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Published online by Cambridge University Press: 24 September 2012
The creation of curatores rei publicae is a very important factor in the history of local government in the Roman Empire. For it cuts across the division of administration into the central and professional on the one hand and the local and amateur on the other. It brought an imperial official into the heart of that local governing body which presided over the affairs of its community, and gave to him the supervision of its property and financial arrangements. That this interference was caused not by a doctrinaire desire on the part of an emperor for the enlargement of the sphere of the central service, but by the needs of the communities themselves, is indicated by the varying times at which curatores appear in the various provinces. The first known curator in Africa belongs to A.D. 196—nearly a century after the office was initiated.
1 A similar list was made by Toutain, , Les cités romaines de la Tunisie, Paris, 1896Google Scholar (Toutain), Appendix ii. His work, however, includes only a small proportion of the inscriptions given here; for he was dealing only with Tunisia, and further a large number of inscriptions have come to light since that date. The list given in Mancini's article ‘Curator rei publicae o civitatis’ in Ruggiero Dizionario epigrafico di antichità romane, ii, is not always reliable and is now out of date. The most useful general articles on the subject are those of P-W s.v. ‘Curatores rei publicae’ and Liebenam, W. in Philologus 56, 1897, 290–325CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
2 In the matter of place-names and the identification of sites of inscriptions the CIL is now to some extent out of date, and I have tried to follow more recent authorities and notably Gsell.
3 For the dating of inscriptions much use has been made of the work of de Lessert, Pallu, Fastes des provinces africaines sous la domination romaine, i, ii, Paris, 1896 1901Google Scholar ( = P. de L.) and in some cases PIR is helpful.
4 In referring to inscriptions the following abbreviations are used: ILA: Cagnat, R., Merlin, A., Chatelain, L., Inscriptions latines d'Afrique, Paris, 1923Google Scholar. ILAl: Gsell, S., Inscriptions latines de l'Algérie i, Paris, 1922Google Scholar. AE: L'Année épigraphique, ed. Cagnat, R., ParisGoogle Scholar. BAC: Bulletin archéologique du comité des travaux historiques et scientifiques, Paris.
Where no title of a work is given, the Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum is meant, and where no volume is given vol. viii is understood.
An initial question mark indicates a doubtful emendation as the evidence for a curator.
5 The curator here is in charge of a region larger than a city. Such cases are common outside Africa. See Liebenam, W. in Philologus 56, 1897, 296CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
6 A possible date is given by P. de L. i, 462, as the end of the second century. If this is so, this man would be the first known curator in Africa, but the names of both places are mutilated.
7 See PIR 2 ii, 28, for another view.
8 Cf. PIR 2 i, 365.
9 Cf. for another instance ILA 44.
10 See for a commentary P. de L. i, 430.
11 See for a commentary P. de L. i, 462. Cf. for another instance ILA 281.
12 But other senatorial curatores in Africa are:—
Annius Rufinus ? (51) and a man whose name is unknown (ILA 44) at Thysdrus; Q. Cassius Agrianus Aelianus, of consular rank, at Zama Regia and Mactar (23601); L. Caelius Plautius Catullinus, tribunician, at Sufetula (11332); Flavius Pollio Flavianus at Ammaedara (11536); Caelius Severus, consular, at Pupput (24095); Agrius Celsinianus, consular, at Thuburbo Minus and Bulla Regia (25523 and ILA 414, and cf. PIR 2 i, 79); L. Accius Iulianus Asclepianus, consular (1181), and Silius Tertullus (1183) at Utica, and perhaps another consular curator (ix, 1121) at Carthage; Valerius Romanus (15881) and an anonymous curator (15883) at Sicca Veneria; L. Suanius Victor Vitellianus of Calama (ILAl 283) and a man who had a senatorial career and whose mutilated inscription might suggest that he was curator at Hadrumetum and possibly at Thamugadi (2754).
13 From among the undatable inscriptions the following curatores were of equestrian rank: the curator of Giufi (865), M. Virrius Flavius Iugurtha of Thamugadi (2409), C. Iulius Maximus of Abthugnis (23085), T. Flavius Vibianus of Leptis Magna (AE 1929, 3), C. Vasidius Pacatus of Thubursicu Numidarum (ILA 1299), L. Flavius Felix Gabinianus, of whom there is an inscription at Carthage (1165), a curator of Calama (ILAl 288, whose date is conjectured by Gsell as being before the time of Diocletian) and curatores of Thibursicum Bure (25998), Satafis (8396 and 20268) and possibly a curator at Madauros (BAC 1931, 249).
14 Paulus v, 12, 5: ‘in ea provincia ex qua quis originem ducit, officium fiscale administrare prohibetur, ne aut gratiosus aut calumniosus apud suos esse videatur.’
