1. Aidit, D.N., “Kibarkan Tinggi Pandji-Pandji ‘Tajjah Untuk Petani’ dan Rebut Kemenangan Satu Demi Satu,” Bintang Merah, vol. 15 (1959), p.216.Google Scholar Bintang Merah is the PKI's chief publication devoted to the study of the “theory and politics of Marxism-Leninism.”

2. For details of the Peasants' Conference see Kroef, Justus M. van der, “Agrarian Reform and the Indonesian Communist Party”, Par Eastern Survey, vol.29 (1960), pp.5–13.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

3. Hutapea, B.O., “Beberapa Peladjaran dari Konferensi Nasional Tani Pertama PKI,” Hintang Merah, vol.15 (1959), p.257.Google Scholar

4. Thompson, Virginia and Adloff, Richard, The Left Wing in Southeast Asia (New York, 1950), pp.269, 274, and 283Google Scholar; Niel, Robert van, The Emergence of the Modern Indonesian Elite (The Hague, Bandung, 1960), p.124.Google Scholar

5. Mansvelt, W.F.M., “Onderwijs en Communisme,” Koloniale Studien, vol.12 (1928), pp.203–225.Google Scholar

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8. Kroef, J.M. van der, “Indonesia: Centrifugal Economies,” PP.197–220Google Scholar in Wiggins, James and Scheeck, Helmut, eds., Foreign Aid Re-examined. A Critical Appraisal (Washington, D.C., 1958).Google Scholar

9. De Volkswelvaart, op Java en Madoera. op.cit., p.314.Google Scholar The view of Benda, Harry. “The Communist Rebellions of 1926–1927 in Indonesia,” The Pacific Historical Review, vol.24 (1955), p.148CrossRefGoogle Scholar that “large scale alienation of lands … never played a significant role in Indonesia under Dutch Rule” seems rather debatable. Such alienation and the prevalence of the landless, especially in Java, was sufficiently widespread to have afforded the PKI a powerful rural base of support, if party leaders had been sufficiently aware of it and had been able to exploit it.

10. Rutgers, S.J., Indonesie. Het Koloniale Systeem in de Periode tussen de Eerste en de Tweede Wereld-Oorlog (Amsterdam, 1947), p.112.Google Scholar

11. Gerritzen, J., De Welvaart van Indie. Voordrachten over Indische Economie gehouden te Leiden (Haarlem, 1926), pp.139–147.Google Scholar On econpmic conditions of this period see also Gonggrijp, G., Schets Ener Economische Geschiedenis van Nederlands-Indie (3rd ed., Haarlem. 1949). pp.188–210.Google Scholar and Vleming, J.L. en van Gelderen, J., Lezingen Over Theorie en Practijk van de Indische Belastingen (Weltevreden. 1923). esp. pp.55, 68.Google Scholar

12. Djajadiningrat, R.A.A., speech in the Volksraad (People's Council) of colonial Indonesia, 06 18, 1924Google Scholar, cited by Hatta, Mohammad. Verspreide Geschriften (Djakarta, Amsterdam, Surabaja, 1952), p.229.Google Scholar

13. Ranneft, J.W. Meijer en Huender, W., Qnderzoek naar den Belastingdruk op de Inlandsche Bevolking (Weltevreden, 1928).Google Scholar

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15. Economischen, Verslag van denToeatand der Inlandsche Bevolking 1924 (Weltevreden. 1926). vol.1, pp. 106–109.Google Scholar

16. Ibid., vol.1, 229, 259–266. The potential dangers of an unemployed intellectual proletariat are made explicit in the observation in the same report (vol.1, p.364) that precisely because of unemployment of more educated element among the Indonesians were making an increasing use of lending libraries at this time.

17. This does not seem to be the place to raise again the controversial question of the role of the peasant in Marxism, Leninism and Maoism. The interested reader may be referred to the exchange between ProfessorsWittfogel, Karl and Schwartz, Benjaminin The China Quarterly, vol.1 (1960), no.1, pp.72–86CrossRefGoogle Scholar; no.2, pp.16–42; no.4, pp.88–101.

