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14 Mary Louise Pratt, “Arts of the Contact Zone,” Profession (1991): 33–40; and Pratt, Mary Louise, Imperial Eyes: Travel Writing and Transculturation (London: Routledge, 1992)CrossRefGoogle Scholar. See also Mills, Sara, Discourses of Difference: An Analysis of Women's Travel Writing and Colonialism (London: Routledge, 1991)Google Scholar; McKenzie, Precious, The Right Sort of Woman: Victorian Travel Writers and the Fitness of an Empire (Newcastle: Cambridge Scholars Publishing, 2012)Google Scholar; and Sen, Indrani, Woman and Empire: Representations in the Writings of British India (1858–1900) (New Delhi: Orient Longman, 2002)Google Scholar.

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16 Moore, Gregory, Defining and Defending the Open Door Policy: Theodore Roosevelt and China, 1901–1909 (New York: Roman & Littlefield, 2015)Google Scholar; and Beale, Howard, Theodore Roosevelt and the Rise of America to World Power (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1984)Google Scholar. Roosevelt concentrated on the Caribbean during his presidency even though he was credited with playing a crucial role in ending the Russo-Japanese War in 1905. While Ralph Waldo Emerson had denigrated China as a “booby nation” as a young man in 1824, by 1868 he was giving a speech lauding a delegation sent from the “oldest Empire in the world.” He praised the “advantages” of the growing affiliation between the two countries. Even the Chinese laborers whom he had excoriated decades earlier he now perceived to be efficient and “versatil[e] in adapting themselves to new conditions.” See his April 6, 1824 letter in The Journals and Miscellaneous Notebooks of Ralph Waldo Emerson, Volume II, 1822–1826 (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1961), 378Google Scholar; and “Speech at Banquet in Honor of Chinese Embassy,” Ralph Waldo Emerson, the Complete Works: Miscellanies, vol. XI (Boston: Houghton, Mifflin & Co., 1904), 472–74Google Scholar. Emerson's seeming about-face took place in 1868, the year the Burlingame Treaty was passed, signaling the formal establishment of friendly relations between the two countries. Moreover, it betokened the changing views of Asia throughout the nineteenth century.

17 See for instance Hunter, Jane, The Gospel of Gentility: American Women Missionaries in Turn-of-the-Century China (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1984)Google Scholar; Fairbank, John King, ed., The Missionary Enterprise in China and America (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1974)Google Scholar; and Hutchison, William, Errand to the World: American Protestant Thought and Foreign Missions (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1987)Google Scholar.

18 Lafcadio Hearn's writings appeared frequently in the Atlantic Monthly. See for instance “From My Japanese Diary,” Atlantic Monthly 74 (November 1894); “A Wish Fulfilled,” Atlantic Monthly 75 (January 1895); and “At Hakata,” Atlantic Monthly 74 (October 1894). In 1887 and 1891, the Atlantic Monthly also serialized Percival Lowell's books, The Soul of the Far East (Boston: Houghton, Mifflin & Co., 1888)Google Scholar and Noto: An Unexplored Corner of Japan (Boston: Houghton, Mifflin & Co., 1891)Google Scholar. Lowell was credited as the first non-Asian to have written an account of culture, Korean, Choson, the Land of Morning Calm (Boston: Ticknor & Co., 1885)Google Scholar.

19 See Tchen, New York Before Chinatown; Lockwood, Stephen, Augustine Heard and Company, 1858–1862: American Merchants in China (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1971)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Denker, Ellen, After the Chinese Taste: China's Influence in America, 1730–1930 (Salem, MA: Peabody Museum of Salem, 1985)Google Scholar.

20 Griffis, William Elliot, The Mikado's Empire (New York: Harper Bros., 1876), 339Google Scholar. The Philadelphia-born educator was invited by Japanese officials to “modernize” the country's school systems. He taught chemistry and published manuals on the English language, among other things, while he lived in Japan between 1871 and 1874.

21 See for instance Wade, Thomas, “On China,” in P. & O. Travelers’ Pocket Book (London: Peninsular & Oriental Steam Navigation Co., 1888)Google Scholar. In his article for the guidebook, Wade observed that “China, in these days, is by no means out of globe-trotting range” (181).

