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Published online by Cambridge University Press: 24 April 2015
“Reformation denial” has become the new fashion among Western historians today. A generation ago, the sixteenth century Protestant Reformation was almost universally regarded as a formative era in the development of Western ideas and institutions. Today, it is regularly described as an historians' fiction and historical failure. Martin Luther, John Calvin, Thomas Cranmer, and other sixteenth century figures certainly called for reforms of all sorts, recent interpretations allow. But they inspired no real reformation. Their ideas had little impact on the beliefs and behavior of common people. Their policies perpetuated elitism and chauvinism more than they cultivated equality and liberty. Their reforms tended to obstruct nascent movements for democracy and market economy and to inspire new excesses in the patriarchies of family, church, and state.
1. See critical commentary and sources in Hamm, Berndt, Moeller, Bernd, Wendenbourg, Dorothea (hrsg), Reformations-Theorien: ein kirchenhistorischer Disput über Einheit und Vielfalt der Reformation (Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1995)Google Scholar; Hendrix, Scott, Reformation Impossible? 35 Dialog 204–208 (1996)Google Scholar; Ozment, Steven, Protestants: The Birth of a Revolution ix-xiii, 1–7 (Doubleday, 1992)Google Scholar. For a good example of this new historiography at work in the history of education, see Strauss, Gerald, Luther's House of Learning: Indoctrination of the Young in the Lutheran Reformation (Johns Hopkins U Press, 1978)Google Scholar.
2. Brady, Thomas A. Jr., Oberman, Heiko A., Tracy, James D., eds, 1 Handbook of European History 1400 - 1600: Late Middle Ages, Renaissance, and Reformation xiii-xv (E.J. Brill, 1994)Google Scholar.
3. Id at xv-xvi.
4. Id at xvii.
5. Schulze, R., “Reformation (Rechtsquelle),” in Handwörterbuch zur deutschen Rechtsgeschichte 468 (Berlin, 1990)Google Scholar.
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7. The most important of these early legal reformations were in Nürnberg (1479), Worms (c 1499), and Frankfurt am Main (1509), reprinted in Kunkel, Wolfgang, Thieme, Hans & Beyerle, Franz (hrsg), 1 Quellen zur neueren Privatrechtgeschichte Deutschland (H. Bohlaus Nachfolger, 1936)Google Scholar, and discussed in Waldmann, Daniel, Entstehung der Nürnberger Reformation von 1479 (G.P.J. Bieling-Dietz, 1908)Google Scholar, Koehne, Carl, Die Wormser Stadtrechtsreformation vom Jahre 1499 (Speyer & Peters, 1897)Google Scholar, and Coing, Helmut, Die Rezeption des römischen Rechts in Frankfurt am Main (Verlag Herman Böhlaus Nachfolger, repr ed, 1962)Google Scholar. For a summary of more recent literature, see van Kappen, Olav Moorman, Stadtrechtsreformationen des 16. Jahrhunderts in den Niederlanden, in Stolleis, Michael (hrsg), Recht, Verfassung und Verwaltung in der frühneuzeitlichen Stadt 141–49 (Bühlau, 1991)Google Scholar.
8. For literature, see Coing, Helmut (hrsg), 1-2/2 Handbuch der Quellen und Literatur der neueren europäischen Privatrechtsgeschichte (Paul Siebeck, 1973–1977)Google Scholar.
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11. See sources and discussion in Witte, John Jr., The Transformation of Marriage Law in the Lutheran Reformation, in Witte, John Jr., and Alexander, Frank S., eds, The Weightier Matters of the Law: Essays on Law and Religion: A Tribute to Harold J. Berman 57–98 (Scholars Press, 1988)Google Scholar.
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13. Id.
14. See below notes 37-41.
15. Luther, Martin, An den christlichen Adel deutscher Nation von des christlichen Standes Besserung (1520), item 25, in 6 D. Martini Luthers Werke: Kritische Gesamtausgabe 404 (Hermann Böhlau, repr ed, 1964–10968)Google Scholar [hereinafter Luther, WA], with English translation in Pelikan, Jaroslav and Lehmann, Helmut T., eds, 44 Luther's Works 200–07 (Fortress Press, 1955–1965)Google Scholar [hereinafter Luther, LW].
16. See below note 56 for sources.
17. See below note 123-125 for sources.
18. See below notes 95-117 and accompanying text.
19. See Ozment, Steven, The Reformation in the Cities: The Appeal of Protestantism to Sixteenth-Century Germany and Switzerland 61 and following (Yale U Press, 1975)Google Scholar.
