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Published online by Cambridge University Press: 11 November 2008
Relations between the United States of America and Africa have important historical, economic, and political dimensions which are by no means confined to the United Nations. The historical ties predate the creation of international organisations, but it was the emergence of the United Nations from the ashes of World War II that provided the greatest opportunity for close bonds by creating an institutional framework within which the common goals and interests of Americans and Africans could be pursued.
page 366 note 1 The Italian occupation of Ethiopia, Libya and Somalia, had been terminated towards the end of World War II.
page 367 note 1 An excellent account is given in Andemicael, B., The OAU and the UN: relations between the OAU and UN (New York, 1976), chs. 4–5,Google Scholar of the progress towards freedom from colonial and racial discrimination. El-Ayouty, Yassin (ed.), The OAU After Ten Years: comparative perspectives (New York, 1975),Google Scholar also provides valuable insights. Like other intergovernmental organisations which have received a standing invitation to participate in the sessions and work of the General Assembly, the O.A.U. maintains an Executive Secretariat at the U.N. this is currently directed by Ambassador Dramane Ouattara of Mali.
page 368 note 1 The British naval blockade to prevent oil reaching Rhodesia via the port of Beira in colonial Mozambique is estimated to have cost as much as $400 million.
page 369 note 1 General Assembly Resolution 2145(xxi), adopted by 114 votes to 2, with 3 abstentions.
page 369 note 2 General Assembly Resolution 2248(8-v), adopted by 85 votes to 2, with 30 abstentions.
page 369 note 3 El-Khawas, Mohamed A. and Cohen, Barry (eds.), The Kissinger Study of Southern Africa: National Securiv Study Memorandum 39 (Secret) (Westport, Conn., 1976).Google Scholar
page 371 note 1 General Assembly Resolution 2621 (xxv).
page 374 note 1 See Davis, Nathaniel, ‘The Angola Decisions of 1975: a personal memoir’, in Foreign Affairs (New York), 57, 1, Fall 1978, pp. 109–24.Google Scholar Angola and America have recently initiated consultations over the issue of Namibian independence.
page 377 note 1 Secretary of State Henry A. Kissinger, ‘Southern Africa and the United States: an agenda for cooperation’; speech at a luncheon in his honour hosted by President Kenneth Kaunda, Lusaka, 27 April 1976.
page 378 note 1 Secretary of State Henry A. Kissinger, ‘America and Africa’; remarks at a dinner in his honour given by President William A. Tolbert, Monrovia, 30 April 1976; and ‘U.S. Proposal for Sahel Development’, toast at a luncheon hosted by the Foreign Minister of Senegal, Dakar, 1 May 1976.
page 378 note 2 In August 1978, the British Government received a report from Thomas Bingham, a distinguished barrister, who conducted an enquiry at the request of Dr David Owen, the Foreign and Commonwealth Secretary, into the supply of oil to Rhodesia since its illegal unilateral declaration of independence. The report gives an account of a massive breaking of sanctions by oil companies registered in Britain, France, and South Africa, and now revealed by themselves. Cf. Jardine, Jorge, Sanctions Double-Cross (Lisbon, 1978).Google Scholar
page 382 note 1 General Assembly Resolution S-9/2 of 4 May 1978.
page 382 note 2 S/12636.
page 383 note 1 In July 1978, the Security Council adopted Resolution 431 which, inter alia, requested the Secretary-General to appoint a Special Representative for Namibia in order to ensure early independence through free elections under the supervision and control of the United Nations. Dr M. Ahtisaari was appointed to this post in August 1978, and the report of his mission to Namibia formed the basis for the proposals by the Secretary-General in S/12827 outlining the steps to be taken by the United Nations and other parties to achieve the transition to independence in 1979, at a cost of some $300 million.
page 385 note 1 See U.N. Security Council Resolution 418 (1977).
page 386 note 1 The draft resolutions sponsored by Benin, Libyan Arab Jamahiriya, and Mauritius were brought before the Security Council on 31 October 1977, and vetoed; S/PV. 2046.
page 386 note 2 A.A.I. publications include: Jacqz, Jane, Africa Policy Update (New York, 1978),Google Scholar the fortnightly South Africa/Namibia Update (New York), and the monthly Africa Report (New York), edited by Anthony Hughes.
page 386 note 3 The most recent addition is TransAfrica, formed in May 1978, which has started to produce foreign-policy analyses under the executive directorship of Randall Robinson.
page 387 note 1 See the Congressional Record, 95th Congress, 1st Session, 2 February 1977, Washington, and Ferguson, Clyde and Cotter, William R., ‘South Africa-What Is To Be Done?’, in Foreign Affairs (New York), 01 1978, PP. 253–74.Google Scholar
page 387 note 2 Andrew Young came out against this, on the grounds that it would encourage research by South Africa towards the nuclear bomb.
page 387 note 3 The Black Caucus also felt that African states should take certain steps themselves, like not granting landing rights to South African planes. For a summary record of the 363rd meeting of the Special Committee Against Apartheid, 11 Jaunary 1978, see U.N. document A/AC. 115.SR.
page 391 note 1 Transcript of President Carter's Address at the United Nations on Peace, Economy, and Human Rights, in The New York Times, 18 March 1977.
