^{page 135 note 1} On the boundaries at various periods see Brün-now-Domaszewski, Provincia Arabia, iii, pp. 264Google Scholar ff.

^{page 135 note 2} Under which head their coins, so far as represented in the British Museum up to 1899,have been catalogued by Wroth, B.M.C. Galatia, etc. (1899).

^{page 135 note 3} See Wroth, op. cit. p. 302.

^{page 135 note 4} See especially Dussaud, Notes de Mythologie Syrienne, p. 167 ff. and below, under Bostra. It is supposed that the panegyriarchs of Adraa whose dedicatory inscriptions appear at Petra (Brünnow, i, p 220, no. 60, 2-4) represented Adraa at the annual festival of Dusares; and one of the inscriptions accompanies the figure of an omphalos-shaped baetyl like that shown on the coins of Adraa. It is, however, noticeable that the neighbouring dedications of panegyriarchs are to θεἁ μεγίστη, presumably Allât, who may be the paredros of Dusares.

^{page 135 note 5} Brünnow-Domaszewski, iii, p. 265; Dussaud, Notes, p. 117.

^{page 135 note 6} See especially de Saulcy, Terre Sainte, pp. 373 ff, and Dussaud, loc. cit.

^{page 135 note 7} Dalman, Petra u.s. Felsheiligtümer, p. 50, thinks they are the remains of pillars supporting an arch over the baetyl.

^{page 136 note 1} The coin of Elagabalus representing three baetyls on a platform approached by steps, with ΔΟΥС…. ϴЄОС, which Dussaud (Notes, p. 170) ascribes to Adraa is more probably of Bostra.

^{page 136 note 2} de Saulcy, p. 374, note on no. 2.

^{page 136 note 3} See de Saulcy, p. 375, under Caracalla.

^{page 136 note 4} Not upon the table, as de Saulcy says.

^{page 136 note 5} For the remains see especially Brünnow-Domaszewski, iii, pp. 1-84. C. R. Morey has made a useful list of the known coins of Bostra in the appendix to Div. ii, sect. A, part 4 of Publications of the Princeton Univ. Archaeol. Exped. to Syria in 1904-1905 and 1909; this appendix is hereafter cited as Morey, Bostra. It supersedes the same author's article in the Revue Numismatique for 1911. The article on Bostra by Kubitschek in the Numismatische Zeitschrift for 1916 only came into my hands after this article was in type. I have endeavoured to incorporate most of the information which he provides.

^{page 136 note 6} Brünnow-Domaszewski, iii, p. 303.

^{page 136 note 7} Possibly personifying the Auranitis and Arabia Petraea. The type is not included by M. Jatta in his Rappresentanze figurate delle Provincie Romane (1908).

^{page 136 note 8} For the form of for ἔτους compare the coins of Olba in Cilicia, B.M.C. Lycaonia, etc. pp. 119 ff.

^{page 137 note 1} Doctr. iii, 500. Kubitschek, op. cit. p. 189, argues that the authority of Damascius on such a point is worthless.

^{page 137 note 2} Mus. Sanclem. iii, p. 8, 9; Mionnet, Supp. viii, p. 385,Google Scholar nos. 9–14; Morey in Rev. Num. 1911, pp. 81 f. The reading BOSTRA is given in Mus. Sanclem. on the authority of Cousinéry. Morey, who had previously (Rev. Num. loc. cit.) accepted the attribution of these coins to Bostra, now recognises its improbability.

^{page 137 note 3} Terre Sainte, p. 366.

^{page 137 note 4} Another coin of Caracalla that has probably been misread seems to give the name ΑΝΤΩΝΙ … to Bostra (de Saulcy, p. 365, no. 2). As regards an alleged later coin with Greek inscription, see Kubitschek, op. cit. p. 186 (Maximinus, Thessalonica).

^{page 137 note 5} Pellerin, Mél. de Méd. i (1765), p. 300,Google Scholar no. 6. Obv. IMP. M. AVR. ANTѠNIN. Bust of Elagabalus laureate. Rev. N. TRA. BOSTRA. Founder ploughing with two oxen. cf. Mionnet, v, 582, 20 (who gives N. TPA. BOSTRA). The mixture of Latin and Greek on the obverse is, of course, possible, but does not add to our confidence in the reading. Kubitschek, op. cit. p. 187, thinks that Bostra may have been made a colony in the last days of Elagabalus, while Alexander was Caesar.

^{page 137 note 6} Meyer, P., Fleckeisen's Jahrhücher f. class. Philol. xliii, 1897, p. 595Google Scholar, note, cuts the difficulty by saying that Bostra received ‘Stadtrecht’ under Septimius Severus, and became a colony under Severus Alexander.

^{page 137 note 7} See especially Baethgen, , Beitr. z. semit. Religionsgesch. pp. 92 ffGoogle Scholar; Cumont in Pauly Wissowa, v, 1865 f; Dussaud, Notes de Mythologie Syr. pp. 169 ff; C. R. Morey, Rev. Num. 1911, pp. 69 ff. = Bostra, pp. 1 ff.

