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Published online by Cambridge University Press: 24 August 2009
A great deal has been written during the last three decades on the Chinese in Southeast Asia in Chinese and Japanese generally and in English particularly. The outstanding feature of the Western approach to studying this ethnic community has been that research methods of sociologists, anthropologists, and political scientists have largely replaced those of historians.
1 Kasetsiri, Charnvit, The Rise of Ayudhya: A History of Siam in the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Centuries (Kuala Lumpur, 1976), p. 194Google Scholar; Viraphol, Sarasin, Tribute and Profit: Sino-Siamese Trade, 1652–1853 (Cambridge, Mass., 1977), p. 419CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Chen Chingho A., “The Ka I Hen Tai: A Collection of the “Fûsetsu” – Its Compilation and Utility Value for the Study of Indochinese Modern History” (Unpublished report presented in Paris in 1979 at the Institute for Higher Chinese Studies).
2 Chou Ta-kuan's account on Cambodia entitled Chen-la feng-tu chih which was written at the end of the 13th century gives a list of Chinese products wanted by the Cambodians under the heading Yu teh t'ang-huo. For a translation into French, see Pelliot, P., Mémoires sur les coutumes du Cambodge de Tcheou Ta-kouan, version nouvelle; oeuvres posthumes de P. Pelliot n °111 (Paris, 1951), p. 27Google Scholar.
3 For a survey of the rice trade between Siam and Thailand, see Viraphol, , Tribute and Profit, pp. 107–20Google Scholar.
4 Horses were also introduced at the same time; see Khôi, Lẽ Thanh, Le Viêt-nam: histoire et civilisation, Les êditions de minuit (Paris, 1955), pp. 93, 501Google Scholar.
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11 Jackson, James C., “Mining in Eighteenth-Century Bangka: The Pre-European Exploitation of a Tin Island”, Pacific View Point 10, no. 2 (09 1969):33Google Scholar. According to the author, “the most important Chinese contributions to the mining industry were their adaptation of the elaborate systems of water control characteristic of their home village environment and their ability to mobilise and organise an effective workforce” (p. 43).
12 Their mining methods were very similar to those used by their counterparts in the exploitation of tin deposits in Bangka island. See Jackson, James J., Chinese in the West Borneo Goldfields, University of Hull, Occasional Papers in Geography, no. 15 (1970), p. 88Google Scholar.
13 According to a Vietnamese tradition, the first Chinese potter introduced his craft into Annam as early as the 3rd century B.C. See Ceramic Art of Southeast Asia (Singapore, 1971), p. 10Google Scholar.
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19 Ibid., p. 356. According to De Haan, , Oud Batavia (Batavia, 1922), vol. 1, p. 424Google Scholar, during the following century the arak industry in Batavia was obviously flourishing: in 1712 there were 12 factories, in 1715 the number increased to 18 and in 1762 to 20; the last figure remained stable until 1793. This industry was aimed at export.
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30 It was not until the beginning of the 19th century that the Dutch prohibited in Java the purchase of land by Chinese.
31 Gaspardone, Emile, “Un Chinois des Mers du Sud, le fondateur de Ha-tiên”, Journal Asiatique 240, no. 3 (1952):363ff.Google Scholar; Boudet, Paul, “La conquête de la Cochinchine par les Nguyẽn et le rôle des émigŕes Chinois”, B.E.F.E.O. 42 (1942): 121–22Google Scholar.
32 Except an extremely interesting paper by Chen Ching-ho, entitled “Mac Thien Tu and Phraya Taksin: A Survey on Their Political Stand, Conflicts and Background”, still unpublished in 1979, and of which a copy had been presented to the present writer by the author himself.
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37 Kasetsiri, , Rise of Ayudhya, p. 70Google Scholar.
38 Ibid., pp. 81–82.
39 At the beginning of the 18th century, Ha-tiên (the Ponteamass of the Europeans) had supplanted Oudong, the capital of Cambodia, as a centre of trade, partly because of its convenient location. See Hamilton, A., A New Account of the East Indies, vol. 2 (Edinburgh, 1727), pp. 196–97Google Scholar.
40 Gaspardone, , “Un Chinois des Mers du Sud”, p. 375Google Scholar.
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44 Taksin is said to have been conversant in Chinese, Malay, and Vietnamese.
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48 Tung-hsi yang-kao, 3, under the heading Chiu-kang.
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50 Ibid., p. 14.
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52 De Haan, , Oud Batavia, vol. 1, p. 508Google Scholar: “Het gezin van den G.G. de Haan werd dertig jaar lang medisch behandeld door de vrouw van een Chineesch Luitenant”.
53 The Malay term dacing is derived from the Chinese ta ch'êng which means “great steelyard”.
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59 Iskandar, op. cit., p. 2.
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61 This question will be discussed in detail in a forthcoming study on the literature in Malay by the Chinese of Indonesia.
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