22 See for instance Dawson, Carl, Lafcadio Hearn and the Vision of Japan (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1992)Google Scholar; Bisland, Elizabeth, ed., The Japanese Letters of Lafcadio Hearn (Boston: Houghton, Mifflin & Co., 1910)Google Scholar; Bisland, Elizabeth, The Life and Letters of Lafcadio Hearn, 2 vols. (Boston: Houghton, Mifflin & Co., 1906)Google Scholar; Hodermarsky, Elizabeth et al. , John La Farge's Second Paradise: Voyages in the South Seas, 1890–1891 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2010)Google Scholar; Yarnall, James, John La Farge in Paradise: The Painter and His Muse (Newport, RI: William Varelka Fine Art, 1995)Google Scholar; Yarnall, James, John La Farge, A Biographical and Critical Study (New York: Routledge, 2016)Google Scholar; Kresser, Katie, The Art and Thought of John La Farge: Picturing Authenticity in Gilded Age America (New York: Routledge, 2013)Google Scholar; and Rosenstone, Robert, Mirror in the Shrine: American Encounters with Meiji Japan (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1991)Google Scholar.

23 I have chosen to include Morse with the lesser-known travelers because of his comparative work on China and Japan, unlike Hearn and others who focused almost exclusively on Japan.

24 On the problematics of language and representational strategies, see Hall, Stuart, “The West and the Rest: Discourse and Power,” in Formations of Modernity, eds. Hall, Stuart and Gieben, Bram (Cambridge, UK: Polity Press, 1992), 275–332Google Scholar; Sapra, Rahul, The Limits of Orientalism: Seventeenth-Century Representations of India (Newark: University of Delaware Press, 2011)Google Scholar; and Yu, Henry, Thinking Orientals: Migration, Contact, and Exoticism in Modern America (New York: Oxford University Press, 2001)Google Scholar.

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28 Vigden, Michiko Nakanishi, “Letters to Edward Sylvester Morse, Part I: From David Murray,” Journal of Kanto Gakuin Women's Junior College 88 (July 1992): 56Google Scholar. Murray was the American superintendent of the Japanese Ministry of Education and helped Morse get the job at Tokyo Imperial University.

29 See Wakeman, Frederic Jr., The Fall of Imperial China (New York: The Free Press, 1975)Google Scholar; and Hucker, Charles O., China's Imperial Past: An Introduction to Chinese History and Culture (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1975)Google Scholar.

30 Morse, Glimpses of China, 3.

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32 Morse, Glimpses of China, 107.

33 Hendley, Charles M., Trifles of Travel (Washington, DC: Rider Press, 1924), 64Google Scholar. Hendley traveled throughout Asia in the early twentieth century, visiting China, the Philippines, Korea, and other countries before returning to the United States via Egypt.

34 Taylor, Bayard, A Visit to China, India, and Japan in the Year 1853 (New York: G. P. Putnam & Co., 1855), 333Google Scholar. Taylor claimed that China was “the very best country in the world—to leave” (499).

35 Hendley, Trifles of Travel, 78. Hendley wrote that “the Chinese find great difficulty in acquiring our language. Pigeon English is used in all portions of this country.”

36 Taylor, A Visit to China, 290.

37 Hart, Western China, 63. During his travels, Hart observed that “the sallow complexion of the people, their emaciated forms, and languid movements attract our attention everywhere along the river. I do not see a beautiful face or figure, nor a rosy cheek.” See also 119 and 126 on opium smoking.

38 Taylor, A Visit to China, 390.

39 “These decaying stalks speak; they tell me why the death-pallor is upon all faces, from the shriveled form of age to the bow-legged child sitting in the cottage door. O seductive viper, curse of millions! Who shall dare to stand up in the presence of this fast-fading degenerating people, and say the evil is not widespread and fatal?” Quoted from Hart, Western China, 64. Even worse, perhaps, opium frequently was offered to the gods by faithful worshippers in the temples (78).

40 In the foreword to Hart's, Edgerton IvesVirgil C. Hart, Missionary Statesman (Toronto: McClelland, Goodchild & Stewart, 1917)Google Scholar, F. C. Stephenson touted him as “free[ing]” China from “age-long stagnation and lift[ing] her into new life.”

41 Hart, Western China, 64.

42 Morse, Glimpses of China, 6. See also 5, 7, and 28.

43 Taylor, A Visit to China, 318.

44 Morse, Glimpses of China, 137.

45 Morse, Glimpses of China, 137.

46 Morse, Glimpses of China, 6.

47 Morse, Glimpses of China, 143.

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49 Quoted from Goldstein, Jonathan, “Edward Sylvester Morse (1838–1925) as Expert and Western Observer in Meiji Japan,” Journal of Intercultural Studies 15 (1987): 67Google Scholar.

