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Sociologists call this the “institutionalization” of the family; see Cherlin, A., “The Deinstitutionalization of American Marriage,” Journal of Marriage & Family 66, no. 4 (2004): 848–861; cf. Schneder, C., “The Channelling Function in Family Law,” Hofstra Law Review 20, no. 3 (1992): 495–532. Indeed, many think the elites expressed perhaps too much agreement, as they neither understood not sympathized with differences in family formation, stigmatizing non-births, for example, coercing adoption, and failing to recognize domestic violence and sexual abuse; see, e.g., Solinger, R., Wake-Up Little Susie: Single Pregnancy and Race Before Roe v. Wade (New York: Routledge, 2000).Google Scholar

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For an example of these restrictions, see briefs filed in Hobby Lobby; Bazelon, E., “Procedures Involving Gravely Immoral Practices,” March 11, 2014, available at <http://www.slate.com/articles/news_and_politics/jurisprudence/2014/03/hobby_lobby_contraception_case_briefs_reveal_what_the_religious_right_really.html> (last visited April 9, 2015).+(last+visited+April+9,+2015).>Google Scholar

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We argue in Marriage Markets that marriage has declined in large part because women find a legal commitment to an unreliable man to be a bad deal, and that divorcing couples often effect their own settlements by opting out of judicial supervision – the custodial parent does not ask for support and the non-custodial parent does not see the child. Empirical research validates these observations finding that both marriage and the likelihood of a shared custody order correlates with male income. Carbone, J. Cahn, N., Marriage Markets: How Inequality Is Remaking the American Family (New York: Oxford, 2014).Google Scholar

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Id. (pt. I), at 257–258 (finding “[W]e have two systems of family law in California: Different in origin, different in history, different in substantive provisions, different in administration, different in orientation and outlook. One is public, the other private […] One is for underprivileged and deprived families; the other for the more comfortable and fortunate”).Google Scholar

See tenBroek, (Pt. III), supra note 13, at 675–682.Google Scholar

See, e.g., Cahn and Carbone, supra note 1; Abrams, K., “Family History: Inside and Out,” Michigan Law Review 111, no. 6 (2013): 1001–1020, at 1003; Brito, T., The Welfarization of Family Law, U. Kan. L. Rev. 48, no. 2 (2000): 229–284, at 238–2350; Harris, L., “The Basis for Legal Parentage and the Clash Between Custody and Child Support,” Indiana Law Review 42, no. 3 (2009): 611–638, at 612–614; Hasday, J., “Parenthood Divided: A Legal History of the Bifurcated Law of Parental Relations,” Georgetown Law Journal 90, no. 2 (2002): 299–386, at 357–384.Google Scholar

See discussion in Marriage Markets. We argue that the new family law system of the elite remains premised on neo-traditional gender performance. It protects the investment of high status men in children though a presumption in favor of shared parenting after divorce. It also limits the financial claims that follow marriage through a presumption of independence that disfavors spousal support. Yet, the emergence of greater gender disparities in the income of college graduates (at the same time gender disparities have shrunk elsewhere) mean that college graduate women continue to marry men who earn more than they do, and continue to cut back on their hours disproportionately when two career demands conflict with family obligations.Google Scholar

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