^{Page 617 note 1} Geertz, Clifford, ‘The Integrative Revolution’, in Geertz, C. (ed.), Old Societies and New States (New York, 1963), p. 117.Google Scholar

^{Page 617 note 2} Eliot, George, Middlemarch (London, 1965 edn.), p. 30.Google Scholar

^{Page 618 note 1} Macpherson, C. B., Democracy in Alberta: the theory and practice of a quasi-party system (Toronto, 1953).Google Scholar

^{Page 618 note 2} Ibid. pp. 239–40.

^{Page 618 note 3} Ibid. p. 240.

^{Page 619 note 1} See Michels, Robert, Political Parties: a sociological study of the oligarchical tendencies of modern democracy (New York, 1962)Google Scholar. For similar remarks on African politics, see, for example: Zolberg, Aristide, Creating Political Order: the parry states of West Africa (Chicago, 1966)Google Scholar; Bienen, Henry S., ‘What does Political Development mean in Africa?’, in World Politics (Princeton), xx, 1, 1967, pp. 128–41Google Scholar; Andreski, S., The African Predicament (London, 1968)Google Scholar; and Finer, S. E., ‘The One-Party Régimes in Africa: reconsiderations’, in Government and Opposition (London), II, 4, 1967, pp. 491–509.Google Scholar

^{Page 619 note 2} Sklar, Richard, ‘Political Science and National Integration–a radical approach’, in The Journal of Modern African Studies (Cambridge), v, I, p. 10Google Scholar. Obviously such a choice of position neither provides nor replaces analytic concepts, though it is logically related to them.

^{Page 619 note 3} Macpherson, op. cit. pp. 240–1.

^{Page 619 note 4} Weiner, Myron, review of Bailey, F. G., Politics and Social Change (Berkeley, 1963)Google Scholar, in American Sociological Review (Washington), XXIX, 3, 1964, pp. 432–3.Google Scholar

^{Page 620 note 1} Weingrod, Alex, ‘Political Sociology, Social Anthropology, and the Study of New Nations,’ in British Journal of Sociology (London), XVIII, I, 1967, p. 123.Google Scholar

^{Page 620 note 2} Ibid. p. 122; see also Vincent, Joan, ‘Anthropology and Political Development’, in Leys, Colin (ed.), Politics and Change in Developing Countries: studies in the theory and practice of development (Cambridge, 1969), pp. 46–7.Google Scholar

^{Page 620 note 3} Vincent, ibid. pp. 35, 37; see also Weingrod, op. cit. p. 123.

^{Page 620 note 4} See Vincent, op. cit. pp. 46–7.

^{Page 620 note 5} Zolberg, op. cit. pp. 130 ff.

^{Page 620 note 6} Bienen, op. cit. p. 132. Cf. Leys, Colin: ‘so much of the literature has been based primarily on studies of the activities of leaders in capital cities, and reflects their aspirations and their interpretations’—Politicians and Policies: an essay on politics in Acholi, Uganda, 1962–65 (Nairobi, 1967), q.v.Google Scholar

^{Page 621 note 1} Beattie, J. H. M., ‘Understanding and Explanation in Social Anthropology’, in British Journal of Sociology, X, I, 1959, p. 47.Google Scholar

^{Page 621 note 2} Cf. Bienen, op. cit. pp. 132–3: ‘When party typologies are based on structures—i.e. roles and statuses that supply us with a map of the sociopolitical terrain or tell us what élites' normative expectations are—and are not derived from the study of processes, then neither the typologies nor the maps from which they are derived specifj how central institutions work. They do not tell us the nature of relationships within the party; nor do they tell us how the party relates to the society as a whole and not merely to the modern, urban, or town sectors.’ See also Bienen, Henry, Tanzania: party transformation and economic development (Princeton, 1967), pp. 4–5.Google Scholar

^{Page 621 note 3} Powell, J. D., ‘Peasant Society and Clientelist Polities’ (Harvard, 1969, unpublished manuscript), p. 3Google Scholar; my italics.

^{Page 621 note 4} Vincent, op. cit. p. 43, mentions similar concepts: ‘it is the interstitial, informal aspects of government and politics that the anthropologist considers to be critical to the developmental process… Characteristic topics emerging from such a focus are, for example, factionalism and patronage.’

^{Page 622 note 1} Weingrod, op. cit. p. 131.