50 See for instance Duus, Peter, The Japanese Discovery of America: A Brief History with Documents (Boston: Bedford Books, 1997)Google Scholar; and Masako, Herman, The Japanese in America (Dobbs Ferry, NY: Oceana Publishing, 1974)Google Scholar.

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52 Art historians like Donald Preziosi and Vernon Minor have argued that objects of art have often been used as evidence for assessing the creators’ level of refinement. See Preziosi, Donald, Rethinking Art History: Meditations on a Coy Science (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1989)Google Scholar; and Minor, Vernon Hyde, Art History's History (New York: Pearson, 2000)Google Scholar.

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55 Morse, Glimpses of China, 36.

56 Morse, Glimpses of China, 38.

57 Morse, Glimpses of China, 50. Morse did not find Japanese kitchens to be as clean and spacious as the other rooms in the home, but many were nevertheless “well lighted and airy.” From Morse, Japanese Homes, 185.

58 Hart, Western China, 96. During a stay at an official residence, he found that the “lanterns [were] scattered everywhere, and always where the foreigner would not have them.”

59 Hart, Western China, 129.

60 Parsons, An American Engineer in China, 215–17.

61 Taylor, A Visit to China, 352.

62 Taylor, A Visit to China, 353.

63 Taylor, A Visit to China, 330.

64 Hart, Western China, 83. Furthermore, a “Chinaman with a foreign calico coat or English broadcloth has taken a short step toward international brotherhood.”

65 Albert J. Beveridge Speech on the Philippine Question, U.S. Senate, Washington, DC, January 9, 1900.

66 See Delmendo, Sharon, The Star-Entangled Banner: One Hundred Years of America in the Philippines (New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 2004)Google Scholar; and Hoganson, Kristin L., Fighting for American Manhood: How Gender Politics Provoked the Spanish-American and Philippine-American Wars (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1998)Google Scholar.

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68 Parsons, An American Engineer in China, 180.

69 Parsons, An American Engineer in China, 15.

70 Taylor, A Visit to China, 333.

71 Hendley, Trifles of Travel, 54–55.

72 Parsons, An American Engineer in China, 96.

73 Parsons, An American Engineer in China, 137.

74 Parsons, An American Engineer in China, 135.

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76 Mar, Walter Del, Around the World Through Japan (New York: The Macmillan Company, 1902), 125–26Google Scholar.

77 Del Mar, Around the World Through Japan, 305.

78 Del Mar, Around the World Through Japan, 98.

79 Parsons, An American Engineer in China, 119.

80 For more detailed discussions on the Boxer Rebellion, see Bodin, Lynn and Warner, Chris, The Boxer Rebellion (Oxford, UK: Osprey Publishing, 1979)Google Scholar; Xiang, Lanxin, The Origins of the Boxer War: A Multinational Study (London: Routledge, 2002)Google Scholar; and Purcell, Victor, The Boxer Uprising: A Background Study (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2010)Google Scholar.

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82 Douglas, R. K., “China,” in P. & O. Pocket Book (London: Adam & Charles Black, 1908), 98–99Google Scholar.

83 From Dunnell, Mark B., “Our Rights in China,” Atlantic Monthly 86 (October 1900): 277Google Scholar. The publication featured many essays on the “Chinese problem.” See also Brooks Adams, “Russia's Interest in China,” Atlantic Monthly 86 (October 1900); Angell, James B., “The Crisis in China,” Atlantic Monthly 86 (October 1900)Google Scholar; and Hubbard, James M., “Russia as a Civilizing Force in Asia,” Atlantic Monthly 75 (February 1895)Google Scholar.

84 Hendley, Trifles of Travel, 54.

85 Smith, D. Warres, European Settlements in the Far East, China, Japan, Corea, Indo-China, Straits Settlements, Malay States, Siam, Netherlands India, Borneo, the Philippines, Etc. (London: Sampson Low, Marston & Co., 1900), 157Google Scholar.

86 Parsons, An American Engineer in China, 36.

87 According to Parsons, “We of to-day are concerned not so much with what China will eventually do with progress, as with what we ourselves can and should do with it now.” From Parsons, An American Engineer in China, 314–15.

88 Del Mar, Around the World Through Japan, 103.

89 Roland Thomas Kinney, August 12, 1918 journal entry, Record of a Voyage to the Orient in 1918, Henry E. Huntington Library Collection, San Marino, CA. Kinney was from Pasadena, California. He got the “travel bug” and yearned to see “the Orient.”