^{page 137 note 8} cf. the inscription on the coin of Commodus in the British Museum: ΛΑΥΡΚΟΜ[ΚΑ?] ICAV ΤνΙΟ⊏ϵΒ. On Γ for ⊏ and Ѕ, see Kubitschek, op. cit. pp. 190 n. 3.

^{page 138 note 1} See e.g. Dalman, G., Petra u. s. Felsheiligtümer (1908), p. 50Google Scholar. In the dedication by Syllaeus at Miletus he is identified with Zeus.

^{page 138 note 2} cf. the coin of Etruscilla, de Saulcy, p. 370, where the type is also described as Dionysos (cf. Morey, Bostra, p. 16, no. 51).

^{page 138 note 3} Num. Zeit. 1908, p. 131. He still adheres to his view in Num. Zeit. 1916, p. 192.

^{page 138 note 4} He publishes an interesting variation of the type, his fig. 20, on which the base looks rather like a throne (here plate xi, 6). On the left, upwards, is ΔΟΥ; in the exergue ΟС (which is probably for Θϵ [ΟС] as in Dussaud's reading of the Ruvier specimen.

^{page 138 note 5} Since the above was written, the technical objections to the wine-press theory have been put with convincing force in Rev. Num. 1916, p. 184. All the constructional parts of a press (the two summers, the two posts) are lacking; so also are all the essential elements of the screw (such as transverse lever, hole therefor in the head of the screw, inclination of the thread, etc.); and the base, instead of being solid, as is essential, is a platform.

^{page 138 note 6} Dussaud's suggestion of shewbread does not seem vey probable.

^{page 138 note 7} B.M.C. Cyprus, p. cxxxii.

^{page 139 note 1} C.I.S. ii (i), p. 183, no. 157.

^{page 139 note 2} B.M.C. Phoenicia, p. lxxvii, plates xvi, 1, and xli, 16.

^{page 139 note 3} De Saulcy, p. 366, no. 3. Cf. Kubitschek, op. cit. pp. 191–2. One of the gods of the Nabataeans seems to have been called (Baethgen, Beitr. z. semit. Religionsgesch. pp. 107 f.) and this may be represented by the ΚΑΝΙ of the Greek inscription.

^{page 139 note 4} Drexler in Zeit. f. Num. xiii (1885), p. 281;Google Scholar C. R. Morey, Bostra, p. 8. The cuirass worn by the god is best seen on a coin at Paris with his bust. On the pre-colonial coin of Elagabalus, mentioned above, his garb is not military.

^{page 139 note 5} p. 365. As Kubitschek remarks (p. 193) it is probable that the object on which Tyche rests her foot is always the same, not a lion on one coin, a prow on another, a human figure on a third. He describes (ibid.) a coin of Otacilia Severa with rev. Bust of Tyche, veiled and turreted, holding a sceptre ending in a flower-shaped or cornucopiae-shaped head. Is not this the ordinary type with the cornucopiae as seen on many earlier coins?

^{page 140 note 1} Notes, p. 180. It is strange, at the same time, that he has mistaken the goddess for a male deity.

^{page 140 note 2} Brünnow-Domaszewski, i, p. 220, fig. 252. Dalman, Petra u. s. Felsheiligtümer, p. 145, says the goddess stands between two panthers; he cannot see the cornucopiae, and adds that the modius is conjectural.

^{page 140 note 3} See Baethgen, , Beitr. z. sem. Religionsgesch. (1888), p. 107Google Scholar. Littmann (Princeton Univ. Arch. Exp. div. iv, sect. A, p. 57)Google Scholar is inclined to regard (Sharait) as the name of the consort of Dusares at Bostra; but his interpretation is admittedly veiy uncertain. Another Nabataean goddess at Petra and Bostra is al-'Uzza (ibid. p. 58), but she is only a hypostasis of Allât (Dussaud, Les Arabes en Syrie avant l'Islam, p. 132).

^{page 140 note 4} Baethgen, Beitr. p. 97; Dussaud, , Les Arabes en Syrie avant l'Islam (1907), p. 129Google Scholar.

^{page 140 note 5} Littmann, Princeton Univ. Arch. Exped. div. iv, sect. A, p. 13Google Scholar.

^{page 140 note 6} Benzinger in Pauly-Wissowa, iii, 2120; Babelon, in Rev. Num. 1899, pp. 274 fGoogle Scholar; art. Kir (of Moab) in Hastings' Diet, of the Bible; Musil, A., Arabia Petraea, i (1907), pp. 45–62Google Scholar.

^{page 141 note 1} Such as the erected to Dusares at Umm-el-Jimâl (Princeton Univ. Arch. Exped. div. iv, sect. A, p. 34)Google Scholar. For Nabataean pillar-idols generally, see Dalman, Petra u. s. Felsheiligtümer, p. 70.

^{page 141 note 2} Benzinger in Pauly-Wissowa, v, 834; de Saulcy pp 378 ff.

^{page 141 note 3} Brünnow-Domaszewski, 111, p. 264f. The coin discussed at such length by de Saulcy, with ΔΑΣ ΔΙΟΥ, belongs to Seleucia on the Tigris.