18. See e.g. Meyer, Alfred, Leninism (Cambridge, Mass., 1957), p.117.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

19. Cf. by Aidit, : “Lahirnja PKI dan Perkambangannja” p.409Google Scholar in Aidit, D.N., Pilihan Tulisan (Djakarta, 1959), vol.1Google Scholar, and “Peladjaran dari Sedjarah PKI”, Bintang Merah. vol.16 (1960), p. 171.Google Scholar

20. Blumberger, Petrus, op.cit., p.22.Google Scholar

21. Ibid., pp.22–23.

22. On the Sarekat Islam see my “The Role of Islam in Indonesian Nationalism and Politics,” The Western Political Quarterly. vol.11 (1958), PP. 33–54 and the literature there cited.

23. Kroef, J.M. van der, “Religious Organization and Economic Process in Indonesia,” Southwest Social Science Quarterly. vol.29 (1958), pp. 187–202.Google Scholar

24. Blumberger, Petrus, op.cit., pp. 35–37.Google Scholar

25. Rutgers, , op.cit., pp. 156–157.Google Scholar

26. In the periodical Merah, Pandoe, 09, 1924Google Scholar, cited in Blumberger, Petrus, op.cit., p. 56.Google Scholar

27. See the article “Vakbeweging (Inlandsche)” in Encyclopaedie van Nederlandsch-Indie (The Hague), vol.VII (1935), pp.403–434.Google Scholar On PKI influence in the early trade unions see also Tedjasukmana, Iskandar, The Political Character of the Indonesian Trade Union Movement (Southeast Asia Program, Cornell University, Ithaca, N.Y., 1959), p. 9–15.Google Scholar

28. De Gan der Communistische Beweging ter Sumatra's Westkust. Deel I (Politiek gedeelte). Rapport van de Commissie van Onderzoek ingesteld bij het Gouvernements Besluit van 13 Februari 1927, no. la (Weltevreden. 1928), translated in and here cited from Benda, H.J. and McVey, R.T., eds., The Communist Uprisings of 1926–1927 in Indonesia: Key Documents (Southeast Asia Program, Cornell University, Ithaca, N.Y., 1960), p. 138.Google Scholar This report, part of a government commission's inquiry into the Communist distrubances on the West Coast of Sumatra in 1927, was written by the noted Dutch sociologist and historian, B. Schrieke, and affords invaluable material on the relationship between the PKI and the Comintern in the early nineteen-twenties.

29. Benda, and McVey, , op.cit., p.139Google Scholar, note 88, citing Ein Jahr Arbeit und Kampf: Tatigkeis-bericht der Exekutive der Kommunistischen Internationale 1925–1926 (1927), PP.261 ff.

30. These ideas are developed in Malaka, Tan's brochures Naar de Republik Indonesia (Canton, Tokyo, 1925)Google Scholar and Moeda, Semangat (Tokyo, 1926)Google Scholar, and are extensively summarized in and cited here from De Gang der Communistische Bewging ter Sumatra's Westkust. Deel I, op. cit., in the Benda, and McVey, edition, op. cit., pp. 129–138.Google Scholar A shorter summary also appears in Schrieke, B., Sociological Studies, Part One (The Hague, Banourg 1955), p.91.Google Scholar

31. Specifically reference is made here to Ekki, 's “Theses on the Chinese situation” of 11–12, 1926Google Scholar, translation in Eudin, Xenia J. and North, Robert C., Soviet Russia & the East, 1920–1927: A Documentary Survey (Stanford, 1957), pp.256 ff.Google Scholar Malaka's principal concepts, and for that matter the key thoughts of Mao Tse-tung and of the Indonesian Communists under Aidit today, were explicity developed by the Comintern in the nineteentwenties. This applies in particular to agrarian problems. Thus the Comintern's “Theses & Statutes”, adopted at its Second Congress in 1920, stressed the “special importance” of supporting “peasant movements in backward countries against the landowners and all feudal survivals”, but also, indicated that “revolutionary experience” in colonial countries would go through several stages and that it would be “extremely erroneous” to solve agrarian problems right away by Communist principles. In the “Theses on the Eastern Question”, adopted by the Comintern's Fourth Congress in 1922, it is pointed out that the peasant masses and further that no revolutionary movement “in the backward countries of the East” can be successful unless it is based on the peasantry. The theory of the two stage revolution, with the bourgeois democratic phase and semi-colonial countries such as China & India in the program adopted at the sixth congress of the Comintern in 1928. See generally van der Kroef, J.M.. “Lenin, Mao & Aidit”, The China Quarterly 01–03, 1962.Google Scholar The reasons for the curious circumstance that the headquarters of the Chinese Communist Paroy “did not put as much emphasis on the peasant problems as the Comintern in 1923” (Cf. Eto, Shinkichi, “Hai-lu-feng – The First Chinese Soviet Government”, The China Quarterly. 10–12, 1961, p.177)Google Scholar still awaits a full explanation, as does the similar circumstance of the PKI's reluctance or inability to place emphasis on the Indonesian peasant problem.