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24. See generally Edwards, Mark U. Jr., Printing, Propaganda, and Martin Luther (U of California Press, 1994)Google Scholar; Luke, Carmen, Pedagogy, Printing, and Protestantism: The Discourse on Childhood (State U of New York Press, 1989)Google Scholar; Scribner, Robert, For the Sake of Simple Folk: Popular Propaganda for the German Reformation (Cambridge U Press, 1981)Google Scholar.
25. The phrase “seminarium civitatis” (literally “seminary of the city”) was used by Melanchthon, Philip, In laudem novae scholae (1526) reprinted in Melanchthon's, 3 Werke in Auswahl 63, 69 (Gütersloher Verlagshaus Mohr, 1951–1983)Google Scholar [hereinafter Melanchthon, MW]. For broader use of the term and concept, see Müller, Gerhard, Philipp Melanchthon zwischen Pädagogik und Theologie, in Reinhard, Wolfgang (hrsg), Humanismus im Bildung des 15. und 16. Jahrhundert 97, 98–99 (Acta humaniora der Verlag Chemie, 1984)Google Scholar. On Melanchthon's title, see Hartfelder, Karl, Philipp Melanchthon als Praeceptor Germaniae (Hofmann, 1899)Google Scholar.
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27. Matt 28:18-20 (King James Version) (emphasis added).
28. Introduction to McHugh, John A. and Callan, Charles J., eds, Catechism of the Council of Trent for Parish Priests, Issued by Order of Pope Pius V xi–xiv (Tan Books and Publishers, Inc., McHugh, and Callan, trans, 1982)Google Scholar; Lerch, , Teaching Authority at 960Google Scholar (cited in note 26).
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32. This was consistent with the Third Lateran Council (1179), canon 18 and the Fourth Lateran Council (1215), canon 11, in Schroeder, H.J., Disciplinary Decrees of the General Councils: Text, Translation, and Commentary 229–30, 252–53 (B. Herder Book Co., 1937)Google Scholar, which were heavily glossed with subsequent commentary and local canonical legislation.
33. Paulsen, , Geschichte at 13Google Scholar and following (cited in note 30).
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39. Eby & Arrowood at 821-25 (cited in note 29). A number of city schools were first founded in the thirteenth and early fourteenth centuries. Id. See a listing at 821.
40. Paulsen, , Geschichte at 34Google Scholar (cited in note 30); Learned, , The Oberlehrer at 4 (cited in note 31)Google Scholar.
41. Oberman, , University at 28–29 (cited in note 23)Google Scholar; Spitz, , The Importance at 47–48 (cited in note 23)Google Scholar.
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43. Quoted by Cole, Percival, A History of Educational Thought 190–91 (London, 1931)Google Scholar.
44. Quoted by Eby, Frederick, The Development of Modern Education in Theory, Organization, and Practice 63 (Prentice-Hall, Inc, 2d ed, 1952)Google Scholar.
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46. Id.
47. Id at 201.
48. Id at 115, 200. See also Luther's letter to his former teacher, Trutvetter, on May 9, 1518: “I believe that it is simply impossible to reform the church, if the canons, the decretals, scholastic theology, philosophy, logic, as they are now taught, are not eliminated from the ground up and other studies established.” Quoted by Spitz, , The Importance at 52 (cited in note 23)Google Scholar.
49. Luther, , 45 LW at 351–52 (cited in note 15)Google Scholar.
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51. See id at 43-72; Burnett, Amy Nelson, Church Discipline and Moral Reformation in the Thought of Martin Bucer, 22 Sixteenth Cent J 439, 440–445 (1991)Google Scholar; Wright, William J., The Impact of the Reformation on Hessian Education, 44 Church Hist 182, 186Google Scholar and following (1975). On Bucer's later efforts at educational reform, see Stupperich, Robert (hrsg), 7 Martin Bucers Deutsche Schriften 509 and following (Gütersloher Verlag Mohr, 1960)Google Scholar and discussion in Diehl, Wilhelm, Martin Bucers Bedeutung für das kirchliche Leben in Hessen, 22 Schriften des Vereins für Reformationsgeschichte 39 (1904)Google Scholar.
52. Johann Apel, Letter to Duke Albrecht of Prussia (1535), quoted by Muther, Theodore, Doctor Johann Apell. Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte der deutschen Jurisprudenz 6 (R. Oldenbourg, 1861)Google Scholar.
53. See Melanchthon, , 3 MW 29–30 (cited in note 25)Google Scholar and other quotes in Hartfelder, , Melanchthon at 413–16 (cited in note 25)Google Scholar.
