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Published online by Cambridge University Press: 11 October 2012
At the start of the twentieth century, U.S. citizens began settling and investing on the Isle of Pines off the coast of Cuba. U.S. entrepreneurs who believed the Isle was or would become U.S. territory bought vast tracts from Spanish and Cuban landowners. They then subdivided the land and marketed it to farmers and middle-class Americans still in search of opportunity on a disappearing frontier. These landholding companies' promotions helped shape the assumptions and expectations of thousands of Americans who settled on the Isle over the next few decades. Companies portrayed the Isle as a tropical paradise safe for white settlement and ripe for development. They promised high returns-on-investment for those looking to engage in citrus production for export, as well as a healthful climate for those plagued by chronic illness. Some of these settlers publicly echoed landholding companies' portrayal and remained on the Isle for years. Others found the Isle's promise to be grossly exaggerated and returned to the United States feeling swindled by unscrupulous entrepreneurs. Although set in a foreign land, U.S. interest in the Isle reveals much about life in the United States, including the changing nature of expansion, the growing power of advertising, and middle-class discontent.
My thanks to Frank Costigliola, J. Garry Clifford, Melina Pappademos, Dominic DeBrincat, Chad Reid, and Tom Westerman for their encouragement and suggestions for improvement. I am also appreciative of the feedback from the journal's two anonymous reviewers, whose insights sharpened my work.
2 Platt to Putnam, Dec. 5, 1904, Official Correspondence: 1900–1905—Various Subjects, box 2, vol. 1, 190, Orville Platt Papers, Record Group 69, Connecticut State Library, Hartford, CT (hereafter CSL). Putnam's professional background is not clear from the correspondence.
3 Some Cubans referred to the Isle as the “Siberia of Cuba” or “the forgotten Isle.” Medina, Waldo, Aquí, Isla de Pinos (La Habana, 1961)Google Scholar; Jiménez, Antonio Núñez, Autobiografía de Isla de Pinos (La Habana, 1949)Google Scholar; de Vera, Eduardo F. Lens y, La Isla Olvidada: Estudio Físico, Económico y Humano de la Isla de Pinos (La Habana, 1942)Google Scholar.
4 Memorandum of Frederick Swetland Jr., Mar. 7, 1961, 1, Swetland Family Archives, Yellow Springs, OH (hereafter SFA).
5 San Juan Heights Land Company, “The Isle of Pines: The Garden Spot of the World,” (Cleveland, 1914), 7, 1.
6 Estimates of the U.S. population on the Isle varied widely. Landholding companies and settlers tended to inflate the numbers to attract more investment. Cuban officials, particularly in the country's census, generally undercounted U.S. citizens, many of whom were only part-year residents. U.S. consuls on the Isle, who were charged with registering U.S. citizens, consistently estimated 10,000 American landowners and at least 2,000 Americans in residence at the peak of U.S. involvement around 1914. As one consul noted, however, accurate counts of the U.S. population were based “entirely on guesswork” because of poor record keeping. William Bardel to Wilbur J. Carr, Dec. 5, 1918, 1910–29 Central Decimal File, file 837.014P/153, roll 27, microcopy 488, General Records of the Department of State Relating to the Internal Affairs of Cuba, National Archives and Records Administration.
7 LaFeber, Walter, The New Empire: An Interpretation of American Expansion, 1860–1898, 35th ann. ed. (Ithaca, 1998)Google Scholar; Pletcher, David M., The Diplomacy of Trade and Investment: American Economic Expansion in the Hemisphere, 1865–1900 (Columbia, MO, 1998)Google Scholar; Pérez, Louis A. Jr., Cuba under the Platt Amendment, 1902–1934 (Pittsburgh, 1986)Google Scholar.
8 Although the United States acquired additional territory after 1898 including Wake Island, American Samoa, the U.S. Virgin Islands, and the Northern Mariana Islands, those lands were obtained more for geostrategic purposes than for settlement. The annexation-for-settlement zeal was not limited to the Isle, however. Carmen Diana Deere and John Mason Hart have shown that private U.S. citizens in Cuba and parts of Mexico continued to push for the annexation of each during the early twentieth century despite U.S. policymakers' disinterest. Deere, “Here Come the Yankees! The Rise and Decline of United States Colonies in Cuba, 1898–1930,” Hispanic American Historical Review 78 (Nov. 1998): 729–65CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Hart, Empire and Revolution: The Americans in Mexico since the Civil War (Berkeley, 2002), 167–267CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
9 Col. C.C. Byrne to Surgeon-General, United States Army, May 11, 1898, in Isle of Pines: Papers Relating to the Adjustment of Title to the Ownership of the Isle of Pines, 68th Cong., 2d sess. (1924), S. Doc. 166, 177–78.