32. For a description of the rebellions see Blumberger, Petrus, op. cit. pp. 70–106.Google Scholar

33. Rapport van de Commissie voor het Onderzoek naar de zich in de maand November 1926 in verscheidene Gedeelten van de Residentie Bantam voorgedaan hebbende Ongeregeldheden, ingesteld bij Gouvernementsbesluit van 26 Januari, no.X (Weltevreden, 1928), translated in Benda, and McVey, , op.cit., pp.26, 41–42.Google Scholar There is good reason to question the government's view that economic problems played but a minor role in the insurrection. Bantam, at any rate, was one of the poorest sections of the country and had had that reputation at least since the middle of the previous century when the great Dutch writer Maltatuli made his Bantam experiences the basis for an impassioned plea for reform of the colonial system. Later observers have not contradicted Maltatuli on the misery of Bantam. In a recent journey to Java one Dutch authority on modern Indonesia indicates that he had not seen any signs of real want until he came to Northern Bantam, where he saw something of the “grey poverty” which he had observed in India and compared to which Java had been a “paradise on earth.” (W.F. Wertheim, “Kijkje in Lebak no Honderd Jaar”, De Nieuwe Stem, vol.15, June–July, 1960, no.6–7, p.472). It was precisely the exploitation – that it was ineffective we may leave aside for the moment – of this “grey poverty” and above all of the dawning “politicalized” consciousness of it among admittedly quite heterogenous elements of society, that provided PKI cadres with any chance at all. There is also little doubt that important socio-psychological tensions existed in Bantam long before the present century, tensions aggravated by Muslim clerics (as in the Tjilegon uprising in 1888) with whom Communist agitators later made common cause. Cf. e.g. Treub, M. W. P., Het Gist in Indie (Haarlem, 1927), pp. 11, 13.Google Scholar

34. Leeden, C.B. van der, Het Aspect van Landbouwkolonisatie in het Bevolkingsprobleem van Java (Diss., Leyden: The Hague, 1952), p.91.Google Scholar According to the colonial government's publication, Statistical Abstract of the Netherlands Indies 1940 (Pocket Edition), (Batavia, 1940). p.36. the amount of land available per head of native population in Java remained stationary between 1930 and 1939 at leas than 0.2 hectares (or about 0.5 acres).

35. Gonggrijp, , op.cit., p.227 and 211–243.Google Scholar See also L.A. de Waal, Volkscrediet-verschaffing in den Indischen Archipel. Eerste Deel. Credietverschaff ing door Bijsondere Personen (Baarn, n.d.); Pjojohadikusumo, Sumitro, Het Volkscredietwezen in de Depressie (2nd. ed., Djakarta, 1952), esp. pp. 17–24Google Scholar; and Gotzen, L., “Volksinkomen en Belasting,” Koloniale Studien, 10, 1933, p.479.Google Scholar

36. van Suchtelen, B.C., “Parallellen (Hongi-Tochten-Cultuurstelsel-Bijzonder Uitvoerrecht op Bevolkingsrubber)”, Koloniaal Tijdschrift, 09, 1938, pp.575–584.Google Scholar

37. Rutgers, , op. cit., pp. 177–178.Google Scholar

38. Aziz, M.A., Japan's Colonialism and Indonesia (The Hague, 1953), esp. pp.182–258Google Scholar and Brugmans, I.J. et al. , eds., Nederlandsch-Indie onder Japanese Bezetting-Gegevens en Documenten over de Jaren 1942–1945 (Franeker, 1960), esp. pp.486–535 and passim.Google Scholar

39. Bintang Merah, November 17, 1945.

40. McVey, Ruth Thomas, The Development of the Indonesian Communist Party and its Relations with the Soviet Union and the Chinese People's Republic (Center for International Studies, M.I.T., Cambridge, Mass., 1954), pp. 32, 35, 36 and 40.Google Scholar

41. Malaka, 's autobiographical account Dari Pendjara ke Pendjara (Djokjakarta and Djakarta, n.d., 1952?), 2 vols.Google Scholar, is one of the most extraordinary descriptions of an international Communist and offers invaluable insight into the mechanics of the movement, not only in Indonesia but also in other countries.

