Hostname: page-component-77c89778f8-7drxs Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-07-17T03:44:58.777Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false
  • English
  • Français

P. Herennius Dexippus: The Greek World and the Third-Century Invasions*

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  24 September 2012

Fergus Millar
Fergus Millar
Affiliation:
The Queen's College, Oxford, Institute for Advanced Study, Princeton
Get access Rights & Permissions [Opens in a new window]

Extract

The legend of the Scythians and the books of Athens, with Petrus Patricius' comments on it, raises precisely the most crucial question about the culture and society of later Antiquity: what was the relationship between the all-pervasive literary culture of the time, with its obsessive and apparently sterile fascination with the classical past, and men's conduct in the world ? The question cannot of course be answered. If we wished to stress the positive and vital aspects of Imperial Greek culture, we could partly avoid answering it by concentrating on a few figures of real intellectual stature in the second to early fourth centuries, and thereby pointing to a number of fields in which the Greek Renaissance saw significant, sometimes revolutionary, progress. Ptolemy, Galen, Diophantus, Origen, Plotinus, Porphyry and Eusebius all in their different ways marked an epoch in the intellectual history of Europe. Even a man of much lesser originality, Cassius Dio, provided the Byzantine world with its definitive account of the history of Rome. But we can also try, if not to answer the question properly, at least to raise some themes directly relevant to it.

Type
Research Article
Information
The Journal of Roman Studies , Volume 59 , November 1969 , pp. 12 - 29
Copyright
Copyright © Fergus Millar 1969. Exclusive Licence to Publish: The Society for the Promotion of Roman Studies

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

1 Philostratus, , Vit. Soph. II, 32Google Scholar.

2 See Bennett, C. M., ‘The Nabataeans in Petra’, Archaeology XV (1962), 233Google Scholar; Parr, P., ‘The Beginnings of Hellenisation at Petra’,VIIIe congrès international d'archéologie classique, 1963 (Paris, 1965), 527Google Scholar.

3 See most recently Negev, A., ‘New Dated Nabataean Graffiti from the Sinai’, Israel Exploration Journal XVII (1957), 250Google Scholar.

4 See Digest XLVII.11.9 (Ulpian, Lib. IX de officio proconsulis) on σκοπελισμός in the province of Arabia.

5 For the ‘Arab’ culture of the southern part of the area concerned see Dussaud, R., La pénétration des Arabes en Syrie avant l'Islam: (Inst. franç. d'arch. de Beyrouth, Bib. arch, et hist, LIX (1955)CrossRefGoogle Scholar). For Arabs in Mesopotamia, L. Dillemann, Haute Mésopotamie et pays adjacents: contribution à la géographie historique de la région, au Ve s. avant l'ère chrétienne du VIe s. de cette ère (1962), 88–9.

6 Millar, F., ‘Local Cultures in the Roman Empire: Libyan, Punic and Latin in Roman Africa’, JRS LVIII (1968), 126Google Scholar.

7 Or. XXXVI, 9.

8 Philos., , Vit. Soph. I, 25Google Scholar (542).

9 Ibid. II, 15.

10 Spengel, , Rhet. Gr. III, 389Google Scholar.

11 Suet., Dom. 10; Dio LXVII, 12, 3–4.

12 Prus., Dio, Or. III, 3Google Scholar. Compare Or. XVIII, 9Google Scholar.

13 Dio LXVIII, 29, 1.

14 For references on Caracalla's imitation of Alexander see Millar, F., A Study of Cassius Dio (1964), 151, 158, 214–16Google Scholar. See, however, Timpe, D., ‘Ein Heiratsplan Kaiser Caracallas’, Hermes XCV (1967), 470Google Scholar; Levick, B., ‘Caracalla's Path’, Hommages à M. Renard (1969), 442Google Scholar.

15 Prus., Dio, Or. XLIV, 11–12Google Scholar (Loeb trans.).

16 Plut., Mor. 814 B-C (Loeb trans.).

17 Prus., Dio, Or. XXXI, 104Google Scholar.

18 Athenaeus, Deipnosoph. 211 A-D; Jacoby, FGrH no. 166.

19 Jacoby, FGrH 97; Barbieri, Albo, no. 59; cf. Millar, op. cit. (no. 14), 62, 192.

20 Lucian, Πῶς δεῖ ἱστορίαν συγγράφειν 5. See Homeyer, H., Lukian, Wie man Geschichte schreiben soll (1965)Google Scholar; cf. Avenarius, G., Lukians Schrift zur Geschichtsschreibung (1956)Google Scholar.

