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Published online by Cambridge University Press: 06 June 2018
This essay maps the transformation of security from a symbol of authoritarian government under the Cold War paradigm of National Security into a public good and a policy field acknowledged as legitimate and democratic by politicians and policy experts. Using present-day Argentina as an example, we show how security ideas gain dominance across the political spectrum, displacing and subordinating democratic politics conceived in terms of rights. As institutions increasingly accept security measures and pre-emptive risk management, a securitising discourse – despite its claims to advocate for the ‘citizen’ – trumps governance and the rule of law. Appealing to citizens’ concerns and rights, the new forms of securitisation may yet undermine democratic life.
Este ensayo traza la transformación de la seguridad desde símbolo de gobiernos autoritarios bajo el paradigma de la Seguridad Nacional durante la Guerra Fría en un bien público legítimo y en campo de políticas con credenciales democráticas. Utilizando como ejemplo a la Argentina de hoy, mostramos cómo las ideas de seguridad ganan terreno en espectro político, desplazando y subordinando a las políticas democráticas concebidas en términos de derechos. A medida que las instituciones incorporan medidas de seguridad y el manejo preventivo de riesgos, a pesar de sus promesas de ‘ciudadanía’, un discurso de securitización se impone sobre el gobierno y el estado de derecho. Apelando a los temores y derechos ciudadanos, las nuevas formas de securitización continúan minando la vida democrática.
Este ensaio mapeia a transformação da segurança de símbolo de um governo autoritário sob o paradigma de Segurança Nacional da Guerra Fria a um bem público legítimo e um domínio de política pública que reivindica credenciais democráticas. Usando a Argentina de hoje como exemplo, demonstramos como ideias de segurança ganham domínio ao longo do espectro político, deslocando e subordinando políticas democráticas idealizadas em termos de direitos. À medida que instituições cada vez mais acomodam medidas de segurança e gerenciamento preventivo de risco, apesar de suas promessas de ‘cidadania’, um discurso de securitização avança sobre a governança e o Estado de direito. Apelando aos interesses e aos direitos dos cidadãos, as novas formas de securitização podem novamente debilitar a vida democrática.
1 ‘Human rights and security are terms of the same equation’: Discurso de la Presidenta de la Nación Argentina, Dra. Cristina Fernández de Kirchner, en el Día Universal de los Derechos Humanos, 10 Dec. 2010, available at https://es.wikisource.org/wiki/Discurso_de_Cristina_Fernández_en_el_Día_Universal_de_los_Derechos_Humanos (last access 23 April 2018).
2 Eric Massey and Dave Huitema, ‘The Emergence of Climate Change Adaptation as a New Field of Public Policy in Europe’, Regional Environmental Change, 16: 2 (2016), pp. 553–64.
3 Stassen, Kristien R., Smolders, Roel and Leroy, Pieter, ‘Sensitizing Events as a Trigger for Discursive Renewal and Institutional Change in Flanders' Environmental Health Approach, 1970s–1990s’, Environmental Health, 12 (2013), pp. 1–11CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
4 Massey and Huitema, ‘The Emergence of Climate Change Adaptation’.
5 Buzan, Barry and Wæver, Ole, ‘Macrosecuritization and Security Constellations: Reconsidering Scale in Securitization Theory’, Review of International Studies, 35: 2 (2009), pp. 253–76CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed. For a description of the Copenhagen School's theory of securitisation, see H. Stritzel, ‘Securitization Theory and the Copenhagen School’, in his Security in Translation: Securitization Theory and the Localization of Threat (London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2014), pp. 11–37.
6 Barry Buzan, ‘Security, the State, the “New World Order,” and Beyond’, in Ronnie Lipschutz (ed.), On Security (New York: Columbia University Press, 1995), pp. 189–91. Over the centuries, security practices have developed into a field accompanying state identification of threats to be dealt with by any means, including force.
7 Brian Loveman, For la Patria: Politics and the Armed Forces in Latin America (Wilmington, DE: SR Books, 1999); Alain Touraine, The Military and the State in Latin America (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1987); Patrice McSherry, Predatory States: Operation Condor and Covert War in Latin America (Lanham, MD: Rowman and Littlefield, 2005).