10 New York Times, June 21, 1898. Various outlets reported that the waters of the Gulf of Batabanó separating the Isle from Cuba proper were only about 10 to 15 feet deep. For example, see Gen. Fitzhugh Lee to Gen. Adna Chafee, Feb. 9, 1899, in Isle of Pines: Papers Relating to the Adjustment of Title, 184.
11 New York American, Aug. 11, 1898; Tacoma Daily News, Aug. 12, 1898; Lexington Morning Herald, Aug. 16, 1898. One report stated that Gen. Nelson Miles wanted to invade the Isle in July to cut off blockade runners. But President William McKinley and Secretary of War Russell Alger rejected the plan presumably to focus on taking Santiago in eastern Cuba, which proved the decisive conflict in the Cuban theater. New York Times, Dec. 3, 1898.
12 Maj. William E. Almy et al. to Brig. Gen. J.W. Clous, Nov. 25, 1898, in Isle of Pines: Papers Relating to the Adjustment of Title, 180.
13 Capt. Frederick Foltz to Lt. Col. Tasker H. Bliss, Feb. 22, 1899, ibid., 192.
14 Ibid., 194.
15 Capt. H.J. Slocum to Adjutant General, Apr. 20, 1900, ibid., 169.
16 Ibid., 171–72.
17 Trask, David F., The War with Spain in 1898 (New York, 1981), 74, 78Google Scholar.
18 For samples of letters written from 1899–1901, see Isle of Pines: Papers Relating to the Adjustment of Title, 66–107.
19 Raynard to Root, Apr. 21, 1901, box 72, record 377, General Records, General Classified Files: 1898–1945, Record Group 350, National Archives, College Park, MD (hereafter NA).
20 Robert I. Wall to Sen. Shelby Cullom (R-IL), Dec. 3, 1903, in Isle of Pines: Papers Relating to the Adjustment of Title, 215.
21 Newspapers frequently reported that the Isle was or would become U.S. territory, undoubtedly shaping or reinforcing popular perceptions about the issue in the United States. Kansas City Star, Nov. 27, 1900; Fort Worth Morning Register, Nov. 28, 1900. Rumors of U.S. designs on the Isle reached an angered Havana. In an editorial, La Discusion wrote, “To attempt such a rapacious robbery would be brutal aggression.” Quoted in Hartford Courant, Nov. 29, 1900.
22 Pershing to George Bridges, Aug. 14, 1899, box 72, record 377, RG 350, NA. Annexationists often cited this letter to show that the U.S. government had led them to believe that the Isle was indeed U.S. territory.
23 Meiklejohn to A.C. Goff, Jan. 15, 1900, box 72, record 377, RG 350, NA. Root later privately acknowledged that Meiklejohn had not acted on his authority. Root to Sen. Thomas C. Platt, Dec. 18, 1903, in Isle of Pines: Papers Relating to the Adjustment of Title, 284. Correspondence between U.S. officials suggests that Root and Meiklejohn were not always on the same page. Gen. Leonard Wood, military governor of Cuba, wrote to Root: “I am a little embarrassed by the numerous telegrams that I receive from Mr. Meiklejohn. A good many of them show that he is entirely ignorant of what you are doing at certain instances.” Wood to Root, May 12, 1900, box 28, General Correspondence — 1900, Leonard Wood Papers, Manuscript Division, Library of Congress, Washington (hereafter LOC). Orville Platt disapproved of Meiklejohn's assertion that the Isle was U.S. territory. “It is most unfortunate that a letter was written by a subordinate of the war department, without the knowledge of the secretary of war, saying that the title was in the United States. Even the secretary of war could not have given such information, but in fact, he knew nothing whatever about the letter.” Platt to A. Kellogg, Jan. 4, 1904, box 2, vol. 1, 204, Platt Papers, CSL.