54. Melanchthon, Dedicatory Epistle to Loci communes theologici (1521), reprinted in Bretschneider, G., et al, eds, 21 Corpus Reformatorum: Melanchthons Werke 83Google Scholar [hereinafter CR] translated in Pauck, Wilhelm, ed, Melanchthon and Bucer 19 (Westminster Press, 1969)Google Scholar.
55. Adversus Rhadinum pro Luthero oration (1521), in Melanchthon, , 1 CR at 286, 342–43 (cited in note 54)Google Scholar. See also letters Melanchthon, , 11 CR at 108, 617 (cited in note 54)Google Scholar.
56. Among the writings of Martin Luther on education, see especially An die Radherrn aller Stedte deutsches lands: das sie Christliche schulen auffrichten und halten sollen [To the Councilmen of All Cities in Germany that they Establish and Maintain Christian Schools] (1524), Luther, , 15 WA at 27 (cited in note 15)Google Scholar; Luther, , 45 LW at 341 (cited in note 15)Google Scholar; Eine Predigt, das man Kinder zur Schulen halten solle [A Sermon on Keeping Children in School] (1530), 30/2WA at 517Google Scholar; 46 LW at 207. Excerpts of these and other writings by Luther on education are translated and collected in Frederick, Eby, ed, Early Protestant Educators: The Educational Writings of Martin Luther, John Calvin, and Other Leaders of Protestant Thought 9–176 (AMS Press, 1971)Google Scholar. Among Philip Melanchthon's writings on the subject, see De artibus liberalibus oratio [An Oration on the Liberal Arts] (1517), in Melanchthon, , 3 MW at 17 (cited in note 25)Google Scholar; De corrigendis adolescentiae studiis [On the Improvement of Lower Education] (1518), 3 MW at 29; In laudem novae scholae [In Praise of the New Schools] (1526), id 3 MW at 63; De restituendis scholis [The Restoration of Schools] (1540), id vol 3 at 105. These and a number of other writings are included in Stempel, H.-A., Melanchthons pädagogischen Wirken (Bielfeld, 1979)Google Scholar. The educational writings of such other leading reformers as Johannes Brenz, Johannes Bugenhagen, Martin Bucer, and Andreas Osiander, are scattered throughout letters and sermons, and referenced below. A number of didactic catechisms and confessional statements on education are included in Kohls, Ernst-Wilhem, Evangelische Katechismen der Reformationszeit vor und neben Martin Luthers kleinem Katechismus (Gütersloher Verlagshaus Mohr, 1971)Google Scholar.
57. For discussion and sources of the two kingdoms theory, see Berman, and Witte, , 62 S Cal L Rev at 1585–95 (cited in note 9)Google Scholar. On Melanchthon's use of the two kingdoms theory to support his theory of education, see Müller, , Melanchthon at 99 (cited in note 25)Google Scholar. On Johannes Bugenhagen's formulations of this theory, see Wolgast, Eike, Bugenhagen in den politischen Krisen seiner Zeit in Leder, Hans-Gunter (hrsg), Johannes Bugenhagen: Gestalt und Wirkung 100 and following (Evangelische Verlagsanstalt, 1984)Google Scholar.
58. Luther, , 41 LW at 176 (cited in note 15)Google Scholar.
59. Luther, , 45 LW at 360 (cited in note 15)Google Scholar.
60. Luther, , 44 LW at 201 (cited in note 15)Google Scholar. For Melanchthon's views, see especially Melanchthon, , 3 MW at 41, 111 (cited in note 25)Google Scholar. For similar sentiments by humanists sympathetic to the evangelical cause, see especially the work of Johannes Sturm (1507-1589), a coworker (of sorts) with Martin Bucer in Strassburg, and crafter of the famous ten-class lower school in Strassburg, that won widespread acclaim in Germany, Switzerland, and France. According to Sturm, “Knowledge and purity and elegance of diction, should become the aim of scholarship and teaching, and both teachers and students should assiduously bend their efforts to this end.” For a good sampling of his writings, see Joannis Sturmii de institutione scholastica opuscula selecta, in Vormbaum, Reinhold (hrsg), 1 Die Evangelischen Schulordnungen des sechszehnten Jahrhunderts 653–745 (C. Bertelsmann, 1860)Google Scholar. See also Sohm, Walter, Die Schule Johann Sturms und die Kirche Strassburgs in ihrem gegenseitigen Verhältnis 1530-1581 (R. Oldenbourg, 1912)Google Scholar.