42. Cf. Alers, Henri J., Om Een Roade, of Groene Merdeka (The Hague, 1956), pp.102–128Google Scholar offers the best analysis of Malaka's attempted coup d'etat.

43. The resolution went through various editions and revisions, the last probably being Djalan Baru Untuk Republik Indonesia (Djakarta, 1953).

44. Ibid., p. 24.

45. Aidit, D.N., “Membolsewikkan PKI,” Bintang Merah, vol.7 (1951), pp. 129–134.Google Scholar

46. One aspect of the Madiun revolt, namely the pattern of so-called abangan-santri tensions with it, may perhaps be briefly touched on here. There has long been a sociopolitical conflict in Indonesia between those who take their Islam seriously and in as pure a form as possible (the santri) and those who are more electic, mixing Islamic precept with pre-Islamic culture strains and beliefs (the abangan). During the Madiun uprising PKI supporters and gangs unleashed a campaign of great violence against the santri element in the countryside around Madiun, and this campaign has been seen by some American observers, wont to overstress the santri-abangan tensions, as an expression of the ancient conflict. While the santri-abangan antithesis may have added its influence to this eruption, and while the PKI is closer to the abangan mentality, the violence of Communist marauders during the Madiun affairs has other factors behind it. There is for one thing the effect of the political conflicts between Muslim groups and the radical left for hegemony in the revolutionary Republic, a conflict with very wide ramifications in the struggle for power. For another, there is psychological factor, e.g. the traumatic effects and brutalizing consequences of the Japanese occupation and of the Indonesian revolution, later expressed in the horrors of the so-called bereiap (violent action all during the revolution. (Cf. e.g. P.M. van Wulfften Palthe, Psychological Aspects of the Indonesian Problem, Leyden, 1949). The santri element around Madiun, to the extent that it was the victim of the Communist bersiap in 1948, was merely the convenient target of a violence engendered much earlier by a massive trauma. The choice of the victim in such conditions of personality disorganization is often almost accidental, and lends itself to a high degree of rationalization in subsequent explanations. To see the attack on the santri in the Madiun affair as an expression of the abangan-santri antithesis seems at any rate a misleading oversimplication.

47. Lukman, M.H., “Timbulnja Faksi,” Bintang Merah, vol.7.(1951), pp.13–19Google Scholar, Aidit accused the PKI leadership at this time of “right wing socialism”and “opportunism.” Cf. his “Menumpuh Djalan Rakjat,” p.49Google Scholar in D.N. Aidit. Pilihan Tulisan, op. cit., vol.1.

48. Soejono, , “Segi-segi pokok sosial Ekonomi dari pada fungsi dan kadudukan desa dalam Pembangunan Nasional,” Ekonomi dan Keuangan Indonesia, vol. 13 (1960), p.407Google Scholar; Tjwan, Tjan Ping, “Population, Unemployment and Economic Development,” Ekonomi dan Keuangan Indonesia, vol.13 (1960), p.459Google Scholar, and Keyfitz, N. and Natisastro, Widjojo, Soal Penduduk dan Pembanguanan Indonesia (Djakarta, 1955).Google Scholar On the sociological aspects of landshortage see also Kroef, Justus M. van der, “Land Tenure and Social Structure in Rural Java,” Rural Sociology, vol.25, (1960), pp.414–43O.Google Scholar