^{page 141 note 4} de Saulcy, loc. cit.; Brünnow-Domaszewski, loc. cit. and p. 361; Bleckmann, in Zeitschr. d. deutschen Palastina-Vereins, xxxvi, (1913), p. 234Google Scholar.

^{page 141 note 5} Brünnow-Domaszewski, op. cit. iii, p. 304Google Scholar.

^{page 141 note 6} Dussaud in Pauly-Wissowa-Kroll, vii, 2161.

^{page 141 note 7} See Imhoof-Blumer, Monn. grecques, p. 450; Benzinger in Pauly-Wissowa, v, 1896; Brünnow-Domaszewski, iii, p. 268; Anz. Akad. Wiss. Wien, Phil.-hist. Kl. 44 (1907), p. 140. For the site see Rev. Bibl. 1904, pp. 403 ff. 1905, pp. 74 ff.; A. Musil, Arabia Petraea, 11, ii (1908), pp. 106–151Google Scholar. I have to thank Dr. Imhoof-Blumer for a cast of the coin here illustrated.

^{page 142 note 1} de Saulcy, p. 393; Benzinger in Pauly-Wissowa, vi, 613; Musil, A., Arabia Petraea, i (1907), pp. 383 ff.Google Scholar

^{page 142 note 2} B.M.C. Palestine, p. xix.

^{page 142 note 3} Eckhel, iii, p. 503.

^{page 142 note 4} Drexler in Roscher, ii, 2728 f. where it is suggested that this is the Semitic god Sin.

^{page 142 note 5} B.M.C. Palestine, p. 78.

^{page 142 note 6} This suggests another possibility: the god may be the Phoenician Eshmun with his sacred serpent, whose worship might well have been considered in place at Heshbôn.

^{page 142 note 7} Brünnow-Domaszewski, iii, p. 265.

^{page 142 note 8} ibid. p. 303; Schürer, Gesch. d. jüdischen Volkes, ii⁴, pp. 182Google Scholar ff.

^{page 142 note 9} For the history of the place, see Schumacher, G. in Zeitschr. d. Deutschen Palästina-V ereins, xxv (1902), pp. 119 ffGoogle Scholar; Schürer, op. cit. pp. 177ff.

^{page 143 note 1} Perdrizet, , Lettre au R.P. Séjourné in Rev. Biblique, p. 441 (pp. 13 ff. of reprint)Google Scholar, who shows (1) that Imhoof-Blutner's interpretation of the latter part of the coin-legend as τῶν πρὸς Γεράσοις must be corrected as in the text; (2) that therefore Antiochia ad Chrysorrhoam and Gerasa were identical, not neighbouring places; and (3) that the Chrysorrhoas is not the river of Damascus and Leucas, but another stream on which Jerash lies, called the Wady Jerash. The most recently-found inscription is a Latin one of Hadrian mentioning the place under the title ‘Antiochia ad Chrysorhoan quae et Gerasa Hiera et Asylo(s) et Autonomos’ (Cheesman, in Journ. Rom. Stud. iv (1914), p. 13)Google Scholar.

^{page 143 note 2} Rev. Suisse, viii (1898), p. 47fGoogle Scholar. I have to thank Dr. Imhoof-Blumer for casts of these coins, and of a third in the Gotha cabinet on which the inscription is incomplete (M. Aurelius, Tyche seated as on the coin of Verus).

^{page 143 note 3} de Saulcy, Terre Sarnte, pp. 385 ff. The coin of Severus Alexander, with a figure of Artemis as huntress, depends on Sestini's authority only. The coinage probably began on the occasion of Hadrian's visit to Palestine in 129–30, when a statue of the emperor was erected in the city: see Bleckmann in Zeitschr. D.P.V. xxxvi, p. 231,Google Scholar and cf. ibid. pp. 260 f; or it may have been connected with the wintering of eight troops of the Cavalry of the Guard at Gerasa, which Cheesman (Journ. Rom. Stud. iv (1914), p. 16)Google Scholar supposes to have taken place in A.D. 132.

^{page 143 note 4} de Saulcy describes one coin of Hadrian (p. 385, 3, Mionnet, v, p. 329, 57) as having the bust placed on a crescent.

^{page 143 note 5} Lucas, H. in Mitt. u. Nachr. des deutschen Palestina-V ereins, 1901, pp. 50 ffGoogle Scholar: no. 2 Θεȃ Ἀρτέμδι; nos. 3, 5 Ἀρτέμδι κυρίᾳ; no. 4 Θεᾷ Λακα[ίνῃ] ἐπηκόψ Ἀρτέμιδι. Schumacher, Zeitschr. D.P.V. xxv (1902), p. 130,Google Scholar adheres to the view that the great temple was dedicated to the Sun. For other inscriptions, besides the references given by Schürer, p. 179 note, see Princeton Univ. Expedition, div. iii, sect. A, part i, pp. 18 f.

^{page 143 note 6} A. J. Keinach, Rev. Ét. gr. 1912, p. 68.

^{page 143 note 7} A. Jacoby, Das geogr. Mosaik von Madaba (1905). On the sit see A. Musil, Arabia Petraea, i (1907), pp. 113–123Google Scholar.

