United States — the late President Kennedy — was informed of the results of aerial surveillance of Cuba: missiles with a definite “offensive” capability were being prepared for launching! Six days later, on October 22, in an evening radio and television address to the nation, President Kennedy presented, in no mistakable terms, the new military threat to the United States posed by Cuba, and announced actions to be taken that were equally unequivocal and dramatic.

La investigación médica en la América tiene un pionero de gran calidad en Carlos Juan Finlay. En este cubano se concentran J factores que revelan una verdadera categoría de cultura y de ascenso en la mentalidad latinoamericana de la segunda mitad del siglo XIX.

Nació Finlay en la ciudad de Camagüey el 3 de diciembre de 1833, y es su padre un médico escocés avecindado en Cuba, el Dr. Edward Finlay, y su madre Isabel de Barres, que es francesa de nacimiento. Su educación secundaria fue francesa pues sus estudios se hicieron en el Liceo de Ruán (Rheims), pero la universitaria tuvo una doble vertiente cultural: se graduó de Doctor en Medicina en el Jefferson Medical College de Filadelfia en 1855 con honores de Doctor en Ciencias, y en la Universidad de la Habana, en 1857.

The purpose of this article is to describe the Centro de Estudios Universitarios Colombo-Americano (CEUCA), established in Bogotá by the Great Lakes Colleges Association (GLCA) in 1964 to meet the expanding needs of inter-American education. CEUCA serves as a foreign study center for undergraduate students and as a base of operations for GLCA Faculty Researchers. Because of its structure and activities the center formed by this consortium of twelve private Liberal Arts colleges is of interest to those concerned with Latin American studies in the United States, as well as observers of the emerging relationships between North American and Latin American educational institutions. The purely private nature of this bold program holds special interest at this time when such endeavors are not usually undertaken unless backed by governments or massive foundation support.

Big Metrópole, América Do Sul é um estudo de urna metrópole que consta entre as maiores na América do Sul, e é fácilmente identificável. Foi entáo, por insistencia do autor em por énfase na universalidade dos processos que frequentemente observa no desenvolvimento rápido da urbanização, industrialização e comunicação moderna, é que foi dado o nome de Big Metrópole, América do Sul ao estudo feito sobre a cidade de Sao Paulo. É interessante notar que foi só com a urbanização, industrialização, e comunicação, moderna que Big Metrópole, América do Sul se enquandra dentro de padroes que se encontram em quase todas as novas grandes metrópoles em qualquer parte do mundo. O trabalho tambem nao tem a pretensáo de ser pioneiro no campo e o autor está cíente de trabalhos feitos com o mesmo espirito e é por causa disto que pode-se afirmar urna certa aceitagáo das hipóteses levantadas.

The movement of Mexican laborers across the international boundary into the southwestern United States has been occurring since the establishment of a boundary in that area. It is a natural movement of worker toward the source of work. Interests of the governments involved have caused checks to be placed upon this movement of workers. Public Law 78 represented one of the recent attempts of the United States government, through co-operation with the Mexican government, to regulate the movement of migrant workers.

In this article I will briefly trace the history of PL 78. The impact of this law upon Mexico and its relevance for United States relations with that country are of importance.

Almost from the inception of the Spanish Inquisition which sought to stifle scientific investigation and philosophical speculation while rejecting foreign ideologies, contrary currents existed in Spain. The liberal humanistic movement headed by Erasmus preached intellectual freedom and a defense of interior religión. This ideology never disappeared in Spain in spite of the formation of the Company of Jesus by Ignacio de Loyola and the efforts of Spanish theologians who promoted the Counter Reformation at the Council of Trent. Under Felipe II foreign ideas were forbidden as heretical and interpretations independent of the Church were stifled. Nevertheless, criticism of the status quo continued. Reginaldo González Montano wrote the first attack on the Inquisition, Sanctae Inquisitioms Hispanicae in 1567.