90 Hall, E. Hepple, The Picturesque Tourist, A Handy Guide Round the World. For the Use of All Travellers Between Europe, America, Australia, India, China, and Japan (New York: American News Company, 1877), 169–70Google Scholar.

91 Wade, “On China,” 182. Elsewhere in the guidebook, the harbor of Hong Kong was touted as “one of the finest and most beautiful in the world. Portuguese lorchas, and Chinese junks and sampans—set, as it were, in a framework of noble scenery, gives a picture that is ever animated and magnificent” (91–92).

92 P. & O. Travelers’ Pocket Book (1888), 92.

93 P. & O. Travelers’ Pocket Book (1888), 92.

94 According to Elizabeth Keith, Hong Kong was “a place with excellent roads and beautiful houses, and [it was a pleasure] to see clean, well-fed coolies with good rikishas [sic].” From Keith, Elizabeth, Eastern Windows: An Artist's Notes of Travel in Japan, Hokkaido, Korea, China and the Philippines (Boston: Houghton, Mifflin & Co., 1928), 62–63Google Scholar.

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96 Taylor, A Visit to China, 476.

97 Del Mar, Around the World Through Japan, 89.

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101 Smith, European Settlements, 110. Smith lauded the beautification of Suchow with European-style public gardens and recreational grounds.

102 Phillips Brooks, letter dated January 3, 1883, quoted from Brooks, Phillips, Letters of Travel (New York: E. P. Dutton & Co., 1894), 238Google Scholar.

103 Letter from Phillips Brooks to William Sturgis Bigelow, September 2, 1889, William S. Bigelow Papers, Houghton Library, Harvard University, Cambridge, MA. In the same letter, the Boston minister acknowledged that while he admired Buddhist ideals, he found that salvation could only come from his Christian God.

104 Ford, Worthington C., ed., Letters of Henry Adams (1858–1891), vol. I (Boston: Houghton, Mifflin & Co., 1930), 366Google Scholar.

105 Versluis, Arthur, American Transcendentalism & Asian Religions (New York: Oxford University Press, 1993), 323Google Scholar.

106 Parsons, An American Engineer in China, 307.

107 Parsons, An American Engineer in China, 289.

108 Del Mar, Around the World Through Japan, 305.

109 Del Mar, Around the World Through Japan, 211.

110 See for instance Feifer, George, Breaking Open Japan: Commodore Perry, Lord Abe, and American Imperialism in 1853 (Washington, DC: Smithsonian Books, 2006)Google Scholar; and Wiley, Peter Booth, Yankees in the Land of the Gods: Commodore Perry and the Opening of Japan (New York: Penguin, 1991)Google Scholar.

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112 Del Mar, Around the World Through Japan, 222. According to Del Mar and others, Korea was of “even more paramount importance to Japan than the Tripoli question to Italy, the integrity of Afghanistan to England, the Lost Provinces to France, or the Monroe Doctrine to the United States.”

113 Hendley, Trifles of Travel, 106.

114 In return, the Japanese would recognize the United States’ claims over Hawaii and the Philippines. This accord symbolized both countries’ growing colonialist designs within Asia. See Jansen, Marius B., The Making of Modern Japan (Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press, 2002)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Gould, Lewis L., The Presidency of Theodore Roosevelt (Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 2011)Google Scholar.

115 Hendley, Trifles of Travel, 107.

116 Hendley, Trifles of Travel, 111.

117 Walter Del Mar, “Japan,” in P. & O. Pocket Book (1908), 123–24.

118 Agnes Herbert, “Japan,” in P. & O. Pocket Book (1926), 148.

119 Herbert, “Japan,” 157.

120 Del Mar, Around the World Through Japan, 322.

121 For discussions on the popularization of Buddhism outside of Asia, see for instance Seager, Richard Hughes, The World's Parliament of Religions: The East/West Encounter, Chicago, 1893 (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1995)Google Scholar; Seager, Richard Hughes, Buddhism in America (New York: Columbia University Press, 2000)Google Scholar; Fields, Rick, How the Swans Came to the Lake: A Narrative History of Buddhism in America (Boston: Shambhala Publications, 1992)Google Scholar; Tweed, Thomas, The American Encounter with Buddhism, 1844–1912: Victorian Culture and the Limits of Dissent (Durham: University of North Carolina Press, 2000)Google Scholar; Tweed, Thomas and Prothero, Stephen, eds., Asian Religions in America: A Document History (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1998)Google Scholar; and Snodgrass, Judith, Presenting Japanese Buddhism to the West: Orientalism, Occidentalism, and the Columbian Exposition (Chapel Hill: University Press of North Carolina, 2003)Google Scholar.

