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Published online by Cambridge University Press: 16 February 2015
1 Since publication of the volume, two of the contributions have been superseded by more comprehensive reports. For the excavations at the important sanctuaries at Ribemont-sur-Ancre (Somme) and the Forêt d’Halatte (Oise), see respectively the extensive preliminary report by Brunaux, J.-L. et al., “Ribemont-sur-Ancre (Somme). Bilan préliminaire et nouvelles hypothèses’ Gallia >56 (1999) 177–283 CrossRefGoogle Scholar, and the collective volume edited by Durand, M., Le temple gallo-romain de la Forêt d'Halatte (Oise) (RAPicardie, n° spéc. 18, 2000)Google Scholar. The latter not only presents the evidence from four recent fieldwork campaigns, but reviews data from old excavations conducted in the 1870s. It includes a complete catalogue of all 358 stone ex-votos from the sanctuary.
2 Cf., for instance. Scheid in his contribution to the volume (21-22) and the authoritative account by Beard, M., North, J. and Price, S., Religions of Rome (Cambridge 1998) 313 ff, 339 ffGoogle Scholar. For a critical view of the model, see Gordon, R. L., “Religion in the Roman empire. The civic compromise and its limits,” in Beard, M. and North, J. (edd.), Pagan priests. Religion and power in the ancient world(London 1990) 235–55Google Scholar, and Woolf, G., “Polis-religion and its alternatives in the Roman provinces,” in Cancik, H. and Rüpke, J. (edd.), Rötnische Reichsreligion and Provinzialreligion (Tübingen 1997) 71–84 Google Scholar.
3 See also the pertinent remarks by Scheid in his contribution to the volume (22-23).
4 Van Andringa acknowledges the problem in his discussion of the sanctuary in the forest of Halatte (13).
5 For an attempt along these lines, cf. Derks, T., Gods, temples and ritual practices. The transformation of religious ideas and values in Roman Gaul(Amsterdam Archaeological Studies 2, 1998) 185ffCrossRefGoogle Scholar.
6 In general, the existence of Late Iron Age public institutions is suggested by historical sources as well as numismatic evidence, in particular the minting of gold coins. Cf. also Brunaux et al. (supra n.l) 236 on the sanctuary at Ribemont-sur-Ancre: “Le caractère public de l'ensemble est désormais bien affirmé, tant dans l'architecture que dans les vestiges cultuels, et ceci aussi bien pour le trophée gaulois que pour le lieu de culte romain qui s’y superposa”.
7 Compare here the comments by Beard et al. (supra n.2) 5 ff., esp. 10-14.
8 Follmann-Schultz, A.-B., “Die römischen Tempelanlagen in der Provinz Germania Inferior,’ ANRW II.18.1 (1986) 688 Google Scholar For the temple, see also 742 f.
9 In particular, Brunaux, J.-L., “Die Keltischen Heiligtümer Nordfrankreichs,” in Haffner, A. (ed.), Heiligtümer und Opferkulte der Kelten (Archäologie in Deutschland, Sonderheft 1995) 55 Google Scholar.
10 Beard et al. (supra n.2) 313 ff.
11 Hörne, P., “Roman or Celtic temples? A case study,” in Henig, M. and King, A. (edd.), Pagan gods and shrines of the Roman Empire (OUCA Monog. 8, 1986) 15–24 Google Scholar.
12 Fink, R. O., Hoey, A. S. and Snyder, W. F., “The Feriale Duranum ,” YCS 7 (1940) 1–222 Google Scholar.
13 Pekâry, Th., “Das Opfer vor dem Kaiserbild,” BJb 186 (1986) 91–103 Google Scholar; ALföldy, G., “Die Inschriften aus den Principia des Alenkastells Aalen,” Fundberichte aus Baden-Württemberg 14 (1989) 293–338 Google Scholar; Stoll, O., “Die Fahnenwache in der römischen Armee,” ZPE 108 (1995) 107–18Google Scholar [repr. in id., Römisches Heer und Gesellschaft. Gesammelte Beiträge 1991-1999 (Mavors 13, Stuttgart 2001) 47-58]. The double function of the headquarters' most central rooms is revealed in their epigraphical designation as aerarla and as capitolium, caesareum, aedes or domus signorum. Cf. Alföldy ibid., with further refs.
14 Fishwick, D., The imperial cult in the Latin West. Studies in the ruler cult of the western provinces of the Roman Empire (EPRO 108, Leiden 1987–1992)Google Scholar; Hänlein-Schäfer, H., Veneratio Augusti. Eine Studie zu den Tempeln des ersten römischen Kaisers (Archaeologica 39, Roma 1985)Google Scholar.
15 Fishwick ibid. 1991, 446 ff.; Fincker, M. and Tassaux, F., “Les grands sanctuaires “ruraux” d'Aquitaine et le culte impérial,” MEFRA 104 (1992) 41–76 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
16 At Ribemont-sur-Ancre, numerous fragments of one or more monumental gilded statues, probably representing the emperor, have been found just in front of the temple: Brunaux et al. (supra n.l) 237.
17 For this, see Fishwick ibid. 1991, 446-54 and 423-35, respectively.
18 Mermet, Ch., “Le sanctuaire gallo-romain de Châteauneuf (Savoie),’ Gallia 50 (1993) 95–138 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
19 Cf. above n.16.
20 Compare, for instance, Cadoux, J.-L., “Organisation spatiale et chronologie du sanctuaire de Ribemont-sur-Ancre (Somme),” in Brunaux, J.-L. (ed.), Les sanctaires celtiques et leurs rapports avec le monde méditerranéen (1991) 156–63Google Scholar, and Brunaux (supra n.9) with Brunaux et al. (supra n.l) and the paper in the present volume.
21 It is unclear why former interpretations of the site are now being dismissed. The argument (135) that according to historical sources ‘the Gauls “erected trophies much in the same way as the Greeks did”, that is to say on the battlefield’, cannot be decisive.
22 As I understand it, the sole feature is a partially preserved trench for a foundation beam. For an evocative reconstruction, see Brunaux et al. (supra n.l).
23 As Brunaux frankly acknowledges in both reports.