24 Platt to J.C. Lenney, Nov. 5, 1902, in Isle of Pines: Papers Relating to the Adjustment of Title, 285. In an undated handwritten draft of the Platt Amendment, one version states that “there shall be secured to the United States the following rights and privileges: One, a recognition of the title of the United States to the Isle of Pines.” Box 2, vol. 1, 11, Platt Papers, CSL.
25 Root to Charles Raynard, Nov. 27, 1905, in Isle of Pines: Papers Relating to the Adjustment of Title, 4. Root's letter was made public shortly after it was written and earned him the enmity of annexationists. The Supreme Court affirmed Root's position in Pearcy v. Stranahan (1907), when it ruled that the Isle of Pines belonged to Cuba and upheld the U.S. government's right to collect import duties on products from there because it was foreign territory.
26 Wood to Root, Apr. 4, 1901, box 169, Special Correspondence: Leonard Wood, Elihu Root Papers, LOC.
27 Despite settlers' claims to the contrary, there is no archival evidence to suggest that domestic U.S. business interests supported the Hay-Quesada treaty out of fear of competition from the Isle. One historian has argued that Americans with commercial interests in Cuba proper supported the treaty from fear that its rejection would spur a nationalistic backlash against their businesses. Smith, Robert F., The United States and Cuba: Business and Diplomacy, 1917–1960 (New Haven, 1960)Google Scholar. Editorials in most U.S. newspapers favored the treaty as a token of U.S. benevolence. For examples, New York Times, Dec. 5, 1903; San Jose Mercury News, July 19, 1903; and Morning Olympian, July 19, 1903. One of the notable exceptions was Sen. Penrose's hometown newspaper, which opposed the treaty; Philadelphia Inquirer, Feb. 27, 1904. Newspapers in towns from which many settlers had originated also were consistently opposed to the treaty. See Fond du Lac Commonwealth, Feb. 26, 1904, and Duluth News-Tribune, Mar. 10, 1904.
28 Herbert G. Squiers to John Hay, Mar. 18, 1903, in Isle of Pines: Papers Relating to the Adjustment of Title, 189. Another source refers to him as Henry Haenel, who maintained property on the Isle into the 1930s. Isle of Pines Post, Aug. 15, 1930.
29 Squiers to Hay, Mar. 18, 1903, in Isle of Pines: Papers Relating to the Adjustment of Title, 189.
30 There is no comprehensive data concerning how much land U.S. citizens bought, although U.S. and Cuban scholars have consistently estimated it made up between 90 and 99 percent of the Isle's arable land. U.S. government records are incomplete. Landholding companies and American-owned newspapers on the Isle printed maps detailing areas of American ownership, but those may have been exaggerated to attract additional U.S. investment. Cuban records also are incomplete because the first generation of U.S. settlers rarely obtained titles to their property through the Cuban government. Settlers often complained about navigating Cuban bureaucracy to register, including the expense of traveling to Cuba proper to complete the process. In later years, this led to debates about property boundaries and ownership. See S.H. Pearcy, J.H.H. Randall, T.J. Keenan to John Hay, Nov. 8, 1902, in Isle of Pines: Papers Relating to the Adjustment of Title, 150, and Ed Ryan to Senate Committee on Foreign Relations, Jan. 24, 1906, in ibid., 50.
31 For a synopsis of such activity and the rise of American colonies in Cuba, Pérez, Louis A. Jr., On Becoming Cuban: Identity, Nationality, and Culture (Chapel Hill, 1999), 104–25Google Scholar; Deere, “Here Come the Yankees!” 738–52. By 1905 some 13,000 Americans had spent more than $50 million to acquire land in Cuba. Jenks, Leland Hamilton, Our Cuban Colony: A Study in Sugar (New York, 1928), 144Google Scholar.
32 Estimates of land prices taken from Academia de Ciencias de Cuba, “Serie Isla de Pinos No. 23: Latifundismo y Especulación,” ed. Delfín Rodríguez et al. (La Habana, 1968), 4.
33 Swierenga, Robert P., “Land Speculation and Its Impact on American Economic Growth and Welfare: A Historiographical Review,” Western Historical Quarterly 8 (July 1977): 283–302CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
34 Cañada Land and Fruit Company, “Isle of Pines: Land of Fruit and Flowers” (Marinette, WI, 1903), 29.
35 Isle of Pines Investment Company, “The Pineland Bulletin” (Cleveland, 1908), 1.
36 George Hibbard, El Canal Company, to Morgan, Mar. 1, 1906, in Isle of Pines: Papers Relating to the Adjustment of Title, 27. Emphasis in original.