21 Philos., , Vit. Soph. II, 24Google Scholar; see PIR 2 A 137.

22 The best available account of Herodian is now the introduction to C. R. Whittaker's excellent Loeb text, Vol. I (1969). Beginning in 180, Herodian's work was intended to cover a period of 60 years according to I, 1, 5 and 70 according to II, 15, 7. So vague is his knowledge of events that it is tempting to suggest that the phrase ἐν βασιλικαῖς ἤ δημοσίαις (1, 2, 5) might refer to minor Imperial and city office in some province or provinces.

23 On the poverty of the Latin historical tradition in this period see T. D. Barnes, ‘The Lost Kaisergeschichte and the Latin Historical, Tradition’, to appear in Bonner Historia-Augusta-Colloquium 1968.

24 Jacoby, FGrH 98.

25 Jacoby, FGrH 101.

26 See Jacoby, FGrH 212.

27 Photius, Bib. 62; FGrH 219.

28 Suda (ed. Adler) Σ 877.

29 Fragments and discussion of Porphyry's Chronicle by Jacoby, FGrH 260.

30 Text edited by Helm, R., GCS XLVI (1965)Google Scholar, Hippolytus Werke, 4e Band: Die Chronik.

31 For evidence on his life PIR 2 I, 124. There are no editions of the surviving fragments of the Χρονογραφία later than Migne, , PG x, cols. 63–94Google Scholar and Routh, , Reliquiae Sacrae II, 138–309Google Scholar. See Gelzer, H., Sextus Julius Africanus und die byzantinische Chronographie I–II (1880–1898Google Scholar). Note, however, that the Biblical chronology is already known to some Hellenistic historians, see Wacholder, B. Z., ‘Biblical Chronology in the Hellenistic World’, Harvard Theological Review LXI (1968), 451CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

32 Fr. 43 in von Harnack, A., ‘Porphyrius “Gegen die Christen”, 15 Bücher: Zeugnisse, Fragmente und Referate’, AAB, Ph.-hist. Kl. no. I (1916)Google Scholar. See Cameron, A. D. E., ‘The Date of Porphyry's ΚΑΤΑ ΧΡΙΣΤΙΑΝΩΝ’, CQ N.S. XVII (1967), 382CrossRefGoogle Scholar; cf. the recent general study by M. V. Anastos, ‘Porphyry's Attack on the Bible’, The Classical Tradition: Literary and Historical Studies in Honour of Harry Caplan, ed. L. Wallach (1966), 421; and, for a new fragment, Binder, G. in Zeitschr. f. Pap. u. Epig. III (1968), 81Google Scholar.

33 Euseb., , Praep. Evang. x, 3Google Scholar.

34 Proclus, , In rempublicam, II, 23Google Scholar, l. 14–15 Teubner.

35 See Hefermehl, E., Rh. Mus. LXI (1906), 299 fGoogle Scholar.

36 Suda M 46.

37 Philos., , Vit. Soph, II, 33Google Scholar (emended Loeb trans.).

38 Suda Ф 735.

39 Suda A 4735. The text reads ‘βασιλευόντος Μαξιμιανοῦ’, but the correction is obligatory. The suggestion of Rohde, E., Kleine Schriften I, 341Google Scholar, n. 1, that all the ‘Apsines’ who flourished in Athens in the third and fourth centuries can be collected in a single family is unfortunately not viable.

40 Oliver, J. H., Hesperia X (1941), 260–1Google Scholar; for the family of Apsines' wife, see Oliver, The Athenian Expounders of the Sacred and Ancestral Law (1950), 78 f., and E. Kapetanopoulos, op. cit. in n. 64a.

41 Suda K 231. Cf. Cameron, op. cit. (n. 32).

42 Suda Γ 132.

43 See for this theme M. Rosenbach, Galliena Augusta: Einzelgötter und Allgott im gallienischen Pantheon (1958), 15 f.

44 IG II2, 3814 = Syll. 3 845.

45 Plut., , V. Ant. 68, 4–5Google Scholar.

46 Ibid. 28; cf. Oldfather, W. A., ‘A Friend of Plutarch's Grandfather’, CPh XIX (1924), 177Google Scholar.

47 See Syll. 3 844 A–B.

48 See Schissel, O., ‘Die Familie des Minukianos. Ein Beitrag zur Personenkunde des neuplatonischen Athen’, Klio XXI (1927), 361Google Scholar. Compare Rosenbach, op. cit. (n. 43), 18 f.