^{Page 622 note 2} Cf. Barnes, J. A., ‘Politics without Parties’, in Man (London), LIV, I, 1959, p. 15Google Scholar: ‘one useful contribution which social anthropology can make to the investigation of advanced societies is the observation and analysis of politics round the village pump’.

^{Page 622 note 3} Fallen, Lloyd, ‘Political Sociology and the Anthropological Study of African Politics’, in Archives europdennes de sociologie (Paris), IV, 2, 1963, p. 328Google Scholar. Elsewhere, ibid. p. 326, Fallers declares: ‘we need to be able to conceptualize the place… of modified traditional elements within the political systems of the new national states… we need a frame of reference capable of encompassing both the new national political systems and the tribal polities which have in some sense been incorporated within them.’

^{Page 622 note 4} Bienen, op. cit. p. 136.

^{Page 622 note 5} See Kilson, Martin, Political Change in a West African State: a study of the modernization process in Sierra Leone (Harvard, 1966), pp. 282–3CrossRefGoogle Scholar; also Zolberg, op. cit. p. 153.

^{Page 622 note 6} Weingrod, op. cit. p. 231. See Swartz, Marc J., Local-level Politics (London, 1969)Google Scholar, and the works by F. G. Bailey, Eric Wolf, Jeremy Boissevain, and Adrian Mayer, cited below.

^{Page 623 note 1} Bienen, op. cit. p. 136.

^{Page 623 note 2} Myrdal, Gunnar, Economic Theory and Underdeveloped Regions (London, 1963), p. 9Google Scholar. For an earlier formulation, see Myrdal's, An American Dilemma (New York, 1944).Google Scholar

^{Page 623 note 3} Myrdal takes the view, ibid. p. 60, that ‘colonialism meant primarily… a strengthening of all the forces in the market which anyhow were working towards internal and international inequalities. It built itself into, and gave an extra impetus and a peculiar character to, the circular causation of the cumulative process.’

^{Page 624 note 1} Myrdal, ibid. p. 9.

^{Page 624 note 2} Fallers, op. cit. p. 329.

^{Page 624 note 3} Bailey, F. G., Stratagems and Spoils: a social anthropology of politics (Oxford, 1969), p. 147.Google Scholar

^{Page 625 note 1} Ibid. pp. 144ff.

^{Page 625 note 2} The introduction to the A.S.A. monographs remarks on a ‘drive towards the breaking up of established concepts in order to examine more meticulously both the framework of social relations and the interaction between individuals’. Banton, Michael (ed.), The Social Anthropology of Complex Societies (London, 1966), p. xxxv.Google Scholar

^{Page 625 note 3} See Boissevain, Jeremy, ‘The Place of Non-groups in the Social Sciences’, in Man, III, 4, 1968, pp. 542–56CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Adrian C. Mayer, ‘The Significance of Quasi-groups in the Study of Complex Societies’, in Banton, op. cit. pp. 97–122; and also Eric Wolf, ‘Kinship, Friendship, and Patron–Client Relations in Complex Societies’, ibid. pp. 1–22.

^{Page 625 note 4} Boissevain, op. cit. p. 546.

^{Page 626 note 1} Bailey, op. cit. pp. 567 and 169. Boissevain compares the appearance of brokers to that of towns at the intersection of roads and rivers, and describes them, op. cit. p. 549, as ‘specialists in network relations who make use of their special manipulative talents… Network specialists provide important links in networks viewed as a series of communications channels. They transmit, direct, filter, receive, code, decode and interpret messages.’

^{Page 626 note 2} It is clearly important to keep the terms ‘middleman’ and ‘patron’ apart, though they are commonly appropriated by the same people. Bailey points out, op. cit. p. 171, that, where two structures are well separated, the role of intermediary is least valued; whereas it is (according to Powell, op. cit. p. 6) in precisely this situation that patron–client relations ‘tend to be enduring, extensive, and intense’. A general rule might be: patrons may become middlemen, middlemen may need to be patrons, but patrons do not need to be middlemen.

^{Page 626 note 3} One concept I have not mentioned here, but which should be considered, is that of ‘the principle of reciprocity’, used by Kilson, op. cit. pp. 263–74, in discussing relations between the S.L.P.P. and voluntary associations in Sierra Leone.

^{Page 627 note 1} Riggs, Fred W., ‘Bureaucrats and Political Development: a paradoxical view’, in La Palombara, J. (ed.), Bureaucracy and Political Development (Princeton, 1963), pp. 123–4.Google Scholar

^{Page 627 note 2} Ibid. p. 125.