61. Luther, , 45 LW at 359–61 (cited in note 15)Google Scholar.
62. Id at 353.
63. Quoted by Cole, , History at 193 (cited in note 43)Google Scholar.
64. Luther, , 45 LW at 356 (cited in note 15)Google Scholar. Melanchthon makes a comparable argument: “No art, no work, no fruit … is as valuable as learning. For without laws and judgments, and without religion, the state cannot be held together, nor the human community be assembled and governed. People would wander wildly and kill each other.” Melanchthon, , 3 MW at 65 (cited in note 25)Google Scholar.
65. For Luther's critical appraisal of this popular phrase, see Thiele, Ernst (hrsg), Luthers Sprichtwörtersammlungen 33–34 (H. Böhlaus Nachfolger, 1900)Google Scholar and commentary in Heiko A. Oberman, Die Gelehrten die Verkehrten: Popular Response to Learned Culture in the Renaissance and Reformation, in id, The Impact of the Reformation at 201–24 (Wm. B. Eerdmans Publishing Co., 1994).
66. Luther, somewhat obliquely, ties the school's education to the third (educational) use of the law. See Luther, , 45 LW at 356 (cited in note 15)Google Scholar: “[Sjimple necessity has forced men, even among the heathen, to maintain pedagogues and schoolmasters if their nation was to be brought to a high standard. Hence, the word ‘schoolmaster’ is used by Paul in Galatians [3:24] as a word taken from the common usage and practice of mankind, where he says, “The law was our schoolmaster'.”) Melanchthon makes this connection between school education and the third use of the law explicit in his Catechesis Peurilis (1532/1558), in Melanchthon, , 23 CR at 103, 176–77 (cited in note 54)Google Scholar. See discussion in Müller, , Melanchthon at 103 (cited in note 25)Google Scholar. On the three uses of the law doctrine, see Witte, and Arthur, , 10 J Law and Relig at 434–40 (cited in note 12)Google Scholar.
67. Luther, , 46 LW at 243 (cited in note 15)Google Scholar.
68. Id at 234; see also Luther, , 45 LW at 355–56Google Scholar.
69. Melanchthon, , 1 CR at 70–73 (cited in note 54)Google Scholar. See discussion in Müller, , Melanchthon at 96–98 (cited in note 25)Google Scholar.
70. Luther, , 45 LW at 356 (cited in note 15)Google Scholar. See the comparable language of the Brunswick School Law (1528), quoted below in note 139 and accompanying text.
71. See, for example, Luther, Martin, Von den Consiliis und Kirchen [On Councils and Churches] (1539), in Luther, , 50 WA at 509 (cited in note 15)Google Scholar; Luther, , 41 LW at 176–77 (cited in note 15)Google Scholar:
[T]he schools must be second in importance only to the church, for in them young preachers and pastors are trained, and from them emerge those who replace the ones who die. Next, then, to the school comes the burgher's house, for it supplies the pupils; then the city hall and the castle, which must protect the schools so that they may train children to become pastors, and so that these, in turn, may create churches and children of God.… The first government is that of the home, from which the people come; the second is that of the city, meaning the country, the people, princes, and lords, which we call the secular government. These embrace everything — children, property, money, animals, etc. The home must produce, whereas the city must guard, protect, and defend. Then follows the third, God's own home and city, that is, the church, which must obtain people from the home and protection and defense from the city [i.e., the state]. These are the three hierarchies ordained by God, and we need no more … why should we have the blasphemous, bogus law or government of the pope over and above these three high divine governments, these three divine, natural, and temporal laws of God? It presumes to be everything, yet is in reality nothing. It leads us astray and tears us from these blessed divine estages and laws.
See also Schiele, F.M., Luther und das Luthertum in ihrer Bedeutung für die Geschichte der Schule und der Erziehung, 31 Preussische Jahrbuch 383 (1908)Google Scholar; Falk, F., Luthers Schrift an die Ratsherren der deutschen Städte und ihre geschichtliche Wirkung auf die deutschen Schule, 19 Luther-Jahrbuch 55, 67–71 (1937)Google Scholar who stress that for Luther education is critical to the ordo economicus, ordo ecclesiasticus, and ordo politicus. For Melanchthon's comparable views, see Melanchthon, , 11 CR at 107, 127, 214, 445, 617 (cited in note 54)Google Scholar, and Vol 26 at 90 and discussion in Huschke, Rolf B., Melanchthons Lehre vom Ordo politicus 61Google Scholar and following (G. Mohn, 1968).