15 E.g. from Tibur (xiv, 3593) and Atella (x, 3732). Another, M. Pontius Eclectus Archelaus, of the tribe Palatina, probably came from Italy (BAC 1917, p. ccxl) and Betitius Pius Maximillianus, the probable curator of Carthage towards the end of the third century, came from Aeclanum (ix, 1121; cf. A. Stein Der römische Ritterstand 221 f.).
16 Among the senatorial curatores, Q. Cassius Agrianus Aelianus, curator of Mactar and Zama Regia, seems to be of African origin (23601 and cf. PIR 2 ii, 112). Octavius Stratonianus, curator of Thugga (26472), was a native of Sicca Veneria, where he was patronus (15885) and his father, an eques Romanus, was flamen perpetuus (1646). L. Suanius Victor Vitel lianus of Calama (ILAl 283) and possibly M. Valerius Gypasius of Sicca Veneria (1633) seem to have filled local offices before becoming curatores of their cities.
17 865. Here the curator was decurio and duumvir of some ‘splendidissima colonia’, but the name is mutilated.
18 Among the curatores who have so far been classed as undatable, there are also men who filled the office of flamen perpetuus or some other priesthood or magistracy; for instance, AE 1929, 3, at Leptis Magna and ILAl 1299 at Thubursicu Numidarum give examples of men who were flamines perpetui and equites. The following show men who were flamines perpetui—11184 and 11185 at Hr. Badria, 12285 and 12299 and 23879 at Hr. Bischka, 11351 at Sufetula, 23964 at Municipium Aurelium Commodianum, ILA 285 at Thuburbo Maius, ILA 321 at Vina, 25470 at Munchar, 25838 at Membressa, 14903 = 1398,14909,15200 at Thignica, 2723 at Lambaesis, ILAl 295 and 273 at Calama. There is a curator who was a pontifex at Sicca Veneria (15878), perhaps one who was aedilis at Oppidum Novum (AE 1926, 23), one who was a patronus municipi and an eques at Satafis (8396 and 20268) and one who was a ‘princeps patriae suae’ at Quiza and also a ‘patronus provinciae’ (9699). At Chisiduo there is the curious case of a local official who seems to have taken the place of a curator (1270).
19 Cod. Theod. 12, 1, 20, A.D. 331: ‘nullus decurionum ad procurationes vel curas civitatum accedat nisi omnibus omnino muneribus satisfecerit patriae vel aetate vel meritis.’
20 In the inscriptions from Mauretania—there is no case from the other African provinces—the curator is often called ‘dispunctor’, which would mean an official in charge of the supervision of the accounts of the community. Instances are 20751 at Auzia in about A.D. 230, 21665 at Albulae at the time of Diocletian, 8396 and 20268 at Satafis, at about the same time (for the curator and dispunctor is an eques Romanus and patron of the municipality), and, at indefinable dates, 9699 at Quiza and 9325 at Caesarea and 20870 + BAC 1900, p. clxxxviii at Tipasa. This is not surprising, as the legal evidence of the work of the curator shows that it included the supervision of local accounts. The only matter for comment is that another name should also be used. But there are other cases in Mauretania in which a man is designated ‘dispunctor’ but not curator—e.g. 9041 at Auzia A.D. 290, 9020, 9068, and 9069 = 20739 at Auzia under Constantine, where the dispunctor was also ‘coloniae patronus’ and ‘omnibus honoribus perfunctus’, 9840 at Altava, before A.D. 335, 21626 at Arbal in A.D. 339, AE 1935, 86 at Altava in A.D. 344–8, and cf. for instances from outside Africa, iii, 2026 and 8783, both from Salonae. Where it is clear what functions the dispunctores were fulfilling, they do not seem different from those of the curator—e.g. 9041, the restoration of a bridge, AE 1935, 86 and 21626, the dedication of a building and monument. In one of the Salonae inscriptions a local official of that community became dispunctor of one other city and then curator of another (iii, 2026). It seems that the office of dispunctor was sometimes held along with that of curator, emphasising one aspect of his work, but that it sometimes at least partially took its place.
21 In the instances which are to be given, the dating is either definitely established on independent grounds, or the curatores are of senatorial or equestrian rank. In the two instances in which this is not the case— 883 and ILA 210—there is other evidence which makes an early dating probable; in the first, the fact that the curator of Thimida Regia was from Carthage; in the second, the fact, if fact it be, that the curator has a tribe.
22 At a much later period, Aelius Iulianus was curator and flamen perpetuus and patronusat Thamugadi(BAC 1912, p. cclxxxv and 2388, and the album of Thamugadi, 2403 and 17903, which give his date) and Caecilius Pontilius Paulinus held the same offices at Madauros (ILAl 2101). Cf., for curatores who were patroni, 20751, 8396, 20268.