8 Gabriel Kessler, ‘Inseguridad subjetiva: Nuevo campo de investigación y de políticas públicas’, in Alejandro Álvarez, Julián Bertranou and Damián Fernández Pedemonte (eds.), Estado, democracia y seguridad ciudadana. Aportes para el debate (Buenos Aires: Programa de Naciones Unidas para el Desarrollo [PNUD], 2008), pp. 107–42; Santiago Galar, ‘Movilización colectiva, acción política y percepción del delito: La justicia y la seguridad como objetos de disputa simbólica y política en la Argentina democrática’, Cuestiones de Sociología, 5–6 (2009), pp. 145–64; Mercedes Calzado and Shila Vilker, ‘Retóricas impolíticas y seguridad. Sobre los modos de interpelación de las víctimas’, Segurança Urbana e Juventude, Araraquara, 3: 1 (2010), available at https://periodicos.fclar.unesp.br/seguranca/article/view/2892 (last access 24 April 2018).
9 Rudolph W. Giuliani, ‘Toward a Realistic Peace’, Foreign Affairs, 86: 5 (2007), pp. 2–18.
10 As with the rise of fear of crime and security concerns in Argentina, political discourse helps to advance and legitimise certain forms of power, policies and practices. Michel Foucault's concept of ‘discursive practices’ helps to illuminate the complex, nuanced relations between discourse and practices, and the rise and evolution of policy fields. In addition to explicitly political discourse, disciplines as fields of knowledge, e.g., psychiatry, criminology, contribute to advance, legitimise and naturalise disciplinary practices and the treatment of individuals judged deviant. For an excellent, succinct introduction to the concept of ‘discursive practices’ in Foucault's work, see Clare O'Farrell, Michel Foucault (London: Sage Publications, 2005), pp. 79–81. On the importance of discourse in the evolution of policy fields, see Kennet Lynggaard, ‘The Institutional Construction of a Policy Field: A Discursive Institutional Perspective on Change within the Common Agricultural Policy’, Journal of European Public Policy, 14 (2007), pp. 293–312 and Stassen et al., ‘Sensitizing Events’. On the importance of discourse in the security field, see Ole Wæver, ‘Securitization and Desecuritization’, in Lipschutz (ed.), On Security, pp. 46–86 and Buzan and Wæver, ‘Macrosecuritization and Security Constellations’. On the importance of discourse to security practices in Argentina, see Carmen Ferradás, ‘The Nature of Illegality under Neoliberalism and Post-Neoliberalism’, PoLAR : Political and Legal Anthropology Review, 36: 2 (2013), pp. 266–73; Guillermina Seri, Seguridad: Crime, Police Power and Democracy in Argentina (New York: Continuum, 2012); Ieva Jusionyte, Savage Frontier: Making News and Security on the Argentine Border (Oakland, CA: University of California Press, 2015); and Michelle D. Bonner, Policing Protest in Argentina and Chile (Boulder, CO: First Forum Press, 2014).
11 David Mosse, ‘Is Good Policy Unimplementable? Reflections on the Ethnography of Aid Policy and Practice’, Development and Change, 35: 4 (2004), p. 646.
12 Michael McLure, ‘Policy Elites’, in Philip Anthony O'Hara (ed.), International Encyclopedia of Public Policy – Governance in a Global Age, vol. 3: Public Policy and Political Economy (Perth: GPERU, 2009), pp. 501–18.
13 Mosse, ‘Is Good Policy Unimplementable?’, p. 648, emphasis in original.
14 Kathryn Sikkink and Carrie Booth Walling, ‘Argentina and Global Trends in Transitional Justice’, in Naomi Roht-Arriaza and Javier Mariezcurrena (eds.), Transitional Justice in the Twenty-First Century (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2010), p. 313; Marcelo Saín, ‘Situación de la seguridad pública en la Argentina. Análisis de coyuntura y prospectiva’, in Álvarez et al. (eds.), Estado, democracia y seguridad ciudadana, pp. 61–106; Máximo Sozzo, ‘Metamorfosis de los discursos y las prácticas sobre seguridad urbana en la Argentina’, in Lucía Dammert and John Bailey (eds.), Seguridad y reforma policial en las Américas: Experiencias y desafíos (Mexico City: Siglo Veintiuno Editores, 2005), pp. 39–57.