^{page 143 note 8} Comptes Rendus de l'Acad. 1898, p. 387= Mél. Num. iii, pp. 251 ff.

^{page 144 note 1} de Saulcy, Terre Sainte, p. 358.

^{page 144 note 2} R. P. Achille Decloedt, Rev. Num. 1910, p. 532. He mentions a second specimen in the collection of the German Benedictines at Jerusalem.

^{page 144 note 3} B.M.C. Palestine, p. xix.

^{page 144 note 4} Mitth. d. k. k. geog. Gesellsch. in Wien, 1900, p. 369.

^{page 144 note 5} Terre Sainte, p. 402.

^{page 144 note 6} Num. Imp. pp. 44 and 84.

^{page 144 note 7} v, p. 586, nos. 40, 41.

^{page 145 note 1} Mr. E. S. G. Robinson suggests that it may be a coin of Dora, with the inscription ΔѠΡΑ ІЄΡ. ΑСΥ. ΑΥΤΟ κ.τ.λ and a type similar to that of B.M.C Phoenicia, p. 118, no. 43 (Elagabalus). In the illustration in Gessner, Num. Ant. Imp. Rom. pl. cii, fig. 46, the word ΜΟΚΑ occupies the ame position in the exergue as the word ΔѠΡΑ on the coin of Elagabalus, and the representation of the temple looks as if the engraver had omitted the gable and one column on each side.

^{page 145 note 2} See especially Brünnow - Domaszewski, i, pp. 125 –428; A. Musil, Arabia Petraea, ii (1907), pp. 41Google Scholar ff.; G. Dalman, Petra u. s. Felsbeiligtümer (1908), and Neue Petra-Forschungen (1912).

^{page 145 note 3} de Saulcy, pp. 351–3. Perhaps the titles were given on the occasion of a visit by Hadrian in 130. Kubitschek, Num. Zt. 1916, p. 185–6.

^{page 145 note 4} Petra, p. 52.

^{page 145 note 5} de Saulcy, p. 353.

^{page 145 note 6} In the market in 1906; obv. ΑΥΚ…ΥΗ ΡΟ⊏ΠΕ- bust of Severus r. laureate; in counter-mark on neck, Δ; rev. ΑΔΡΙΑΝΗΠΕΤ ΡΑΜΗΤΡΟΠΟΛΙС. City-goddess seated 1. as described in text. Mionnet (v, p. 588, 49) describes a coin of Geta bearing on the obverse ϵ in counter-mark.

^{page 145 note 7} cf. the pillar-idols so frequent at Petra: Dalman, Petra, p. 70.

^{page 145 note 8} Her fingers have apparently been taken for ears of corn by de Saulcy (p. 351, no. 1); and the cornucopiae and palm-branch which have been described as carried by her on some specimens seem to be equally doubtful.

^{page 145 note 9} Probably also on a joint coin of two Antonine emperors, where de Saulcy describes the reverse type as a pontifex.

^{page 145 note 10} de Saulcy mentions three in the Paris Cabinet, two in his own collection (acquired at Jerusalem,) and one (under Pella, p. 292, ‘Caracalla’) from the Clennont-Ganneau collection; this last is now in the British Museum, which also acquired three others with the Hamburger collection.

^{page 146 note 1} de Saulcy, pp. 386 ff; Wroth, B.M.C. Galatia, etc. pp. lxxxix, 306; Schürer, ii⁴, pp. 189ff.; Princeton Univ. Arch. Exped. div. ii, sect. A, part 1, pp. 34 ff.; div. iii, sect. A, pp. 8 ff.

^{page 146 note 2} Comm. ad Horn. Iliad. 332, 19.

^{page 146 note 3} Müller's attribution of Alexandrine coins with ΦΙ (nos. 1473 ff.) to this mint cannot be accepted.

^{page 146 note 4} Brünnow-Domaszewski, iii, p. 265; Schürer, ii⁴, p. 192.

^{page 146 note 5} According to the LXX, 2 Sam. 12, 30.

^{page 146 note 6} de Saulcy, p. 391 (Caracalla, or rather Elagabalus); Herakles standing, resting on club, holding lion-skin.

^{page 146 note 7} cf. the bust on the coin illustrated with the coins of Tyre, B.M.C. Phoenicia, pl. xxxvi.

^{page 146 note 8} Cicero, de nat. deor. iii xvi, 42;Google Scholar Athenaeus, ix, 392 d.

^{page 146 note 9} On the other hand, the veiled goddess on certain quasi-autonomous coins, without a star above her head, is Demeter; for the reverse types associated with her bust are a wicker basket containing two ears of corn between two serpents (British Museum) and five ears of corn (Mionnet, v, p. 330, no. 61).

^{page 146 note 10} Variously misread by older authorities.

^{page 147 note 1} Journ. Hellen. Stud. xxxi, pp. 61 ff, pl. iii, 17–19; iv, 25, 34: cf. also the well-known car of the sun-god of Emesa. A temple of Herakles, and possibly also a procession in his honour, at Philadelphia are mentioned in an inscription: Clermont-Ganneau, , Rev. Arch. vi (1905), pp. 209 ff.Google Scholar

^{page 147 note 2} Perhaps they are coins of the Lydian Philadelphia. Lydian also may be the coin of M. Aurelius and L. Verus with a figure with extended arms in a distyle temple (Mionnet, v, p. 333, 79) : possibly Helios, cf. B.M.C. Lydia, p. 199, no. 73.