23 Cf. 25808b, 865, 883, 15883.
24 23601, 1165, ILA 423, CIL ix, 1121.
25 Just as the families of proconsuls, legati and patroni were sometimes honoured, so were the families of curatores. Dedications were made, for instance, to the wife of the curator at Vallis in the third century—herself a flaminica perpetua (1280), to the daughter of a curator at Ammaedara (11536 and cf. for the family 12545 at Carthage) and to the mother of a curator at Thuburbo Minus, herself a patrona (ILA 414), and to a whole curator's family of patrons at Utica (1181).
26 Cf. 23116. It must be noted, however, that the curatores sometimes seem to make dedications to the emperors on their own account—for instance, at Carthage to Carus in A.D. 283 (12522), and to Flavia Helena at Sicca Veneria (1633), and cf. ILA 314 at Pupput under Arcadius. In one case, the curator of Carthage and the proconsul of the province make a joint dedication to Constantine (1016).
27 Cf. xiv, 2410, and x, 1814, for the assignation of building-sites by curatores.
28 Cf. for further examples BAC 1907, 274, where a temple of Mercury was brought into its pristine state by order of Valerius Florus, the governor, ‘curante Iul. Lambessio cur. rei p.’; 2345–7, where these men make other dedications; 26472 where a temple is restored at Thugga; BAC 1919, 96, where waterworks are restored at Cuicul; 1277 where a dedication is made at Vallis; and AE 1934, 172, at Leptis Magna; and 14436 at Hr. el Fauar. We can compare two other inscriptions which must belong to this period: 1183, which gives the colony of Utica as repairing with its own money a three-roomed shrine and adding coffered ceilings (‘addito cultu meliori laqueariorum’), while the curator was ‘curante et dedicante’, and 51 from Thysdrus which indicates that the water supply was reorganised. At Thibursicum Bure, in this period too, the community moved some statues, under the ‘provisio’ and ‘instantia’ of the curator (25998).
29 For earlier inscriptions about the adoption of patroni by the communities of Roman Africa see 68, 12 B.C.; AE 1913, 40, A.D. 15–17; v 4919, 4920, 4921, 4922, A.D. 27 and 28; viii, 69, A.D. 65.
30 See Lex Coloniae Genitivae Iuliae cxxx and Lex Malacttana § 61; also as evidence of the competence of the local councils in Africa on this matter in the second century A.D., see Fronto's letter to the ordo at Cirta, giving advice about this (Fronto, Loeb ed., i, 292), and cf. viii, 1548 ‘cum ad tuendam rem public(am) suam ex consensu decurionum omnium iampridem patronus factus esset’.
31 See BAC 1912, p. cclxxxv for a tabula patronatus of Thamugadi of c. A.D. 367.
32 See Acta S. Felicis in Th. Ruinart, Acta Martyrum (ed. of 1859), 390, and for a critical edition, Analecta Bollandiana xxxix, 1921, 241–276Google Scholar.
33 See Gesta apud Zenophilum (Migne, , Patrologia Latina viii, 727–742Google Scholar, and CSEL xxvi, App. 1) an account of a process which took place before the proconsul Domitius Zenophilus in A.D. 320 in which the question at issue was whether the bishop of Cirta in the time of the persecution had or had not been a ‘traditor’. In this an account from the ‘acta’ of the community of the time is incorporated.
34 Augustine, , Contra Cresconium iii, 27, 30Google Scholar (PL xliii, 511, and viii, 745).
36 For the appearance of local magistrates in this connection in A.D. 259 cf. the Passio of Iacobus and Marianus, par. 5 and 9 (Ruinart, Acta Mart., 1859, 270, 272), and for the circulation of the decree of Diocletian to the local magistrates, cf. Acta S. Felicis (Ruinart, Acta Mart., 1859, 390, and Analecta Bollandiana xxxix, 1921, 268). For further work of the duoviri and magistrates cf. Acta Purgationis Felicis (PL viii, 715 ff. and CSEL xxvi, App. ii) in which the Bishop Felix was cleared before the proconsul in A.D. 315 of the charge of having been a ‘traditor’, Augustine, , Brev. Coll. iii, 25Google Scholar (PL xliii, 638 f.), the Acta Saturnini, etc., par. 2 (Ruinart, Acta Mart., 1859, 415), and the Acta Maximae, etc., pax. 1 (Analecta Bollandiana ix, 1890, 110–116). For the subject in general cf. Monceaux, P., Histoire littéraire de l'Afrique chrétienne (Paris, 1901–1923Google Scholar), especially vol. iii, chap. ii.