15 Oisín Tansey, ‘Process Tracing and Elite Interviewing: A Case for Non-probability Sampling’, PS: Political Science and Politics, 40 (2007), p. 766; Alan Cienki and Dvora Yanow, ‘Linguistic Approaches to Analysing Policies and the Political’, Journal of International Relations and Development, 16 (2013), pp. 167–76.
16 Lynggaard, ‘Institutional Construction of a Policy Field’, p. 298.
17 Stassen et al., ‘Sensitizing Events’, p. 3.
18 Layna Mosley, ‘Introduction: “Just Talk to People”? Interviews in Contemporary Political Science’, in Layna Mosley (ed.), Interview Research in Political Science (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2013), pp. 1–28.
19 Buzan and Wæver, ‘Macrosecuritization’, p. 266.
20 Ibid.
21 John Edward Deukmedjian, ‘Making Sense of Neoliberal Securitization in Urban Policing and Surveillance’, Canadian Review of Sociology, 50: 1 (2013), pp. 52–73.
22 See for example Paulina Matta (ed.), Conversaciones públicas para ciudades más seguras (Santiago: Ediciones SUR, 2000); Fernando Carrión (ed.), Seguridad ciudadana, ¿espejismo o realidad? (Quito: FLACSO Ecuador, OPS/OMS, 2002); Gabriel Kessler (ed.), Seguridad y ciudadanía: Nuevos paradigmas y políticas públicas (Buenos Aires: Edhasa, 2009); Marcelo Bergman and Laurence Whitehead (eds.), Criminality, Public Security, and the Challenge to Democracy in Latin America (Notre Dame, IN: University of Notre Dame Press, 2009).
23 Seri, Seguridad: Crime, Police Power and Democracy, p. 6.
24 Ferradás, ‘The Nature of Illegality’, p. 270.
25 Jusionyte, Savage Frontier, p. 66.
26 Massey and Huitema, ‘The Emergence of Climate Change Adaptation’.
27 Mary Rose Kubal, ‘Transnational Policy Networks and Public Security Policy in Argentina and Chile’, in Jordi Díez and Susan Franceschet (eds.), Comparative Public Policy in Latin America (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2012), pp. 176–202.
28 Angelina Snodgrass Godoy, ‘Democracy, “Mano dura,” and the Criminalization of Politics’, in Rachel A. May and Andrew K. Milton (eds.), (Un)Civil Societies: Human Rights and Democratic Transitions in Eastern Europe and Latin America (Lanham, MD: Lexington Books, 2006), pp. 111–14.
29 CONADEP, Nunca Más (Buenos Aires: EUDEBA, 1984), ch. 5.
30 Ibid.
31 Bonner, Policing Protest; J. Martínez, M. Croccia, L. Eilbaum and V. Lekerman, ‘Consejos de seguridad barriales, participación ciudadana. Los miedos y las libertades’, in Máximo Sozzo (ed.), Seguridad urbana. Nuevos problemas, nuevas perspectivas (Santa Fé: UNL, 1999), p. 139.
32 F. M. Rosúa and R. Sagarduy, ‘La seguridad en el Estado de Derecho: Algunas medidas posibles desde las provincias’, in ibid., pp. 132–5.
33 Sozzo, ‘Metamorfosis de los discursos’.
34 Interview with Luis Abelardo Patti, Escobar, Argentina, July 2001. Patti, who left the police in 1992 to start a political career, faced numerous accusations of torture, kidnappings and murder during his tenure with the police. Finally, in 2011, he was sentenced to life in prison for the disappearance and murder of representative Diego Muñiz Barreto and of activist Gastón Gonçalvez during the military dictatorship.
35 ‘Zaffaroni a Massa: “Si quiere hacer campaña que la pague, que no la haga a costa mía”’, Infonews, 14 March 2014, available at www.infonews.com/nota/129380/zaffaroni-a-massa-si-quiere-hacer-campana-que-la-pague-que-no-la-haga-a-costa-mia (last access 25 April 2018).
36 Fernando Soriano, ‘“Hay que meter bala a los delincuentes”, su polémica propuesta’, Clarín, 30 Nov. 2015.
37 The word seguridad conflates meanings of personal safety and public security, in ways that do not translate exactly into a single English word.