^{page 147 note 3} de Saulcy, pl. xxii, 7. To judge from a cast, preit would seem that the surface of the coin has been worked on.

^{page 147 note 4} A similar specimen from the Hamburger collection shows that the letters on the reverse are ΚΙΗ ΤωΝ.

^{page 147 note 5} Imhoof-Blumer, Lyd. Stadtmünzen, p. 121, no. 29.

^{page 147 note 6} Brunnow-Domaszewski, iii, pp. 145 ff; Publications of an Amer. Archaeol. Exped. to Syria in 1899–1900, part ii (1904), pp. 376 ff; iii. pp. 307 ff; Kubitschek, Sbr. Akad. Wien. Bd. 177, Abh. 4 (1916), pp. 40Google Scholar ff. Kubitschek's suggestion that the ancient name may have been Chababa is, he says, rejected by philologists, so far as equation with the modern name is concerned. It is to be presumed that Philip was born in the place where he founded the city (Dessau, Prosopogr. ii, p. 205).

^{page 147 note 7} Brünnow-Domaszewski, ibid. p. 167.

^{page 148 note 1} See especially Waddington, Mél. de Num. ii, pp. 61 f.

^{page 148 note 2} de Saulcy takes the two figures to be the two Philips 5 but the eagle shows that the figures are divinised. Mowat (Rev. Num. 1912, p. 200) is certainly wrong in calling them the Dioscuri.

^{page 148 note 3} Brünnow-Domaszewski, 111, p. 305, give 248 (or, more exactly, between 247 and aut. 249). But Kubitschek, loc. cit. shows that Philip founded the colony before he went to Rome, where he arrived about summer 244.

^{page 148 note 4} Brünnow-Domaszewski, i, pp. 54–59. Musil, A., Arabia Petraea, i (1907), pp. 370–372, 381Google Scholar.

^{page 148 note 5} See especially Dietrich, F. in Merx Archiv. f. wiss. Erforsch. des A. T. i (1869), pp. 320 ffGoogle Scholar. and further references in articles Ar and Kerith in Hastings' Dict. of the Bible.

^{page 148 note 6} Euseb. Onom. p. 58, 13 (ed. Larsow et Parthey): ἐπειδὴ καλοῦσιν εἰς ἔτι καὶ νῦν ἈΡιὴλ τὸ εἴδωλον αὐτῶν οἱ τὴν Ἀρεόπολιν οἰκοῦντες, ἀπὸ τοῦ σέβειν τὸν Ἄρεα, ἐξ οὗ καὶ τὴν πόλιν ὠνόμασαν.

^{page 149 note 1} See G. A. Cooke, North-Semitic Inscriptions, p. 11, quoting Robertson Smith's suggestion that the was a pillar surmounted by a cresset, which exactly describes the objects on the coins.

^{page 149 note 2} Cooke, op. cit. no. 80, note on 1, 4.

^{page 149 note 3} Beiträge zur semit. Religionsgeschichte, p. 14.

^{page 149 note 4} As on a coin of Septimius Severus in the British Museum: cf F. de Saulcy, Mélanges de Numism. i (1875), p. 338Google Scholar.

^{page 149 note 5} de Saulcy, pp. 355 f. nos. 4–6.

^{page 149 note 6} St. Jerome, Comm. in Jos. c. 15.

^{page 149 note 7} Kiepert, Formae Orbis Antiqui. Mommsen, Provinces, ii, 68Google Scholar ff. The details in Marquardt, Röm. Staatsverw. i², 435 ff. are for the most part worthless, owing to his uncritical use of the numismatic evidence.

^{page 150 note 1} Seleucia is usually included by numismatists under Mesopotamia; but its nearness to Babylon and the unlikeness of its coinage to the otherwise homogeneous Roman coinages of Mesopotamian cities make it desirable to transfer it to Babylonia.

^{page 150 note 2} In Lehmann's Beiträge zur alten Gesch. i, pp. 450–456.

^{page 150 note 3} Sestini (Mus. Hed. iii, p. 123,Google Scholar n. 1, Taf. 32–3) gives a coin of Maximinus. One of Domitian which has often been published is of Anemurium in Cilicia (see B.M.C. Lycaonia, etc. p. xli, note 2). Sestini also describes two coins which he reads ΑΝΘϵΜΟΥСΙΑ instead of ΑΝΘϵΜΟΥСΙΩΝ.

^{page 150 note 4} Regling in Lehmann's Beitr. z. alt. Gesch. i, map at p. 445; Sachau, E., Reise in Syrien u. Mesopotamien, 1883, pp. 217 ff.Google Scholar; Chwolsohn, D., Die Ssabier und der Ssabismus (1856), i, 3035.Google Scholar

^{page 150 note 5} cf. Chwolsohn, op. cit. i, pp. 399 ff. and the article Sin by Jeremias in Roscher's Lexicon, 890 f.