72. Luther, , 40 LW at 314Google Scholar and vol 46 at 236-45 (cited in note 15).
73. Luther, , 46 LW at 251–52 (cited in note 15)Google Scholar.
74. See, for example, Short Preface of Dr. Martin Luther [to The Large Catechism] (1529), reprinted in Triglott Concordia: The Symbolic Books of the Ev. Lutheran Church: German-Latin-English 575 (Concordia Publishing House, 1921)Google Scholar [hereinafter TC]: “[I]t is the duty of every father of a family to question and examine his children and servants at least once a week and to ascertain what they know of it, or are learning, and, if they do not know, to keep them faithfully at it.” See discussion in Bruce, Gustav M., Luther as an Educator 213–19 (Greenwood Press, 1979)Google Scholar. See also Melanchthon's views in Melanchthon, , 3 MW at 70 (cited in note 25)Google Scholar; Bucer's views in Bucer, , 7 Deutsche Schriften at 609Google Scholar and following (cited in note 51) and quotations from Bugenhagen, Johannes in Rost, Julius Robert, Die pädagogische Bedeutung Bugenhagens 14–16 (Inaugural Diss., Druck von M. Hoffmann, 1890)Google Scholar.
75. See 1526 Letter of Luther to Elector John of Saxony, in Preserved Smith, and Jacobs, Charles M., trans and eds, 2 Luther's Correspondence and Other Contemporary Letters 384 (The Lutheran Publication Society, 1918)Google Scholar.
76. Luther, , 45 LW at 175–76Google Scholar and 45 LW at 256-57 (cited in note 15). More than a decade after issuing his incendiary Ninety-Five Thesis, Luther still entertained the notion of simply retaining the old monasteries as schools: “It would be a good thing if monasteries and religious foundations were kept for the purpose of teaching young people God's Word, the Scriptures, and Christian morals, so that we might train and prepare fine, capable men to become bishops, pastors, and other servants of the church, as well as competent, learned people for civil government, and fine, respectable, learned women capable of keeping house and rearing children in a Christian way.” Luther, , 37 LW at 161, 364 (cited in note 15)Google Scholar. Johannes Brenz long advocated simply converting the cloisters into Lutheran seminaries, an idea finally realized in his Cloister Ordinance of Württemberg (1556).
77. See [Bugenhagen, Johannes,] Schulordnung aus der Braunschweig'sehen Kirchenordnung (1543), in Vormbaum, , 1 Schulordnungen at 44, 46Google Scholar and following (cited in note 60) and discussion in Rost, , Bugenhagen at 40–42 (cited in note 74)Google Scholar. Bugenhagen was more insistent on church participation in religious instruction of children than some of the other reformers. Indeed, at one point, he charged that pastors who did not help in the establishment of schools and the teaching of Bible and religion were “soft and not worth much.” Quoted by id at 13.
78. Preface to the Small Catechism (1529), reprinted in TC at 536-37 (cited in note 74).
79. See, for example, Melanchthon, , 3 MW at 111 (cited in note 25 )Google Scholar:
[A]ll pious men ought to hope with their most ardent prayers that God prompts the minds of princes to reestablish and endow schools. … This gift God asks especially of princes. For God has created human society so that some might teach others about religion.…Since princes are the custodians of human society, it belongs to them to bring it about, to the extent they are capable, that which God has rightly required. For those who are placed as governors over assemblies of men are not only custodians of their lives, but also of law and discipline. And so God has entrusted human society to their name, to be as gifts of God to them, by protecting religion, justice, discipline, and peace among men, as vicars of God might do. I pray, therefore, that our Lord Jesus Christ, Son of God, might so govern and increase schools that he lead to salvation all those whom He loves and whom He bought back with love.
80. Id.
81. See [Martin Bucer,] Ulm Church Ordinance, provision Von Schulen, quoted and discussed in Kohls, Ernst-Wilhelm, Martin Bucers Anteil und Anliegen bei der Abfassung der Ulmer Kirchenordnung im Jahre 1531, 15 Zeitschrift für evangelischen Kirchenrecht 333, 356 (1970)Google Scholar. See further discussion in Kohls, Ernst-Wilhelm, Die Schule bei Martin Bucer in ihrem Verhältnis zu Kirche und Obrigkeit 33 and following (Quelle & Meyer, 1963)Google Scholar.
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86. Quoted by Eby, , Development at 64 (cited in note 44)Google Scholar.
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89. [Bugenhagen, Johannes,] Schulordnung aus der Braunschweigen Kirchenordnung (1528), in Vormbaum, , 1 Schulordnungen at 8–9 (cited in note 60)Google Scholar.
90. Quoted by Bruce, , Luther as an Educator at 216 (cited in note 74)Google Scholar.
91. Luther, , 30/2WA at 545, 60-63 (cited in note 15)Google Scholar. See also Melanchthon, Philip, Letter to the Mayor and Council of Halle, in Kawerau, Gustav, 2 Der Briefwechsel des Justus Jonas 158 (O. Hendel, 1885)Google Scholar (calling for education of “all persons, rich and poor, common and royal”).