49 Suda N 373.

50 Suda M 1087.

51 IG II2, 5199, 5200.

52 See PIR C 892. The entry now requires revision.

53 IG II3, 3689, 3690.

54 IG IV2, 428–30.

55 IG IV2, 431.

56 OGIS 721.

57 J. Baillet, ‘Constantin et le dadouque d'Éleusis’, CRAI 1922, 282.

58 So Graindor, P., ‘Constantin et le dadouque Nicagoras’, Byzantion III (1926), 209Google Scholar; cf. Schissel, op. cit. (n. 48).

59 Himerius, , Ecl. VII, 4Google Scholar; cf. Or. XXIII, 21.

60 Marinus, vita Procli 36. Cf. P. Graindor, Chronologie des archontes athéniens sous l'Empire (1922), 273–4.

61 IG IV2, 436–7.

62 Zosimus IV, 18. See, on the Nestorii, father and grandfather of Plutarch, Évrard, É., Ant. Class. XXIX (1960), 120–133Google Scholar.

63 Marinus, , vita Procli 12, 28Google Scholar.

64 IG II2 3818. This Plutarchus was a sophist, not a philosopher, see Robert, L., Hellenica IV, 4 fGoogle Scholar.

64a See Kapetanopoulos, E., ‘Leonides VII of Melite and his Family’, BCH XCII (1968), 493CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

65 See Oliver, J. H., ‘Two Athenian Poets’, Hesperia Supp. VIII (1949), 243CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

66 See Oliver, J. H., Hesperia II (1933), 505 f.Google Scholar; ibid. XI (1942), 71 f. For a new inscription of a member of the family see Koumanoudes, S. in Αρχ. Δελτ. XXI, 1 (1966), 143Google Scholar.

67 IG II2, 2342.

68 Vita Gall. II, 3 ‘apud Athenas archon erat, id est summus magistratus, vanitate ilia, qua et civis adscribi desiderabat et sacris omnibus interesse’; II, 5 ‘Areopagitarum praeterea cupiebat ingeri numero contempta prope re publica’.

69 For the theme of the ‘Hellenic revival’ under Gallienus see Alföldi, A., ‘Die Vorherrschaft der Pannonier im Römerreiche und die Reaktion des Hellenentums unter Gallienus’, 50 Jahre Röm.- Germ. Kom. (1929), IIGoogle Scholar = Studien zur Geschichte der Weltkrise des 3. Jahrh. nach Christus (1967), 228; cf. Rosenbach, op. cit. (n. 43).

70 IG II2, 3704; see Oliver, op. cit. (n. 65).

71 Porph., , Vit. Plot., 15, 20Google Scholar.

72 Eunap., Vit. Soph. 457.

73 Suda Π 812.

74 Suda A 2185.

75 Suda Ἰ 435.

76 Eunap., Vit. Soph. 482–3.

77 He was 87 when Eunapius came to Athens about 362/3, Vit. Soph. 485, 493.

78 Eunap., Vit. Soph. 487.

79 Or. I, 19.

80 Ibid. II.

81 From IG II2, 3665; PIR 2 H 104; and Rosenbach, op. cit. (n. 43), 23.

82 IG II2, 2245; see Moretti, L., Iscrizioni agonistiche greche (Stud. pub. dell'Inst. It. per la storia antica XII (1953)), 202 fGoogle Scholar.

83 See Jones, C. P., ‘Towards a Chronology of Plutarch's Works’, JRS LVI (1966), 61Google Scholar.

84 See Geagan, D. J., The Athenian Constitution after Sulla (Hesperia Supp. XII (1967)), 41 fGoogle Scholar.

85 See n. 82.

86 See Graindor, P. in BCH XXXIX (1915), 253 fGoogle Scholar.

87 PIR 2 H 126.

88 Eunap., Vit. Soph. 457 = Jacoby, FGrH 100 T 2.

89 Geagan, op. cit. (n. 84), 7, 10.

90 Ibid. 55.

91 See Stein, A., ‘Griechische Rangtitel in der römischen Kaiserzeit’, Wiener Studien XXXIV (1912), 160Google Scholar.

92 See P. Foucart, Les mystères d'Éleusis (1914).

93 So L. Deubner, Attische Feste 2 (1966), 32.

94 Geagan, op. cit. (n. 84), 136.

95 See W. Froehner, Inscriptions grecques du musée impérial du Louvre (1865) 220, no. 119; cf. P. Graindor, Album d'inscriptions attiques d'époque impériale (1924), 72, no. 105, Pl. LXXXIII.