37 Tropical Development Company, “McKinley, Isle of Pines” (Buffalo, 1904), 22.
38 Isle of Pines Company, “McKinley, Isle of Pines: A City of Orange Groves in the American District of Cuba” (New York, 1911), 3.
39 Studies that examine this anxiety and its consequences include: LaFeber, The New Empire, 62–101; Hofstadter, Richard, The Age of Reform: From Bryan to FDR (New York, 1955), 46–59Google Scholar; Williams, William Appleman, “The Frontier Thesis and American Foreign Policy,” Pacific Historical Review 24 (Nov. 1955): 379–95CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Wrobel, David M., The End of American Exceptionalism: Frontier Anxiety from the Old West to the New Deal (Lawrence, 1993)Google Scholar.
40 Tropical Development Company, “McKinley, Isle of Pines,” 56.
41 Hart, Empire and Revolution, 236.
42 Proctor, Samuel, “Prelude to the New Florida, 1877–1919” in The New History of Florida, ed. Gannon, Michael (Gainesville, 1996), 272Google Scholar.
43 Vanderblue, Homer B., “The Florida Land Boom,” Journal of Land and Public Utility Economics 3 (May 1927): 121–22CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Vanderblue places Florida's land boom within a larger continuum of U.S. real estate promotion, connecting practices there to those in California during the 1880s and the U.S. Midwest in the 1830s.
44 Studies that examine these promotions include: Sackman, Douglas Cazaux, Orange Empire: California and the Fruits of Eden (Berkeley, 2005)Google Scholar; Garcia, Matt, A World of Its Own: Race, Labor, and Citrus in the Making of Greater Los Angeles, 1900–1970 (Chapel Hill, 2001)Google Scholar.
45 New York Times, Aug. 20, 1916. The anonymous letter writer admitted that land prices on the Isle of Pines had indeed increased from $5 to $50 an acre but concluded, “In both districts Americans of small means and less discretion have been sadly swindled.” Anecdotal evidence suggests that some Isle settlers went to Florida after experiencing failure in Cuba. In the wake of the Hay-Quesada treaty's ratification, one despondent U.S. entrepreneur wrote, “Weekly reports from the Island show American family after American family leaving that place for resettlement in Florida and other portions of the United States.” Frederick Swetland Sr. to Col. Carmi Thompson, May 15, 1925, SFA.
46 Squiers to Hay, Mar. 18, 1903, in Isle of Pines: Papers Relating to the Adjustment of Title, 188.
47 Isle of Pines Company, “The Isle of Pines: Uncle Sam's Latest Acquisition of Territory” (New York, 1902).
48 For examples, see advertisements for free company prospectuses in Philadelphia Inquirer, Mar. 30, 1909; Kansas City Star, Feb. 21, 1910.
49 Memorandum of Frederick Swetland Jr., Mar. 7, 1961, 2–3, SFA. Swetland further explained that the family business struggled with start-up costs and projects for nearly a decade. Over the next half-century, the Swetland family engaged in land sales, citrus production for export, resort development, and cattle raising. The family emerged as one of the most prominent on the Isle, retaining property in San Francisco for four generations.
50 R.H. Swetland, “A Little History of the How and the Why of Some Things,” undated, SFA.
51 Harper to John C. Olmsted, Nov. 6, 1912, folder 4—1912–1921, 1945, job file 3606, reel 214, Olmsted Associates Records, LOC.
52 Landholding companies by the 1940s reportedly had resold only about 60 percent of their land. The Isle of Pines, Cuba, report by LaRue Lutkins, May 14, 1944, Correspondence, 1943 (File No. 812–891), 1944 (File No. 000–123), Nueva Gerona–Isle of Pines, Cuba, vol. 55, RG 84, NA.
53 Studies that examine this phenomenon and its impact on consumer culture include Ewen, Stuart, Captains of Consciousness: Advertising and the Social Roots of the Consumer Culture, 25th ann. ed. (New York, 2001)Google Scholar; Laird, Pamela Walker, Advertising Progress: American Business and the Rise of Consumer Marketing (Baltimore, 1998)Google Scholar; Norris, James D., Advertising and the Transformation of American Society, 1865–1920 (New York, 1990)Google Scholar; Marchand, Roland, Advertising the American Dream: Making Way for Modernity, 1920–1940 (Berkeley, 1985)Google Scholar.