92. In his 1520 manifesto, Luther had also encouraged the development of schools for girls. See Luther, , 44 LW at 206 (cited in note 15)Google Scholar (“[W]ould to God that every town had a girls' school as well, where the girls would be taught the gospel for an hour every day either in German or in Latin.”) and discussion in Karant-Nunn, Susan C., The Reality of Early Lutheran Education: The Electoral District of Saxony—A Case Study, 57 Luther-Jahrbuch 128–146 (1990)Google Scholar. See also Rost, , Bugenhagen at 23–25 (cited in note 74)Google Scholar on Bugenhagen's strong advocacy for girls schools. The reformers' rationale for such girls schools might not be too satisfying to modern readers. Bugenhagen writes: “From such girls schools, we should be able to get many housewives who cling to God's Word and work, continue to reflect on Christ in whom they were baptized, and hold their families and children to Christ and with Christ.” [Bugenhagen, Johannes,] Schutordnung aus der Braunschweig'sehen Kirchenordnung (1543), in Vormbaum, , 1 Schulordnungen 44, 51 (cited note 60)Google Scholar. See similar sentiments by Menius, Justus, Preface to Luther's Catechism (1529), in Schmidt, Gustav L., 2 Justus Menius, Der Reformator Thüringens at 189–90 (F.A. Perthes, 1867)Google Scholar.
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94. Melanchthon, , 3 MW at 63, 69 (cited in note 25)Google Scholar.
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96. Luther, , 44 LW at 205–06 (cited in note 15)Google Scholar.
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98. Melanchthon, , 5 CR at 130 (cited in note 54)Google Scholar.
99. Melanchthon, Philipp, Handtbuchlein wie man die Kinder zu der geschrifft vnd lere halten soll (Michael Blum, 1524/1530)Google Scholar.
100. Melanchthon, , Catechesis Puerilis (1520/40), reprinted in Melanchthon, , 23 CR at 103, 117 (cited in note 54)Google Scholar.
101. Philip Melanchthon, Loci communes theologici (1521) (cited in note 82). Though this work is usually regarded as the first Protestant work of systematic theology, Melanch-thon's dedicatory epistle to Tilemann Plettner, the vice-rector of the University of Wittenberg, makes clear its pedagogical aim: “This study was prepared for the sole purpose of indicating as cogently as possible to my private students the issues at stake in Paul's theology. … [I]n this book, the principal topics of Christian teaching are pointed out so that youth may arrive at a twofold understanding: (1) what one must chiefly look for in Scripture; and (2) how corrupt are the theological hallucinations of those who have offered us the subtleties of Aristotle instead of the teachings of Christ.” Id at 18-19. Melanchthon used many of the topics of his Loci communes to devise the ordination examination for advanced theology schools. See Der ordinanden Examen, wie es in der kirchen zu Wittenberg gebraucht wird in Melanchthon, , 23 CR at xxxv (cited in note 54)Google Scholar.
102. Melanchthon, Philip, Grammatica graeca integra (c 1514), in Melanchthon, , 20 CR at 3 (cited in note 54)Google Scholar; id, Institutio puerilis literarum graecarum (c 1514), in id 181; id, Grammatica latina (1517); id at 193. See also his summary Elementa puerila in id at 391.
103. Section Von Schulen, in Unterricht der Visitatoren an die Pfarhsern im Kurfürstenthum zu Sachssen (1528), reprinted in Richter, Aemilius L., 1 Die Evangelischen Kirchenordnungen des Sechszehnten Jahrhunderts 77, 99 (B. DeGraaf, repr ed, 1967)Google Scholar. This document was drafted by Melanchthon as a distillation of Luther's and his views on a proper educational program; Luther prepared a preface to the instructions. A similar structure appears in the 1528 Brunswick school ordinance drafted by Johannes Bugenhagen. In the Article Von dem arbyde in den Scholen, Bugenhagen indicates: “With regard to the work and exercise in the school, generally it shall be as Philip Melanchthon has prescribed in the book with the title, ‘Instructions to the Visitors in the Parishes, etc.’” Reprinted in Vormbaum, , 1 Schulordnungen at 8, 14 (cited in note 60)Google Scholar.
104. See Johannis Sturmii de insitutione scholastica opuscula selecta, in 1 Schulordnungen at 653–745Google Scholar (cited in note 60). See also Collange, J.F., Philippe Melanchthon et Jean Sturm, Humanistes et Pédagogues de la Réforme, 68 Revue d'histoire et de philosophie religieuses 5, 8–15 (1988)Google Scholar.