96 On the formula κατὰ τὸ ἐπερώτημα see Geagan, op. cit. (n. 84), 45 f.

97 Ibid. 74–5.

98 See Busse, A., ‘Der Historiker und der Philosoph Dexippus’, Hermes XXIII (1888), 402Google Scholar.

99 Note especially the consular Ulpius Leurus, his son, M. Ulpius Eubiotus Leurus, and grandsons, M. Ulpius Flavius Tisamenus and M. Pupenius Maximus, Barbieri, Albo 2119–2122; also Claudius Illyrius, cf. n. 52.

100 Photius, Bib. 82 = Jacoby, FGrH 100, T 5. Testimonia and Fragmenta in Jacoby are hence-forward cited as T 1, F 1, etc.

101 Euagrius, , Hist. Eccles. V, 24Google Scholar = T 6 ἀπὸ μνθικῶν ἀρξαμένῳ καὶ λήξαντι ἐς τὴξαντι ἐς τὴν Κλαυδίου τοῦ μετὰ Γαλλίηνον βασιλείαν.

102 For difficulties about the exact date see Jacoby, ad loc.

103 See now Syme, R., Ammianus and the Historia Augusta (1968)Google Scholar.

104 One may note, however, that further consideration could be given to the arguments of Altheim, F., Literatur und Geschichte im ausgehenden Altertum I (1948), 175–192Google Scholar, that Dexippus' History is the annalistic source underlying the HA's biographies of the Emperors from 240 to 270.

105 Jordanes, Getica 113 (F 30). See E. Ch. Skrijunskaya, Iordan o proiskhojdenii i de'aniakh Getov: Getica (1960).

106 See JRS LVII (1967), 16, n. 100Google Scholar.

107 See Stein, F. J., Herodianus et Dexippus rerum scriptores quatenus Thucydidem secuti sint (Diss. Bonn 1957). 10 fGoogle Scholar.

108 The text has not been re-edited since Migne, , PG X, 1019–48Google Scholar, and Routh, , Reliquiae Sacrae III, 251–83Google Scholar.

109 J. Geffcken, Die Oracula Sibyllina (1902); cf. Olmstead, A. T., ‘The Mid-Third Century of the Christian Era’, CPh XXXVII (1942), 241, 398Google Scholar.

110 Jacoby, FGrH 101 F 2 τόδε δὲ παρὰ Μακεδόνων αὐτῶν οὐκ ἤκουσα, ἐν δ' ἑτέρῃ πολιορκίῃ ἔμαθον ἀντιτεχνηθῆναι πρὸς τὰ πυρφόρα ταῦτα βέλεα, Κελτῶν προσκαθημένων πόλει Τυρρηνῶν καλεομένῃ ἔστι δὲ αὕτη χώρης τῆς Γαλατίης τῶν ἐν τῇ ἑσπέρῃ κατοικημένων, ἔθνεος τοῦ Λουγδουνησίου. For the identity of the place see Jacoby, ad loc.

111 Jordanes, Getica 92. See J. Wiesner, Die Thraker (1963), 181.

112 On the siege of Philippopolis see Wiesner, loc. cit. and B. Gerov, ‘Die gotische Invasion in Mösien und Thrakien unter Decius im Lichte der Hortfunde’, Acta Antiqua Philippopolitana, Stud. hist. et phil. (1963), 127.

113 For the date see Alföldi, A., ‘Über die Juthungeneinfälle unter Aurelian’, BIAB (Serta Kazaroviana) XVI (1950), 21Google Scholar = Studien zur Geschichte der Weltkrise des 3. Jahrh. nach Christus (1967), 427.

114 See Stein, op. cit. (n. 107), 48 f.

115 On the problem, for which the evidence is very sparse, Grosse, R., Römische Militärgeschichte von Gallienus bis zum Beginn der byzantinischen Themenverfassung (1920), 15 f.Google Scholar; van Berchem, D., L'armée de Dioclétien et la réforme constantinienne (1952), 103 f.Google Scholar; Jones, A. H. M., The Later Roman Empire (1964), 52–3Google Scholar.

116 For comparative material see Callies, H., ‘Die fremden Truppen im römischen Heer des Prinzipats und die sogenannten nationalen Numeri: Beiträge zur Geschichte des römischen Heeres’, 45. Bericht der röm.-germ. Kommission 1964 (1965), 130Google Scholar.

117 See Mócsy, A. in RE Supp. IX, 690Google Scholar.

118 At this time, however, the title of protector seems to have been granted individually to equestrian officers. See Jones, op. cit. (n. 115), 53. Note the new evidence in Gerov, B., ‘La carriera militare di Marciano, generate di Gallieno’, Athenaeum XLIII (1965), 333Google Scholar; Nagy, T., ‘Die Inschrift des Legionspräfekten P. Ael. Aelianus aus Ulcisia Castra’, Klio XLVI (1965), 339Google Scholar.