38 Néstor Kirchner was president from 2003 to 2007. He was succeeded by his wife, Cristina Fernández de Kirchner, whose second term expired in December 2015.
39 Isidoro Cheresky, ‘In the Name of the People: The Possibilities and Limits of a Government Relying on Public Opinion’, in Edward Epstein and David Pion-Berlin (eds.), Broken Promises: The Argentine Crisis and Argentine Democracy (Lanham, MD: Lexington Books, 2006), pp. 207–30. The ‘Blumberg Laws’ – reforms to the Penal Code sponsored by Juan Carlos Blumberg following the kidnap and murder of his son – were swiftly passed in Congress between April and May 2004, making carrying guns a non-bailable crime (Law No. 25,882), extending maximum prison sentences from 25 to 50 years (Law No. 25,928), introducing harsher prison terms for violent crimes (Laws Nos. 25,892 and 25,893), and mandating the registration of mobile (cell) phones (Law No. 25,891).
40 Marcelo Saín, El Leviatán Azul: Policía y política en la Argentina (Buenos Aires: Siglo Veintiuno Editores, 2008); Mercedes Celina Calzado and Ana Laura Lobo, ‘Riesgos, subjetividades y demandas de seguridad: Reflexiones para la investigación de demandas de seguridad’, Nómadas. Revista Crítica de Ciencias Sociales y Jurídicas, 22: 2 (2009), available at https://revistas.ucm.es/index.php/NOMA/article/view/NOMA0909240031A (last access 7 May 2018); Galar, ‘Movilización colectiva’; Calzado and Vilker, ‘Retóricas impolíticas’.
41 Galar, ‘Movilización colectiva’, p. 150, emphasis added.
42 See note 39.
43 Saín, El Leviatán Azul.
44 ‘Acuerdo para la seguridad democrática’, available at www.cels.org.ar/common/documentos/acuerdo_para_la_seguridad_democratica.pdf (last access 25 April 2018).
45 Bonner, Policing Protest, p. 74.
46 ‘Entrevista a Nilda Garré en televisión’, Taringa!, 16 March 2011, available at www.taringa.net/posts/noticias/9754258/Entrevista-a-Nilda-Garre-en-Television.html (last access 26 April 2018).
47 Interview with Eduardo Estévez, security sector consultant at the Fundación de Estudios Económicos y Políticas Públicas, Buenos Aires, Argentina, 11 Aug. 2012.
48 Gendarmería Nacional Argentina, ‘Quiénes somos’, available at www.argentina.gob.ar/gendarmeria/que-hacemos (last access 26 April 2018).
49 Law No. 18,398, ‘Prefectura Naval Argentina. Misión y funciones’, art. 16.
50 Sabina Frederic, ‘Modos de dar seguridad, adaptación y obediencia en el escenario de re-despliegue territorial de la Gendarmería Nacional Argentina’, Estudios, 32 (July–Dec. 2014), pp. 219–41.
51 CORREPI, ‘Antirrepresivo. Informe anual de la situación represiva. Archivo de casos 2015’, 26 Nov. 2015, available at issuu.com/luciasanci/docs/antirrepresivo2015/15 (last access 26 April 2018) (updated estimates from Nov. 2016).
52 Ibid.
53 ‘Sergio Berni: “Estamos asqueados de que un grupo minúsculo corte la calle”’, La Nación, 31 Jan. 2014.
54 ‘A Step Away from the Greater Homeland’, Buenos Aires Herald, 30 Oct. 2014.
55 ‘Berni Says Criminals Come to Argentina due to “Judicial Laxity”’, Buenos Aires Herald, 25 Oct. 2014.
56 Alfredo Leuco, ‘La grieta interna K’, Perfil.com, 9 Sept. 2014, available at http://www.perfil.com/columnistas/la-grieta-interna-k-0912-0065.phtml (last access 26 April 2018); Fernando Laborda, ‘La derechización del kirchnerismo’, La Nación, 9 Sept. 2014.
57 ‘Berni le contestó a Garré: “Tiene compromiso con los derechos de los delincuentes”’, Clarín, 3 Dec. 2014.
58 ‘A Step Away’.