^{Page 627 note 3} Geertz, op. cit. pp. 119–20.

^{Page 627 note 4} Eisenstadt, S. N., Modernization: protest and change (Englewood Cliffs, 1966), pp. 109–10.Google Scholar

^{Page 628 note 1} Ibid. p. 110: ‘the colonial rulers have not attempted to foster parallel changes within the broader strata of the society, especially at the local level, i.e. the level of the village, community, or tribal unit’.

^{Page 628 note 2} Eisenstadt's account of this imbalance seems to me unnecessarily loaded: ‘The broader strata were expected to perform various new roles, especially economic and administrative, while at the same time they were denied some of the basic rewards inherent in these settings’ (ibid, my italics). Strictly speaking, it would only be useful to describe such ‘rewards’ as inherent, if those withholding and/or those deprived of them saw them as such.

^{Page 628 note 3} Bryan Keith Lucas remarks that, given the precedents elsewhere and the official attachment to responsible self-government, ‘it is surprising that so little was done to develop… modern forms of local government in Africa before the second war’. ‘The Dilemma of Local Government in Africa’, in Robinson, Kenneth and Madden, Frederick (eds.), Essays in Imperial Government presented to Margery Perham (Oxford, 1963), pp. 193–4Google Scholar. He attributes the failure to a concern with ‘good government’ before ‘self-government’, and notes that the typical symbol of the first, indirect rule, ‘was in many ways in conflict with the conception of developing municipal institutions and Local Government’ (ibid. p. 194).

^{Page 629 note 1} Eisenstadt, op. cit. p. 110. In a study of the northern and western Ivory Coast, Richard E. Stryker has similarly emphasised the importance of colonial structure, remarking that ‘the destruction of every potential competitive centre and the disruptive intervention into local life by the colonial régime did not…entail concomitant integration of public life at the level of local administration… There was no “local government”, only a skeletal local administration linked precariously at best to a vast ‘residual political space’.’ See his ‘Center and Locality: political and administrative linkage in the Ivory Coast’, a paper presented to the conference on Ghana and the Ivory Coast, University of Chicago, 7–8 March 1969. For the notion of ‘residual political space’, see Zolberg, op. cit. pp. 131–4.

^{Page 629 note 2} Eisenstadt, op. cit. pp. 112–14.

^{Page 629 note 3} Eisenstadt comments that while nationalist leaders could ‘formulate new symbols of solidarity which would transcend the limitations of the colonial situation… they did not make great special efforts to transform other spheres of institutional life and to solve the problems created there by the processes of uneven change’ (ibid. p. 114).

^{Page 630 note 1} I have tried to apply this interpretation to an analysis of nationalism in one district of the Ivory Coast. See Staniland, Martin, ‘Nationalism and Communal Partisanship: the case of Bongouanou, Ivory Coast’, in Johnson, R. W. and Allen, C. H. (eds.), African Perspectives: essays presented to Thomas Hodgkin (Cambridge, 1970).Google Scholar

^{Page 630 note 2} I am not implying that ‘local government’ or ‘middle groups’ are in some sense intrinsically ‘good for development’.

^{Page 630 note 3} Riggs, op. cit. p. 131. Both Keith Lucas and J. M. Lee have made this point: ‘The development of local government… offered the possibility of building a foundation of local democracy, on which the structure of parliamentary government could be based’ (Keith Lucas, op. cit. p. 195). Also ‘the whole post-war movement for introducing local government into the colonies was modelled on the belief that experience in working a local authority provided training in democracy’—Lee, J. M., Colonial Development and Good Government (Oxford, 1967), p. 173.Google Scholar

^{Page 631 note 1} Cited in Keith Lucas, op. cit. p. 197.

^{Page 631 note 2} Labouret, Henri, Colonisation, colonialisme, décolonisation (Paris, 1952), p. 188.Google Scholar

^{Page 631 note 3} There is a discussion of French attitudes towards local government in my article, ‘Colonial Government and Populist Reform: the case of the Ivory Coast’, in Journal of Administration Overseas (London), IX, 4, 10 1970Google Scholar. Keith Lucas, op. cit. p. 200, remarks on ‘a belief… that a democratic local government system would act as a protection against extremist politicians’.