105. See Neander, Michael, Bedenken, wie ein Knabe zu leiten und zu unterweisen, in Vormbaum, , Schulordnungen at 746–65 (cited in note 60)Google Scholar.
106. Luther, , 44 LW at 206–07 (cited in note 15)Google Scholar; see also his preface to Unterricht der Visitatoren (cited in note 103).
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108. See discussion in Rost, , Bugenhagen at 20–30Google Scholar (cited in note 74) and sources cited therein. But compare Strauss, , Luther's House of Learning at 21Google Scholar (cited in note 1) who argues that Bugenhagen “was not much interested in popular instruction beyond ‘something evangelical and a few Christian hymns’,” citing in support Bugenhagen's 1529 Hamburg school ordinance, which Strauss says made “no arrangement for German schools.” In reality, however, Bugenhagen was a champion of the vernacular schools, and included in his Hamburg school laws, as well as many others that he drafted, provisions for vernacular boys schools and girls schools. See Der Erbaren Stadt Hamborg Christliche Ordeninge (1529), Art 6 (Van deudeschen Schryffschole) and Art 7 (Van der Jungkfruwen Schote), in Richter, , 1 Kirchenordnungen at 127–28 (cited in note 103)Google Scholar.
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110. Id. See also his later tract Against the Antinomians (1539), in Luther, , 47 LW at 99 (cited in note 15)Google Scholar.
111. Preface to the Small Catechism (1529), in TC at 532-33 (cited in note 74).
112. Luther, Tischreden, no 6008.
113. See particularly Strauss, , Luther's House of Learning at 155Google Scholar and following (cited in note 108); Richard Gawthrop and Strauss, Gerald, Protestantism and Literacy in Early Modern Germany, 104 Past and Present 31, 35 and following (1984)Google Scholar.
114. Preface to the Small Catechism (1529), in TC at 532-33 (cited in note 74).
115. See Jean Gerson, Opusculum tripartitum de praeceptis decalogi, de confessione, et de arte moriendi (1487), and discussion in Harold J. Grimm, Luther's Catechisms as Textbooks, in Grimm, Harold J. & Hoelty-Nickel, Theodore, eds, Luther and Culture 119, 121 (Luther College Press, 1960)Google Scholar. On the profusion of fifteenth century Catholic catechisms, and the reformers' eventual dependence on them, see Geffcken, Johannes, Der Bildercate-chismus des fünfzehnten Jahrhunderts, und die catechestischen Haupstücke in dieser Zeil bis auf Luther (Leipzig, 1855)Google Scholar; Buchwald, Georg, Die Entstehung der Katechismen Luthers und die Grundlage des grossen Katechismus (G. Wigand, 1894)Google Scholar; Catechism of the Council of Trent at xvii-xx (cited in note 28).
116. See Melanchthon, Catechesis puerilis (1532/1558) (cited in note 100), and reprinted with those of his students Camerarius, Joachim and Alesius, Alexander in Katéchésis tou Christianismou (Valentin Bapst, 1552)Google Scholar. The latter text had wide use in the upper Latin school classes and in theology faculties of the German universities. On Bucer's three catechisms published before 1526, see Burnett, , Church Discipline at 441 (cited in note 51)Google Scholar; Ernst, August and Adam, Johann, Katechetische Geschichte des Elsasses bis zur Revolution 115 and following (F. Bull, 1897)Google Scholar. For Brenz's 1527 catechism, see Hartmann, Julius, 1 Johann Brenz: nach gedruckten und ungedruckten Quellen 123–31 (F. Perthes, 1840)Google Scholar; for his 1533 Catechism or Children's Sermons, see Ozment, , Protestants at 104–17 (cited in note 1)Google Scholar.
117. See the collection in Kohls, Evangelische Katechismen (cited in note 56); see also Kawerau, Gustav (hrsg), Zwei älteste Katechismen der lutherischen Reformation von P. Shultz und Chr. Hegendorf 3–17 (Max Niemeyer, 1890)Google Scholar. The catechism of the evangelical jurist and theologian Christoph Hegendorf, a friend of Melanchthon and the Lutheran schoolmaster Hermann Tulichius, circulated broadly both in Germany under the title Die zehen Gepot der glaub, und das Vater unser, für die kinder ausgelegt (Wittenberg, 1527) (reprinted in Kawerau, cited above at 51-59), and (in expanded form) in England under the title, Domestycal or householde Sermons, for a godly householder, to his children und famyly (London, 1543)Google Scholar. Though I have no evidence that Luther and Hegendorf collaborated directly in preparing their respective catechisms, their catechisms bear striking resemblances in organization and content.