59 Marcelo Veneranda, ‘Sergio Massa: “Tenemos los brazos abiertos para peronistas y radicales”’, La Nación, 20 Oct. 2013.
60 ‘Transcripción completa del debate presidencial entre Macri y Scioli’, La Nación, 15 Nov. 2015, emphasis added.
61 Daniel Gallo, ‘Seguridad: Para los candidatos, un laberinto de reformas con eje en la Policía Federal’, La Nación, 15 Sept. 2015.
62 Michelle D. Bonner, ‘“Never Again”: Transitional Justice and Persistent Police Violence in Argentina’, The International Journal of Transitional Justice, 8 (2014), p. 253.
63 CORREPI, ‘Antirrepresivo’, p. 18.
64 Instituto de Políticas Públicas en Derechos Humanos del Mercosur, Producción y gestión de información y conocimiento en el campo de la seguridad ciudadana: Los casos de Argentina, Brasil, Paraguay y Uruguay (Buenos Aires: IPPDH, 2012), available at http://www.ippdh.mercosur.int/wp-content/uploads/2014/08/seguridad_ciudadana_final.pdf (last access 26 April 2018).
65 Our corpus includes a set of 17 interviews with former and current high-ranking public security officers representing all of the branches of the Argentine internal security system carried out between June and August 2001 by Seri and ten interviews with federal and provincial public security officials and non-governmental policy experts (many former governmental officials) conducted by Kubal in July and August 2009 and August 2012. In order to round out the sample, 19 media interviews with 15 former and current politicians and public officials were included. The software was developed by Will Lowe as part of the Identity Project at Harvard's Weatherhead Center for International Affairs. A copy can be downloaded from the Yoshikoder homepage: conjugateprior.org/software/yoshikoder/
66 The plot in Figure 1 gives the name and interview year of the individual politicians and policy experts referred to in the text, as well as of the model texts. The interviewees are representative of the security field and include politicians and their staff members, provincial and national public security officials, academics and consultants, civil servants working with the police, and members of the judiciary and their staff members. While one of the authors has conducted extensive interviews with police officers, these are not included in this analysis as our focus is on those responsible for making and implementing security policy, rather than those charged with law enforcement.
67 Laver, Michael and Gary, John, ‘Estimating Policy Positions from Political Texts’, American Journal of Political Science, 44: 3 (2000), pp. 619–34CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Laver, Michael, Benoit, Kenneth and Garry, John, ‘Extracting Policy Positions from Political Texts Using Words as Data’, American Political Science Review, 97: 2 (2003), pp. 311–31CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Régis Dandoy, ‘Comparing Party Manifestos in Belgium: The Multilingual Challenge’, paper presented at the Politicologenetmaal Workshop ‘Comparing Different Conceptions and Measures of Party Positions’, Nijmegen, Netherlands, 28–29 May 2009. There is a rich research tradition of using software-supported content analysis to compare policy positions in European party platforms.
68 Sozzo, ‘Metamorfosis de los discursos’, pp. 55–6.
69 Amnistía Internacional, Un futuro seguro basado en derechos humanos para todas las personas: Recomendaciones a los estados antes de la Quinta Cumbre de las Américas, AMR 01/001/2009 (Madrid: Editorial Amnistía Internacional, 2009), available at https://www.amnesty.org/download/Documents/44000/amr010012009spa.pdf (last access 26 April 2018).
70 United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime, ‘Directrices para la prevención del delito’, Resolución 2002/13 del Consejo Económico y Social, anexo, in Recopilación de reglas y normas de las Naciones Unidas en la esfera de la prevención del delito y la justicia penal (New York: UN, 2007), pp. 303–12, available at www.unodc.org/unodc/es/justice-and-prison-reform/compendium.html (last access 26 April 2018).
71 Wilson, James Q. and Kelling, George L., ‘Ventanas rotas: La policía y la seguridad en los barrios’, trans. Daniel Fridman, Delito y Sociedad: Revista de Ciencias Sociales, 15–16 (2001), pp. 67–79Google Scholar; Giuliani, Rudolph W., ‘Hacia una paz realista: Para defender la civilización y derrotar a los terroristas al amparo del sistema internacional’, Foreign Affairs: Latinoamérica, 7: 4 (2007), pp. 121–39Google Scholar.