^{page 150 note 6} Unless Invent. Wadington, 7287, is rightly read, in which case the coinage begins with Antoninus Pius.

^{page 150 note 7} Cabinet Allier de Hauteroche, 1829, p. 114.

^{page 150 note 8} Sylloge, p. 2 pl. iv, 63.

^{page 150 note 9} Müller, L., Numism. de l'Afrique anc. iii, p. 146Google Scholar.

^{page 150 note 10} Sestini, , Catal. Num. vet. Mus. Arig. (1805), p. 89Google Scholar. The type is common in Phrygia; see the coins of Eucarpeia, Hieropolis and Peltae, B.M.C. Phrygia, pl. xxvi, 7; xxxii. 5; xli, 5.

^{page 151 note 1} Wroth, B.M.C. Galatia, etc. p. 263, no. 113, pl. xxxi, 5.

^{page 151 note 2} Wroth, op. cit. pl. xxvii, 12; cf. B.M.C. Palestine, p. xxxii.

^{page 151 note 3} Classes generales, 1821, p. 156.

^{page 151 note 4} Macdonald, Hunter. Catal. iii, p. 301,Google Scholar 3–5.

^{page 151 note 5} Grave doubt attaches to Sestini's description of a word in oriental script on a coin of Elagabalus (Mus. Hederv. iii, p. 124, 8; cf. Chwolsohn, die-Ssabier, p. 413).

^{page 152 note 1} I observe that, as at Edessa, it is easy to confuse the portrait of Septimius Severus on these poor coins with those of some of the Antonines.

^{page 152 note 2} Chwolsohn, die Ssabier, i, p. 394,Google Scholar sees the difficulty and attempts to explain it away. Prof. Reid also suggests to me that the title may have been taken by the Carrhenes, to declare their loyalty to Rome, before the foundation of the colony, and retained afterwards. But the title remains otiose in the case of colonists, however unreal their Roman character may have been.

^{page 152 note 3} Rev. Suisse, 1908, p. 131, taf. v (ix), 3 and 4. They were obtained from Aleppo.

^{page 153 note 1} Mionnet, Suppl. viii, 394,Google Scholar 26.

^{page 153 note 2} Herodian, iv, 8, 1.

^{page 153 note 3} Jeremias in Roscher, art. Schamasch, col. 535, and Sin, col. 921: cf. the types at Phrygian cities mentioned above.

^{page 153 note 4} This is the origin of Pellerin's ‘fly with spread wings’ on his coin reading ΑΥΡΗΛΙΟ· ΚΑΡΗΝω); the streamers have suggested the wings. See Hirsch, Katal. xxi, 4332.

^{page 153 note 5} Macdonald, Hunter. Catal. iii, p. 301,Google Scholar 2.

^{page 153 note 6} Mionnet, v, 520, 24 (he attributed the coin to Aelia Capitolina, following Lajard); Chwolsohn, die Ssahier, i, p. 401Google Scholar.

^{page 153 note 7} H. A. Strong and J. Garstang, The Syrian Goddess, frontispiece, no. 1, and p. 70; A. B. Cook, Zeus, p. 586. Six and Imhoof-Blumer, Gr. Münzen, p. 759, recognise the legionary standard.

^{page 153 note 8} See Daremberg et Saglio, Dict. s.v. Signa, p. 1324. Frothingham, A. L., on the other hand, writes (Amer. Journ. Arch. xx, 1916, p. 208)Google Scholar: ‘Numismatics (sic) have more or less half-heartedly accepted the opinion of Six that this is a Roman standard or legionary eagle. No archaeologist can agree to this after reflecting for a moment on the absolute impossibility of supposing a Roman standard to have been substituted for a god in the sanctum sanctorum of so holy and ancient a city as Hierapolis. Besides, there is in this image not the least resemblance to Roman standards or to their commonly known coin types. The fact of the matter is that the circles are not the solid medallions of Roman standards but are serpent coils. The shadows and lines show that there is a continuity and not a solution of the curved lines.’ Mr. Frothingham is too positive, Certain details, which he considers have been added by the draftsman responsible for the drawing in Strong and Garstang, are confirmed by the half-tone illustration in the same book made directly from a cast of the coin.

^{page 154 note 1} At Hieropolis, similarly, by a dove, for the Syrian goddess.

^{page 154 note 2} Num. Col. i, p. 179.

^{page 154 note 3} Hunter. Catal. iii, p. 303 note.

^{page 155 note 1} Doctr. iii, p. 517.

^{page 155 note 2} E. Sachau, Reise, pp. 189–210; Ed. Meyer in Pauly-Wissowa, Real-Encycl. v, 1933Google Scholar ff.; A. von Gutschmid, Untersuch. über die Gesch. des Königreichs Osroene, in Mém. de l'Acad. Imp. des Sciences de St. Pétersbourg, vii° sér. t. xxxv, no. 1 (1887)Google Scholar; Rubens-Duval, , Hist. d'Édesse, in Journal Asiatique, 18, 1891; 19, 1892.Google Scholar

^{page 155 note 3} The modern name is also given as Nabr el Ḳῦt and Ḳara Ḳoyun.