49. Bailey, K.V., “food Problems in Indonesia,” Australian Outlook (Journal of the Australian Institute of International Affairs). vol.14 (1960). pp.299–305CrossRefGoogle Scholar and Kroef, Justus M. van der, “Cultural Aspects of Indonesia's Demographic Problem,” Population Review, vol.4 (1960), p.29Google Scholar and the literature there cited. The most intensive case study of the relationship between malnutrition and martality in a given Indonesia locality that has thus far appeared is the excellent dissertation by Timmer, M., Child Mortality and Population Pressure in the D.I. Jogjakarta Java, Indonesia. A Social-Medical Study (Thesis, Free University of Amsterdam; Rotterdam, 1961).Google Scholar

50. Tjwan, Tjan Ping, op.cit., p.455Google Scholar and Swianiewicz, Stanislas, “Tendencies to development and stagnation in the Indonesian Economy,” Ekonomi dan Keuangan Indonesia, vol.11, (1958) p.96.Google Scholar

51. From an unpublished work by Sarbini Sumawinata, cited in Anspach, Ralph, “Monetary Aspects of Indonesia's Economic Reorganization in 1959”, Ekonomi dan Keuangan Indonesia, vol. 13 (1960), p. 17.Google Scholar

52. Jaspan, M.A., Social Stratification and Social Mobility in Indonesia (Djakarta, 1960), p. 13.Google Scholar

53. Cf. by Adiwilaga, Raden A.: Land Tenure in the Village of Tjipagalo (Bandung Regency) (Bandung, Kantor Perantjang Tata Bumi, 1954, mimeo)Google Scholar, and Daerah Aliran Sungei Tjikapundung-Hulu (Bandung, Kantor Perantjang Tata Bumi, 1954, mimeo). Brief summaries of these studies also appear in Current Sociology, vol.8 (1959), no.1, pp.44, nd Jaspen, , op. cit., pp.47–48.Google Scholar

54. Raden A. Adiwilaga, Ketjamatan Udjung Brung (Bandung Regency). An Agronomic Report (Bandung, Kantor Perantjang Tata Bumi, 1954, mimeo), pp.27–28. This case study of Udjung Brung district is particularly valuable because it confirms the findings of a Dutch colonial government's welfare survey carried on in the first decade of the present century which indicated inordinate degrees of landownership concentration in Udjung Brung and other West Java districts. Cf. Hasselman, C.J., Algemeen Overzicht van de Uitkomsten van het Welvaart-Onderzoek gehouden op Java en Madoera in 1904–1905 (The Hague. 1914). P.37 and note 1.Google Scholar

55. Adiwilaga, , Brung, Ketjamatan Udjung, op.cit., p.29.Google Scholar

56. Cf. by Pandam Geeritno, Masjarakat Marangan: sebuh laporan sosiografi Ketjamatan Prambanan Daerah Istimerwa Joggjakarta (Jogjakarta, Panitya Social Research Universitas Gadjah Mada, 1958), and Jaspan, , op.cit., p.37.Google Scholar

57. Soemarjo Hadiwignjo, Beberapa aspek dadam disguised unemployment didukuh Karangmodjo, Kalurahan Tamanmartani Kalasan (Jogjakarta, Panitya Social Research Universitas Gadjah Mada, 1958); Dam, H. ten, “Cooperative vanuit het Gezichtspunt der Desastructuur in Desa Tjibodas,” Indonesie. vol.9 (1956), pp. 89–116.Google Scholar

58. See e.g. M.A. Jaspan, Problematik sosial untuk Masjarakat Indonesia pada djaman sekarang (Jogjakarta, Panitya Social Research Universitas Gadjah Mada, 1958).

59. “Program PKI untuk Pemerintah Nasional Koalisi,” Bintang Merah, vol.7 (1951), p. 166. and ff.Google Scholar

60. “Menumpuh Djalan Rakjat,” pp.42–64Google Scholar D.N. Aidit. Pilihan Tulisan, op. cit., Vol. I.

61. Aidit, D.N., “Djalan Ke Demokrasi Rakjat Bagi Indonesia,” pp.207–257Google Scholar in D.N. Aidit. Pilihan Tulisan, op. cit., vol.1. This is a revised version of D.N. Aidit, The Road to People's Democracy for Indonesia (General Report on the Political and Organizational Situation, delivered at the Fifth National Congress of the Communist Party of Indonesia, March, (Djakarta, 1955), see esp. pp. 27–28.