72 Will Lowe, ‘Yoshikoder: An Open Source Multilingual Content Analysis Tool for Social Scientists’, unpubl. manuscript, 2006, available at http://www.researchgate.net/profile/Will_Lowe/publication/251551334_Yoshikoder_An_Open_Source_Multilingual_Content_Analysis_Tool_for_Social_Scientists/links/544186a40cf2e6f0c0f62f28.pdf (last access 26 April 2018).
73 For a more detailed discussion of our methods as well as a copy of the dictionaries see Guillermina Seri and Mary Rose Kubal, ‘Elite Discourse on Law and Public Security in Democratic Argentina’, paper presented at the 2013 Congress of the Latin American Studies Association, Washington, DC, 29 May–1 June 2013.
74 Carina Costello, ‘Entrevista a Eugenio Burzaco, ex titular de la Policía Metropolitana: “En seguridad son muchos los errores y los resultados están a la vista”’, El Tribuno Salta, 21 Oct. 2012; interview with León Arslanián, former national justice minister and provincial security minister for Buenos Aires province, Buenos Aires, 8 Aug. 2012.
75 ‘Para combatir la inseguridad, la Policía y la Justicia son condiciones necesarias pero no suficientes’, Diario Judicial, 16 July 2010.
76 Ibid.
77 Luis Moreiro and Gabriel Di Nicola, ‘Montenegro: “La inseguridad es una realidad”’, La Nación, 4 Aug. 2012.
78 Ferradás, ‘The Nature of Illegality’; Seri, Seguridad: Crime, Police Power and Democracy.
79 Galar, ‘Movilización colectiva, acción política y percepción del delito’; Calzado and Vilker, ‘Retóricas impolíticas’; Calzado and Lobo, ‘Riesgos, subjetividades y demandas de seguridad’.
80 The difference between these interview results and those for the progressive reformers could be an artifact of the questions asked in the media interviews. However, all the interviews – ours and the media ones – included general questions about public security and law and order issues. The Montenegro text is fairly short (1,769 words) but it is longer than the text we have for Security Secretary Berni (1,183 words), who used the term ‘citizen security’ twice. The length of the Burzaco text (3,665 words) is similar to those of Palmieri (3,799 words) and Arslanián (3,951 words).
81 Arslanián is the architect of the two major police reform efforts in the province of Buenos Aires discussed earlier, sponsored respectively by Governor Duhalde and President Néstor Kirchner. Palmieri spent many years at CELS before joining the government as the secretary for coordination, planning and training of the new federal Security Ministry, a position he quit when Secretary Berni gained political salience.
82 According to the Yoshikoder reliability report, the increase in citizen security words from 0.9 per cent of the total number of words in Palmieri's 2001 interview to 2 per cent of the total in the 2012 interview is statistically significant. This could be an artifact of the different questions asked in 2001 and 2012, as the questions asked reflected the dominant discourses of the time (in 2001 questions were asked specifically about mano dura and in 2012 there were questions specifically addressed to citizen security and democratic security). However, this is unlikely to account completely for the change in the discourse of the interviewees, as the interviews included several open-ended questions on issues of public security.
83 Interview with Marcelo Saín, former provincial security vice-minister for Buenos Aires province and civilian head of the Aeronautical Police, Ezeiza, Buenos Aires, 28 July 2009.
84 Interview with Alberto Binder, vice-president of the Instituto Latinoamericano de Seguridad y Democracia (Latin American Institute of Security and Democracy, ILSED), Buenos Aires, 6 Aug. 2009.
85 Interview with Arslanián, Buenos Aires, 8 Aug. 2012.
86 ‘Transcripción completa’.
87 ‘Los planes de Macri y Scioli en 20 respuestas’, Clarín, 18 Nov. 2015.
88 ‘En seguridad, es mejor asesorarse con Scotland Yard que con los EE UU’, Tiempo Argentino, 17 Feb. 2011.
89 Federico Fashbender, ‘Comenzó la transición en seguridad: Reunión entre Sergio Berni, Patricia Bullrich y Eugenio Burzaco’, Infobae, 2 Dec. 2015.
90 ‘Eugenio Burzaco se diferencia de Sergio Berni: “Yo no voy a aparecer en helicóptero”’, La Nación, 27 Nov. 2015.