^{page 155 note 4} Buckingham, J. S., Travels in Mesopotamia (1827), i, p. 111;Google Scholar Rubens-Duval, p. 92; Sachau, pp. 196 f.

^{page 155 note 5} Orat. iv, p. 150 and 154; cf. Dussaud, , Notes de Mythologie Syrienne (1903), p. 10Google Scholar.

^{page 155 note 6} Dussaud, op. cit. p. 75.

^{page 155 note 7} Mélanges Numismatiques, ii, 1893, pp. 209–296Google Scholar.

^{page 156 note 1} In the following discussion, I retain Babelon's notation, adding the number according to that of A. von Gutschmid in brackets. Thus by Abgar VIII (IX) I mean the son of Ma'nu who reigned from 179 to 214 A.D. Babelon gives no number to the Ma'nu whom he assumes to have reigned only with Abgar VIII (IX), and, to avoid confusion, I have followed his example.

^{page 156 note 2} On the name, see G. A. Cooke, North-Semitic Inscriptions, pp. 106–7.

^{page 157 note 1} Prof. L. W. King, to whom I owe this suggestion, remarks that Allul probably represents the pronunciation of the name in Semitic as well as in Sumerian, being taken over in the same way as Enlil (the chief god of the Babylonian Pantheon), whose name in the later form is Ellil, written אלל in Aramaic dockets of the Achaemenian period (cf. Clay, , Amer. Journ. of Semit. Lang, and Lit. xxiii, pp. 269 ff.)Google Scholar.

^{page 157 note 2} See above, p. 151.

^{page 157 note 3} C. H. Dodd, Num. Chron. 1911, pp. 253, 259.

^{page 157 note 4} The coins supposed to associate an Abgar with M. Aurelius and L. Verus are really of Septimius Severus. As Babelon remarks, some of the heads which are intended for Severus are more like Verus and other emperors.

^{page 157 note 5} This campaign had come to a successful end in the early autumn : Dodd, op. cit. p. 235.

^{page 157 note 6} cf. Dodd, C. H., Num. Chron. 1911, p. 225Google Scholar.

^{page 157 note 7} Babelon, p. 234, plate iii, 7; Macdonald, Hunter. Catal. iii, p. 305,Google Scholar no. 3, plate lxxviii, 32.

^{page 157 note 8} iii, 508 and 520.

^{page 157 note 9} Mél. Num. ii, p.233.

^{page 158 note 1} A specimen, with this type, on which the reverse inscription is entirely illegible, is in the British Museum trays under Carrhae : but it may well be one of the coins with ΥΠЄΡ ΝΙΚΗС РΩΜΑΙΩΝ which we are discussing.

^{page 158 note 2} C. H. Dodd in Num. Chron. 1911, p. 218.

^{page 159 note 1} Babelon, p. 240, no. 10, pl. iii, 10. Babelon says that the portrait is similar to that on the coins with the tiara; but in his engraving the greater resemblance to Verus is manifest. Note particularly the treatment of the beard.

^{page 159 note 2} cf. Hirsch, Katal. xxi, 4336Google Scholar (E. F. Weber).

^{page 160 note 1} Dion Cassius, 77, 12.

^{page 160 note 2} C.I.G. 6196.

^{page 160 note 3} In Pauly-Wissowa, Real-Enc. i, col. 95Google Scholar.

^{page 161 note 1} Here Babelon's descriptions (p. 261, nos. 36 ff. pl. v, 10–12) must be supplemented by von Gutschmid's (pp. 40–1). The obverses of the two Leake specimens read ΑΝΤωΝ … (retrograde), the reverses СϵΟΥΗ ΑΒΓΑΡΟС, in one case retrograde. Babelon's no. 36, which he reads ·ƆΥΙ·, is. judging from his engraving, to be read [Ɔ] ƎΟΥΗ , i.e. Σέουηρος Ἄβγαρος.

^{page 161 note 2} As by Eckhel and by Zumpt, Comm. Epigr. 433 Marquardt, Röm. Staatsverwaltung, i² (1881), p. 437,Google Scholar n. 12, accepting the reading of Mionnet, Supp. viii, 399,Google Scholar I (which is a quotation from Sestini), would attribute the foundation of the colony to M. Aurelius!

^{page 162 note 1} A certain number of coins which give the emperor the name СЄΥ. ΑΝΤѠΝЄΙΝΟС would naturally have been assigned to Caracalla. But there is clear evidence that Elagabalus bore the name Severus; e.g. the coin of Perinthus ΔΙС ΝЄΩΚΟΡΩΝ, Num. Zeit. xvi, 234.

^{page 163 note 1} Num. Hellen. As. Gr. p. 54.

^{page 163 note 2} C.I.L. vi, 1797.

^{page 164 note 1} Eckhel, Cat. Mus. Caes. Vind, i, p. 259Google Scholar. no. 10.

^{page 164 note 2} They also occur beside the bust of Tyche on some coins of Gordian III (Babelon, pl. viii, 2).

^{page 164 note 3} Babelon, pl. vii, 7.

^{page 164 note 4} See Mionnet, Supp. viii, 414Google Scholar.