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130 Bartlett, George C., “An Episode in the Life of a Medium,” The Open Court 23 (February 1909): 79Google Scholar. The article recounted the author's visit with a medium, Charles H. Foster, in Louisiana.

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135 From “General Information,” The Buddhist Ray (Santa Cruz, CA), Nov.–Dec. 1891, 1.

136 “Adaptability of religion to its environment is a powerful and decisive agent for its destiny.” From Kino, K., “New Application of the Old Truth,” The Light of Dharma 5 (April 1905): 27–28Google Scholar. See also Godart, G. Clinton, Darwin, Dharma, and the Divine: Evolutionary Theory and Religion in Modern Japan (Honolulu: University of Hawai'i Press, 2017)Google Scholar for a discussion about the impact of Darwinism on Japanese religious thought in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries.

137 Daisetsu Teitaro Suzuki, “Is Buddhism Nihilistic,” The Light of Dharma 61 (January 1907): 6–7. Suzuki went on to write that had the Americans and Europeans embraced Buddhism centuries earlier, they “might have developed quite differently.”

138 Buddhism bore “a strong resemblance and similarity to the modern theory of evolution, not only in the principle itself but also in the process of carrying it out.” Quoted from Kino, “A Normal Religion,” 11. Dharmapala had also argued that the Buddhist philosophy on life and spiritually were in essence Darwinian. See Dharmapala, “The World's Debt to Buddha,” 202.

139 “Before the soul became an expression in form of the All, or One Ego, it was predestined to become a human being by the process called evolution.” Quoted from Wilson, Thomas B., “Predestination,” The Light of Dharma 5 (April 1905): 31Google Scholar.

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146 Bigelow, Buddhism and Immortality, 71–72. Ultimately, to be able to transcend the material world through the evolutionary process would help the Buddhist arrive at “infinite and eternal peace. … That peace is NIRVANA” (76).

147 Kino, “A Normal Religion,” 12–13.

148 According to Suzuki, “all religious systems, whatever their original character, must adapt themselves to new surrounding.” Suzuki, “Is Buddhism Nihilistic,” 6–7.

149 Hart, Western China, 218–19.

150 Lafcadio Hearn, “The Introduction of Buddhism,” in The Buddhist Writings of Lafcadio Hearn, 263.

151 Kino, “New Application of the Old Truth,” 27–28.

152 Shaku Soyen, Sermons of a Buddhist Abbot, in Asian Religions in America, 139.

153 This new “United Buddhism” was also a “cosmopolitan one … grounded in faith and in reason, born in Asia and global in its application.” Quoted from Ketelaar, Of Heretics and Martyrs, 177.

154 Quoted from Olcott, Henry Steel, Old Diary Leaves (New York: G. P. Putnam, 1895), 169Google Scholar.

155 James Legge was a professor of Chinese language and literature who also worked as a missionary in China for over thirty years. He asserted that “it is difficult in China to say to what religion a man belongs, as the same person may profess two or three.” Even the emperor paid homage to both Confucius and Buddha. From Legge, James, trans., A Record of Buddhistic Kingdoms Being an Account by the Chinese Monk Fa-Hien of His Travels in India and Ceylon (A.D. 399–414) (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1886), 7Google Scholar.

156 Beal, Samuel, Buddhism in China (London: Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge, 1884), 241, 243Google Scholar.

157 Beal, Buddhism in China, 250.

158 Hart, Western China, 79.

159 Hart, Western China, 149.

160 Hart, Western China, 220.

161 Morse, Glimpses of China, 147–48.

162 Kino, “A Normal Religion,” 15.

163 Cunha, J. Gerson Da, Memoir on the History of the Tooth-Relic of Ceylon; with a Preliminary Essay on the Life and System of Gautama Buddha (London: W. Thacker & Co., 1875), 24Google Scholar.

164 Sprague, Roger, From Western China to the Golden Gate: The Experiences of an American University Graduate in the Orient (Berkeley: Lederer, Street & Zeus Co., 1991), 122Google Scholar. Sprague taught at Chinese government schools in 1910, and thereafter decided to travel on his own through China. He went on to write that China was also considered to be the “do-nothing kingdom, the land where the people are wedded to the ways of their forefathers from which they will not depart.”

165 Sprague, From Western China to the Golden Gate, 126.

166 Sprague, From Western China to the Golden Gate, 126.

167 Sprague, From Western China to the Golden Gate, 123.

168 Parsons, An American Engineer in China, 15.