62. The Road to People's Democracy, op. cit., pp. 32–33.

63. C.F. by Aidit, D.N.: Indonesian Society and the Indonesian Revolution (Djakarta, 1958), passim, esp. pp. 57–69Google Scholar; “Persatuan Nasional den Kewaspadaan Nasional,” Bintang Merah, vol.9 (1953), pp.366–370Google Scholar; “Utamakan Persamaan Dikalangan Kaum Revolusioner,” Bintang Merah, vol.16 (1960), pp.361–362Google Scholar; “Unite forward along the path of guided democracy for the 100% implementation of the President Sukarno Concept,” pp., 8–9Google Scholar in Documents. Seventh Plenum of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Indonesia, Review of Indonesia, no. 12, 1958 (Supplement); “Kibarkan Tinggi Pandji-Pandji ‘Tahah Untuk Petani’ dan Rebut Kemenangan Satu Demi Satu,” op.cit., pp.218–219Google Scholar; “Pembangunan Organisasi Penting, Tapih Lebih Penting lagi Sedjaxah PKI,” Bintang Merah vol.15 (1959) p.240Google Scholar; “Peladjaran dari National Forces in Indonesia,” For a Lasting Peace, for a People's Democracy, December, 31, 1954; Marian Rakjat (Djakarta), March 18, 1960.

64. It is obvious that by his tactical modification Aidit postponed a decisive, head-on clash with the politically entrenched landlord-creditor-trader element in the country. By demanding only the confiscation of land of those landlords whom the Indonesian government had already branded as traitors, the party's land-reform program stayed within the framework of government policy. The principal manifestations of “imperialism” in Indonesia against which the party has agitated are alleged SEATO influences, the Dutch hold on West New Guinea (which Indonesia claims as part of her national soil), alleged Dutch and American assistance to Indonesian rebel groups, and the presence of Dutch and foreign capital in mining and estatre enterprises.

65. Material for the Sixth National Congress of the Communist Party of Indonesia (Agitprop Department of the Central Committee, Communist Party of Indonesia,(Djakarta, 1959), pp. 94–95 (“Draft Revision of the C.P.I. Programme”).

66. “Masaalah Indonesia,” Bintang Merah. vol. 10 (1954)., p.369Google Scholar; “Cooperatives as a Weapon to Resist the Landlords, Moneylenders and Capitalists,” pp. 12–13Google Scholar in C.P.I. National Economic Seminar, Documents, Review of Indonesia, April–May, 1959 (Supplement).

67. Documents of the Sixth Plenum of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Indonesia (Djakarta, 1958), pp. 73–74.

68. D.N. Aidit, Asmu and Mau Trje-tung, Untuk Bekerdja Lebih Baik Dikalangan Kaum Tani (Djakarta, 1958), Aidits's essay in this brochure originally appeared in Bintang Merah in July 1953.

69. Cf. Aidit, D.N., “Back to the 1945 Constitution for a Change in Policies and Living Conditions,” p. 8Google Scholar in Eighth Plenum of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Indonesia. Political Report and Resolution, Review of Indonesia, September – October. 1959 (Supplement).

70. According to one Indonesian agricultural expert the harvest of padi per hectare in Indonesia was 21.54 quintals in 1930 and 21.82 quintals in 1956 (as compared to 48.1 in Japan and 43.7 in Egypt in 1954). In 1956 there were 316 grams of rice available per day per person, in 1956, without importing rice, there would only have been available 238 grams. Soesiwi Hadiwindo in Warta Ekonomi, vol.12, no.38–45, September 26, 1959–November 7, 1959, translated as “The Rice Problem in Indonesia,” U.S. Joint Publications Research Service, JPRS 3821, September 2, 1960, New York, pp.4, 5, 8 (mimeo).

71. Banana leaves, generally used for pa ckaging, are collected by women and sold for the benefit of the party. By foregoing smoking for one day or by giving up smoking altogether money is saved and turned over to the party. “Left over money” is acquired by women who, after extra shrewd bargaining at the market, have a little surplus cash that is given to the party. See Review of Indonesia. June–July, 1959, p.7.

72. Cf. the BTI program in Konstitusi BTI Barisan Tani Indonesia disahken Kongres Nasional ke V BTI (s.l., 1958?). esp.pp.7–22.