^{page 164 note 5} B.M.C. Cilicia, p. 101, nos. 30, 31.

^{page 164 note 6} Macdonald, Hunter. Catal. iii, p. 315,Google Scholar no. 1 plate lxxix, 3), gives the only known coin which agrees with the literary form. Stephanus, s.v. Νίσιβις, quotes Uranius for the spelling Νέσιβις; cf. also Plin. N.H. vi, 13Google Scholar (42).

^{page 164 note 7} The modern name is Neșîbîn. See Buckingham, J. S., Travels in Mesopotamia (1827), i, pp. 442–446;Google Scholarvon Oppenheim, Max, Vom Mittelmeer zum Persischen Golf (1900), ii, pp. 29–36Google Scholar.

^{page 164 note 8} B.M.C. Seleucid Kings, p. 42, nos. 86–88.

^{page 165 note 1} Marquardt, , Röm. Staatsverwaltung, i² (1881), p. 437,Google Scholar n. 13.

^{page 165 note 2} ΙΟΛ. on certain specimens (cf. Macdonald, Hunter. Catal. iii, p. 316,Google Scholar no. 8) seems to be a mere mistake for IOV.

^{page 165 note 3} It must be admitted that Mionnet's reading is confirmed by Chaix, no. 967.

^{page 165 note 4} In Hirsch Katal. xxv (Philipsen), 3079, apparently mistaken for an eagle.

^{page 165 note 5} Num. Gr. pp. 154 and 182.

^{page 165 note 6} Regling in Lehmann's Beiträge, i, p. 467Google Scholar.

^{page 166 note 1} Stephanus has ῾Ρέσινα, πόλις περὶ τὸν Αβορον (Ἀβόρραν) ποταμόν. He is evidently unaware of the true ethnic ῾Ρησαινήσιος, and guesses either ῾Ρεσινάτης or Ῥεσιναῖος. Ptolemy (v, 17, 7) mentions the place thrice as ῾Ρίσινα and ῾Ρέσαινα.

^{page 166 note 2} The titles СЄΠ. ΚΟΛ do not, however, occur with certainty before the time of Severus Alexander; and even later the title ΚΟΛ is not infrequently omitted.

^{page 166 note 3} The reading . ΙΙΙ. on certain coins is discredited; on the other hand, . ΙΙΙ ΡΙΑ is supported by several writers. On all coins that I have been able to verify, the name of the legion is ΙΙΙ. Ρ; once, ΙΙΙ. ΡϨ whatever that may mean. M. Dieudonné's examination of the coins in the Paris cabinet confirms my results. Since we know from Dion Cassius (lv, 24) that the Tertia Parthica was established by Severus in Mesopotamia, we must interpret Ρ accordingly as Parthica.

^{page 166 note 4} The reading (in Num. Zeit. xxxiii, p. 48, no 101 of Srholz's coin of Elagabalus (obv. ΑΥΤΚΑΙΜΑΥΡΑΝΤΟΝΙΝΟС, rev. СЄΥ RESAIN –– COLO, priest ploughing, wit labarum inscribed LE behind) is to be regarded with the utmost suspicion.

^{page 166 note 5} Macdonald, , Hunter. Catal. iii, pl. lxxix, 19Google Scholar.

^{page 166 note 6} cf. Mionnet, v, 629, 184.

^{page 166 note 7} Sestini (Mus. Hederv. iii, p. 24,Google Scholar no. 4, tab. xxxii, 4, has published a coin of Caracalla which, he gives to Carrhae, and describes as reading COL CAR on the rev. The type: Centaur r. with vexillum in background, is suspiciously appropriate to Rhesaena; and its obv. (head of emperor supported on eagle) should be compared with a coin of Rhesaena in the British Museum, on which the bust of Caracalla or Elagabalus has a similar support.

^{page 167 note 1} See Eckhel, Doctrina, iii, pp. 518–519,Google Scholar for a discussion of the question.

^{page 167 note 2} Huntrèr. Catal. iii, p. 310, no. 19.

^{page 167 note 3} cf. Mionnent, v, 633, f. 205–211.

^{page 167 note 4} Num. Col. p.124.

^{page 167 note 5} I cannot verify the statements which I allowed to survive in the second edition of Head, Hist. Num. P. 816 that there are coins of Philip with the inscription ΙΟΥ. СϵΠ. ΚΟΛΩΝ. СΙΝΓΑΡΑ, and that the inscr. ΜΗΤ. ΚΟ.ΑΥ. С. Сϵ СΙΝΓΑΡΑ occurs on coins of Gordian's time.

^{page 168 note 1} Pellerin, Rec. iii, p. 252,Google Scholar pl. cxxxvi, no. 1; Caylus, Rec. vi, pp. 207–208,Google Scholar pl. lxv, iii.

^{page 168 note 2} Since, the above was written, M. Dieudonné kindly informs me that the coin is indeed of Stratonicea in Lydia, ΡΑΤΟΝϵ ΙΝΔϵ, having been misread as ΖΑΥΘΗС ΝΙΑСΙ

^{page 168 note 3} Sestini, Mus. Hedervar. iii, p. 132,Google Scholar tab. xxxii, 6.