119 See Millar, op. cit. (n. 14), 119–73.

120 Unless we include the passing phrase in F 25 (1) on Marcianopolis: τὸ δὲ ὄνομα Τραιανοῦ τοῦ βασιλέως τὴν ἀδελφὴν ἐνδεδωκέναι τῇ πόλει λέγουσιν οἱ ἐγχώριοι.

121 For more detailed analyses of the sources than that given here see Alföldi, A. in CAH XII (1939), 721–3Google Scholar, and J. Straub, Studien zur Historia (1952), 40 f.

122 Viet., Aur., Caes. 33, 3Google Scholar; cf. Eutrop. IX, 8, 2 and Oros. VII, 22, 7.

123 Am. Marc., XXXI, 5, 17.

124 See Syme, op. cit. (n. 103).

125 Vit. Gall. 13, 6–8.

126 Zos. I, 39, 1.

127 Zos. I, 42–3.

128 Exc. Vat. 169; FHG IV p. 196, 9 (1) (‘anon. continuator of Cassius Dio’); Dio ed. Boissevain III, p. 745. For the attribution to Petrus Patricius, see Krumbacher, Gesch. d. byz. Lit., 237–9.

129 Syncellus p. 715, Bonn.

130 Ibid. p. 717, Bonn.

131 Zon. XII, 23.

132 Ibid. XII, 26 C-D.

133 The brief summary given here relies on Thompson, H. A., ‘Athenian Twilight: A.D. 267–600’, JRS XLIX (1950), 61Google Scholar, and Frantz, A., ‘From Paganism to Christianity in the Temples of Athens’, Dumbarton Oaks Papers XIX (1965), 185CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Note also Frantz, A., ‘Honours to a Librarian’, Hesperia XXXV (1966), 377CrossRefGoogle Scholar, and, for a contemporary coin-hoard at Sparta, Karamesines-Oekonomidos, M., Χαριστἡριον Α. Κ. Ὀρλἀνδου III (1966), 367Google Scholar.

134 See Raubitschek, A. E., ‘Iamblichos at Athens’, Hesperia XXXIII (1964), 63CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

135 See C. G. Starr, The Roman Imperial Navy 2 (1960), 194–5.

136 See Stein, op. cit. (n. 107), 67 f.

137 Zos. I, 32–3.

138 See n. 108.

139 Pausanias X, 34, 5 and Frazer, ad. loc. Cf. von Premerstein, A. in Klio XII (1912), 145 f.Google Scholar; Russu, I. I., ‘Les Costoboces’, Dacia III (1959), 341Google Scholar, and now Gerov, B., ‘Die Krisis in den Ostbalkanländern während der Alleinregierung des Marcus Aurelius’, Act. Ant. Ac. Sc. Hung, XVI (1968), 325Google Scholar.

140 Plassart, A., ‘Une levée de volontaires Thespiens sous Marc Aurèle’, Mélanges Glotz II (1932), 731Google Scholar.

141 Eusebius, , FGrHF 101 1, 2Google Scholar; Amm. Marc, XXXI, 5, 16; Zos. 1, 29, 2; Syncellus p. 715, Bonn; Zon. XII, 23.

142 Vita Claud. 12, 4.

143 Zos. I, 42.

144 See Stoian, I., ‘La città pontica di Tomis: saggio storico’, Dacia V (1961), 233, see 270 fGoogle Scholar.

145 Ovid, , Tristia, IV, 1, 71–84Google Scholar.

146 See Ins. v. Didytna no. 159 and comm.; cf. Robert, , Hellenica VI (1948), 119 fGoogle Scholar.

147 Miletos I, 9, no. 339a. See Magie, Roman Rule in Asia Minor (1950), p. 1566, n. 28.

148 For examples see MacMullen, R., Soldier and Civilian in the Later Roman Empire (1963), 129Google Scholar, and Magie, loc. cit.

149 See le Gentilhomme, P., ‘Le désastre d'Autun en 269’, REA XLV (1943), 233CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

150 AE 1928, 38. Cf. Leschi, L., Études d'epigraphie, d'archéologie et d'histoire africaines (1957), 349 fGoogle Scholar.

151 See Paschoud, F., Roma Aeterna: études sur le patriotisme romain dans l'Occident latin à l'époque des grandes invasions (1967)Google Scholar.

152 I owe this point to Dr. A. D. E. Cameron.

153 Baynes, N. H., ‘The Hellenistic Civilisation and East Rome’, Byzantine Studies and Other Essays (1955). IGoogle Scholar.