73. Rakjat, Harian, 04 5, 1958.Google Scholar

74. Asmu, , “The Question of Land Reform,” Review of Indonesia, 07, 1960, p.31.Google Scholar

75. Ibid.

76. “Draft Thesis for the General Report of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Indonesia,” pp. 81–82 in Material for the Sixth National Congress of the Communist Party of Indonesia, op. cit.

77. Even in this field theory and practice must harmonize. Thus the BTI periodical Suara Tani, Vol.11, no.1, January, 1960, p.3 warns against “rightist deviation” in the present campaign, i.e. overemphasizing food production and expansion of Cooperatives and underemphasizing “small yield” action, as well as against “leftist deviation,” i.e. too much stress on such “small yield” campaigr features as the “6:4” and the cut in moneylenders' interest rates, and too little concern with growing more food and cooperative development.

78. Tani, Suara, vol.10, no.11, 11, 1959, p. 3, 4Google Scholar, and Partai, Kehidupan, 01–02, 1960, pp. 9–13.Google Scholar See also “Political Activity of the Indonesian Peasant Force (BTl),” U.S. Joint Publications Research Service, JPRS 5299, August 11, 1960, New York, (mimeo).

79. Rakjat, Harian. 11 6, 1958.Google Scholar

80. Asmu, , “Masalah Landreform,” Bintang Merah, vol. 16 (1960), pp. 14–28.Google Scholar According to this article striking examples of landownership concentration exist in the villages of Djimus and Ngabean, both in Central Java, where 7% of the population holds 44.25% of the land, and 1.37% of the population holds 31.64% of land respectively. Results of surveys of concentration on islands other than Java also appear in this article. In one village on the island of Sumba for example. 0.4% of the population owned 54% of the land, in another village on the island of Lombok 17% of the population held all the village land. (See table pp.21–22).

81. Partai, Kehidupan, 04–05, 1959, pp. 58–61Google Scholar; “Political Activity of the Indonesian Peasant Force (BTI),” op.cit.

82. See by Aidit, D.N., “Pembangunan Organisasi Penting, Tapih Lebih Penting Lagi Pembangunan Idealogi,” Bintang Merah, vol. 15 (1959), p. 237Google Scholar and “Kongress Nasional Ke-VI PKI,” Bintang Merah, vol. 15 (1959), p. 356Google Scholar: Material for the Sixth Congress of the Communist Party of Indonesia, op.cit., p.62; Petrus, J.T. Blumberger, De Communistische Beweging in Nederlandsch-Indie, op.cit., p.45.Google Scholar

83. Cf. the remarks of PKI parliamentary deputy Nungtjik in Review of Indonesia, September–October, 1960, p.20.

84. Asmu, , “The Question of Land Reform”, op. cit., p. 31.Google Scholar For other PKI views on recent agrarian legislation, such as the recent measure providing for a 50–50 split between landlord and tenant of the tenant's crop see Undong Undang no.2 tahun 1960 tentang Perdjandjian Bagi Hasil (Djakarta, 1960).

85. Glassburner, Bruce & Thomas, Kenneth D., “The Swing of the Hoe: Retooling begins in the Indonesian Economy”, Asian Survey, vol. 1 (06, 1961), no.4, p.7.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

86. The Indonesian government's landholding restrictive regulation of January 3, 1961 divides the country into densely populated and thinly inhabited regions, In the former, e.g. Java, maxima for irrigated rice fields are set between 5 to 10 hectares (12 to 14 acres), and 6 to 12 hectares (14 to 29 acres) for dry fields. In the thinly populated regions a maximum of 15 hectares of irrigated or 20 hectares of dry fields may be wwned. The law has not as yet spelled out the varying limits on combination of holdings of both irrigated and dry fields that are possible – and very common. There are few details as to how ceilings are to be imposed andhow the landlords (some 100,000 estimated) will exactly be compensated.

87. Gf. e.g. Rakjat, Harian, 11, 10–12, 1961.Google Scholar Difficulties with the implementation of the law have already arisen. Landowners appear to be giving incorrect information to the government as to the size of their holdings, others are selling their lands and ante-dating the sales contract to avoid sustaining losses. On Sept. 13S 1961, the President was given authority to annul land rights forthwith if such annulment is in the public interest. See Antara Daily News Bulletin. September 20, 22, 1961.