37 See Acta Purgationis Felicis (PL viii, 715 ff. and CSEL xxvi, App. ii).
38 Optatus i, 27; and cf. for a commentary on the two documents, P. Monceaux, Histoire litteraire, etc., iv, chap, ii, par. 2.
39 2403 and 17903; and for a commenary, see Barthel, W., Zur Geschichte der römischen Städte in Africa (Greifswald, 1904), 50–64Google Scholar.
40 Cf. 23849 at Castellum Biracsaccarensium under Valentinian, Valens, and Gratian; 25837 at Membressa in the early fifth century; ILA 273 under Julian, 275 in A.D. 376, and 286 at Thuburbo Maius; ILAl 2100 under Julian, and 2102 at Madauros under Valentinian and Valens (cf. the very mutilated inscription ILAl 2154, and, at Mustis, the restoration of AE 1933, 33).
41 AE 1934, 172, at Leptis Magna in the time of Constantine.
42 Other inscriptions of this period which mention a curator's restoring, building, and dedicating are AE 1933, 33, at Mustis (restored), 23849 at Castellum Biracsaccarensium, and 27818 at Sidi Achmed el Hacheni; and cf. ILA 321 and 285, and 26568 + ILA 533.
42a E.g. 2387 at Thamugadi, in connection with a dedication from the ordo to the Emperor Julian, 18328 at Lambaesis in connection with the restoration of the Curia, A.D. 379–383, and, towards the end of the fourth century, 2243 at Mascula and 8480 at Sitifis in connection with the restoration of a building and mills (?); cf. AE 1932, 14, and BAC 1911, 141.
43 E.g. 2388 with three flamines perpetui at Thamugadi, restoring the Capitol A.D. C. 367.
44 969 at Neapolis, A.D. 400–401; 11184 at Hr. Badria in connection with rebuilding out of public funds.
45 In some cases, however, public money is explicitly stated to have been used, e.g. 25520, ILAl 2101, BAC 1931, 249, and probably 23849.
46 Instances are 2480–2481 at Ad Maiores in A.D. 267, when an arch was restored by two of the citizens after an earthquake dedicated by the praeses (?) and the curator is ‘curante’; 608 and 11774 at Mididi, under Diocletian, where the arcade of the forum and the Curia were restored and the dedication was made by the governor, the curator is ‘curante rem publicam’; cf. ILAl 472 at Ain Nechma and 2388 at Thamugadi under Valentinian, Valens, and Gratian.
47 Instances are ILAl 179 at Calama in A.D. 290–4; 1277 at Vallis in A.D 314–16; 14453 at Hr. el Gheria in ? A.D. 318; 14436 at Hr. el Fauar in A.D. 326–333; AE 1934, 133 at Hr. Haouli in A.D. 340–350; ILAl 2101 at Madauros and ILAl 254 at Calama in A.D. 364; ILAl 256 at Calama and ILAl 2102 at Madauros in A.D. 366–7; 27817 at Sidi Achmed el Hacheni in A.D. 368–370; 16400 at Hr. bou Aouia in A.D. 371–3; ILAl 272 at Calama in A.D. 373; 23849 at Castellum Biracsaccarensium in A.D. 374; 26568 + ILA 533 at Thugga and ILA 275 at Thuburbo Maius in A.D. 376; ILAl 260 at Calama in A.D. 383; 24044 at Hr. ben Hassen in A.D. 383–393; ILAl 2107 at Madauros in A.D. 399–400.
48 E.g. ILAl 2108 at Madauros in A.D. 407–408, ILAl 263 at Calama in A.D. 408, 25837 at Membressa in A.D. 412–14, and cf. AE 1934, 172, for‘disponente Ennio Romulo v.p. rectore provinciae’ at Leptis Magna, and AE 1932, 14, for ‘disponente’ in A.D. 366–7 at Hr. Ain Gueliane and 18328 for the restoration of a Curia at Lambaesis ‘sub fascibus’ of the governor of Numidia A.D. 379–383.
49 Cf. 2242 at Mascula, 7975 at Rusicade, 2388 and BAC 1894, 361, at Thamugadi, 20156 at Cuicul, 2735, 2656 at Lambaesis, 6975 at Cirta.
50 2661. Cf. BAC 1907, 274, at Thamugadi, where a temple is restored ‘iussione’ of the governor, while the curator is ‘curante’; also BAC 1919, 96, from Cuicul, and 4224 from Verecunda.
51 8480 and cf. 20266 at Satafis.
52 Cf. on the subject of this appointment ‘The Corrector Maximus’ by M. N. Tod in Anatolian Studies presented to William Hepburn Buckler.
53 See Barthel, Zur Geschichte der römischen Städte in Africa, 54.