^{Page 631 note 4} Cited in Keith Lucas, op. cit. p. 200. As the author says, the influence of this myth is stronger than the precedents on which it is based. Grifliths' predecessor was even blunter when he said that strong local authorities were necessary ‘to act as counterweights to a central authority which too often passes into the hands of a native oligarchy when the colonial phase comes to an end’ (cited by Lee, op. cit. p. 182).

^{Page 632 note 1} Cf. Riggs, loc. cit. p. 132: ‘It then seemed practical to urge local self-government, with the expectation that rural elites, when exercising local autonomy, would continue and finance the very policies desired by the central authorities.’

^{Page 632 note 2} Ibid. p. 131: ‘The dominant elite, having gained control in the center, manipulate the bureaucracy as an instrument of control over local government, giving lip-service to the philosophy of decentralization and local autonomy.’

^{Page 632 note 3} I have borrowed the terms ‘day-to-dayism’ and ‘journalistic scholarship’ from Richard Sklar, who remarks, op. cit. p. 7, that ‘the opinions of journalists weigh heavily on the student of contemporary history… The tyranny of day-to-dayism (or journalistic scholarship) is not less stultifying to political science than the older Africanist tyranny of administrative scholarship.’

^{Page 633 note 1} Vincent Harlow wrote, in 1955, that there was ‘much… to support the view that tribalism in Africa is on the way out… For some years now it has been generally accepted that the process of nation-making was being facilitated by the rapid dissolution of African tribalism. The passing of a form of group organisation which has plagued Africa with internecine war until the imposition of European rule would [it was hoped] encourage the growth of a wider loyalty.’ See ‘Tribalism in Africa’, in Journal of African Administration (London), VII, I, 01 1955, p. 18Google Scholar. Nevertheless, Harlow went on to suggest that ‘the tribe… should be afforded not only the widest possible measure of self-government but also (in its corporate capacity) a voice in the central legislature’ (ibid. p. 20).

^{Page 633 note 2} Lewis, W. Arthur, Politics in West Africa (London, 1965), especially ch. 3.Google Scholar

^{Page 634 note 1} Vincent, op. cit. p. 52. Cf. Sklar, op. cit. p. 6: ‘tribalism should be viewed as a dependent variable rather than a primordial political force in the new nation.’

^{Page 634 note 2} See Apthorpe, Raymond, ‘Does Tribalism Really Matter?’, in Transition (Kampala), VII, 37, 10 1968, pp. 18–22.Google Scholar

^{Page 634 note 3} I have avoided the term ‘traditionalism’ here since, in most uses, it should be given a status close to that here given to ‘tribalism’—that of a mechanism of political manipulation, a middleman's rhetorical instrument.

^{Page 634 note 4} As Mary Douglas argues concerning the Congo: see Biebuyck, D. and Douglas, M., Congo Tribes and Parties (London, 1961), p. 16.Google Scholar

^{Page 635 note 1} Ronen, Dov, ‘Preliminary Notes on the Concept of Regionalism in Dahomey’, in Etudes dahoméennes (Porto Novo), xx, 1968, p. 12Google Scholar. The author argues that national-level politicians in Dahomey have acquired a false conception of the modern polity. They exaggerate the homogeneity of European countries, and therefore excessively condemn and feel guilty about ‘regionalism’ in their own country.

^{Page 635 note 2} Sklar, op. cit. p. 6. An interesting comparative account of two ‘tribal movements’ in Nigeria is given by Richard Sklar in his article, ‘The Contribution of Tribalism to Nationalism in Western Nigeria’, reprinted in Wallerstein, Immanuel (ed.), Social Change: the colonial situation (New York, 1966), pp. 290–300.Google Scholar

^{Page 635 note 3} Sklar writes: ‘It is not very meaningful to say that a particular nation has been disrupted by tribalism. Political science should seek deeper to find the root causes of tension and violence.’ See ‘Political Science and National Integration’, p. 6.

^{Page 636 note 1} Vincent remarks, op. cit. p. 53, that acceptance of the ‘plural society’ model ‘tends to preclude any temporal perspective, denying the element of change and process’.

^{Page 636 note 2} Geertz, op. cit. p. 119.

^{Page 636 note 3} Ibid. p. 120.

^{Page 636 note 4} Ibid. pp. 120–1. Cf. Geertz's concluding remark on p. 154 that ‘The integrative revolution does not do away with ethnocentrism; it merely modernizes it.’