118. On the conservative character of the reformers' educational reforms, see esp Scheel, Otto, Luther und die Schule seiner Zeit, Jahrbuch der Luthergesellschaft 141, 142 and following (1925)Google Scholar.
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120. Id at 234.
121. Id at 243.
122. Id at 229, 242.
123. The best collections are in Vormbaum, Schulordnungen (cited in note 60); Reu, Johann M., 1 Quellen zur Geschichte des kirchlichen Unterrichts in der evangelischen Kirche Deutschlands zwischen 1530 und 1600 (C. Bertelsmann, 1911)Google Scholar; Goebel, Klaus, Luther in der Schule: Beiträge zur Erziehungs- und Schulgeschichte: Pädagogik und Theologie (Studienverlag N. Brockmeyer, 1985)Google Scholar; Klink, Günter, Dietrich, Theo & Klink, Job-Guenter, Zur Geschichte der Volksschule (Verlag Julius Klinkhardt, 1964)Google Scholar.
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125. The best collections are in Kunkel et al, Quellen (cited in note 7) (2 vols). I have translated the term “polizei” (which today means literally “police”) with the phrase “public policy,” to reflect contemporary usage. “Polizei” had a two-fold meaning in circa 1500: (1) a condition of good order in the public realm; and (2) the legal provisions directed at producing that order. See id, Vol 2/1, introduction; Erler, Adalbert and Kaufmann, Ekkehard (hrsg), 3 Handwörterbuch zur deutschen Rechtsgeschichte cols 1800-03 (Erich Schmidt Verlag, 1984)Google Scholar. These two meanings of the term were effectively conflated during the Lutheran Reformation to connote the notion of the state's public policy designed to foster the general welfare and common good (Gemeinnutz). See, for example, the classic political manual of the Lutheran jurist, Johann Oldendorp, Von Rathschlagen, Wie man gute Policey und Ordnung in Stedten und Landen erhalten möge [Of Political Matters: How to Maintain Good Policy and Order in Cities and Towns] (Excudebat Christopherus Reus-nerus, 1597; fascimilie reprint Glashütten im Taunus, 1971). See discussion in Scribner, R.W., Police and the Territorial State in Sixteenth Century Württemberg, in Kouri, E.I. and Scott, Tom, eds, Politics and Society in Reformation Europe 103 and following (MacMillan, 1987)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Zimmermann, , Territorialstaat at 384Google Scholar and following (cited in note 95).
126. Unless otherwise noted, these ordinances are all collected in the volumes by Richter, Sehling, Neu, and Vormbaum cited notes 123-124.
127. See Hartfelder, , Melanchthon at 429 (cited in note 25)Google Scholar; Engel, Carl, Das Schulwesen in Strassburg vor der Gründung des protestantischen Gymnasium 49 and following (J.H.E. Heitz, 1886)Google Scholar.
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131. Reprinted in 100 Jahrbuch für Philologie und Pädagogie 529 (1869) and discussed in Hartfelder, , Melanchthon at 424 (cited in note 25)Google Scholar.
132. See id at 491-538. Melanchthon was regularly consulted for his expertise on organization of schools, and was offered a number of high educational positions, which he declined. He did, however, place his best students as rectors of these schools—for example, Michael Neander (1525-1595), who conducted the famous cloister school at Ilfield in Thüringia, for 45 years; and Valentin Trotzendorf (1490-1556), who for 23 years was rector of the school at Goldberg in Silesia. Melanchthon's son-in-law also led the 1540 reformation of the University of Frankfurt an der Oder. See also Woodward, William H., Studies in Education During the Renaissance, 1400-1600 211–43 (Cambridge U Press, 1906)Google Scholar.
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140. This final section Vam singende unde lesende de Schotekynderen in der Kerken, appears in Koldewy, Frederich, Braunschweigische Schulordnungen, 1 Monumenta Germaniae Paedagogica 27Google Scholar and following but does not appear in the Vormbaum printing of the same statute.
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142. An article Vam Lectorio was included in the penultimate draft of the Brunswick school law, but dropped from the promulgated law. The same article appears, verbatim, in Bugenhagen's Hamberg School law, passed in 1529 and eventually became part of the practice in Brunswick. See [Bugenhagen, Johannes,] Kirchenordnung für Hamberg von 1529, in Sehling, , 5 Evangelischen Kirchenordnungen at 488, 499 (cited in note 124)Google Scholar. For purposes of illustrating the range of typical provisions in these early city laws, I include discussion of this provision under the Brunswick law.
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