54 Cañada Land & Fruit Company, “Isle of Pines,” 32.
55 The Isle of Pines Company, “McKinley, Isle of Pines,” 58.
56 San Juan Heights Land Company, “The Isle of Pines,” 18–19.
57 The Santa Fe Land Company and the Isle of Pines United Land Companies, “Marvelous Isle of Pines” (Chicago, 1916), 11. Similar pronouncements were rife in virtually every company prospectus.
58 Isle of Pines Company, “Isle of Pines,” 6; Cañada Land & Fruit Company, “Isle of Pines,” 19; Tropical Development Company, “McKinley, Isle of Pines,” 61; Duluth News-Tribune, Jan. 14, 1913.
59 Isle of Pines Company, “Isle of Pines.” The company claimed that the value of timber on land it owned was approximately $9.05 million.
60 Cañada Land & Fruit Company, “Isle of Pines,” 14.
61 Isle of Pines Company, “Isle of Pines,” 12–13.
62 Cañada Land & Fruit Company, “Isle of Pines,” 9. Historian and journalist Irene A. Wright, a contemporary of the era, echoed those sentiments, citing the Spanish military sending soldiers in Cuba suffering from tropical ailments to the Isle to recover or to acclimate them to the tropical climate. Wright, Gem of the Caribbean (Nueva Gerona, 1909), 55Google Scholar; and Wright, Isle of Pines (Beverly, MA, 1910), 102–03Google Scholar.
63 Tropical Development Company, “McKinley, Isle of Pines,” 39.
64 Cañada Land & Fruit Company, “Isle of Pines,” 9. Wright provided additional testimonials to the healing powers of the Isle's springs, reprinting five letters from U.S. citizens all claiming to have been healed by springs in Santa Fe. Wright, Isle of Pines, 105–06.
65 Tropical Development Company, “McKinley, Isle of Pines,” 30.
66 Isle of Pines Company, “The Isle of Pines,” 1. According to the company, “The average Cuban learned to think of the Isle of Pines much as the friends of Dreyfus think of Devil's Island or as the Boers think of the Isle of St. Helena.” The Isle's association with pirates was reinforced by contemporary writers, many of whom claimed that the Isle had inspired Robert Louis Stevenson to write Treasure Island. Indeed, over the years, the Isle often was referred to as “Treasure Island.”
67 San Francisco was listed as the lone exception; travel from there took an unspecified longer amount of time. Isle of Pines Company, “The Isle of Pines,” 4.
68 Tropical Development Company, “McKinley, Isle of Pines,” 13.
69 Isle of Pines Company, “McKinley, Isle of Pines,” 31. The trip consisted of a steamship to Havana, railroad to Batabanó, and a steamer to the Isle, and it included three daily meals.
70 Isle of Pines Company, “McKinley, Isle of Pines,” 41, 46.
71 Memorandum of Frederick Swetland Jr., Mar. 7, 1961, SFA.
72 Isle of Pines Company, “McKinley, Isle of Pines,” 61.
73 Cañada Land & Fruit Company, “Isle of Pines,” 9.
74 Isle of Pines Investment Company, “The Pineland Bulletin,” 6. The company made one of the only allusions to hurricanes citing a “severe wind storm” in 1906 that was the worst in thirty years, “but the damage to the island was so slight as to be hardly worth mentioning.” Ibid. Another visitor reported, “Even the cyclones have a way of dodging this spot as though it were a sheltered oasis.” Browning, William, “The Isle of Pines as a Hibernaculum,” Long Island Medical Journal, Nov. 1910, 8Google Scholar.
75 Tropical Development Company, “McKinley, Isle of Pines,” 19.
76 Isle of Pines Investment Company, “The Pineland Bulletin,” 16.
77 Isle of Pines Company, “Isle of Pines,” 5.
78 Cañada Land & Fruit Company, “Isle of Pines,” 20–21.
79 Report on the Census of Cuba, 1899 (Washington, 1900).
80 San Juan Heights Land Company, “The Isle of Pines,” 24.
81 Isle of Pines Investment Company, “The Pineland Bulletin,” 16. U.S. newspapers widely echoed these depictions of pineros as friendly, cooperative, and simple. For examples, see Grand Rapids Herald, June 19, 1898; Lexington Herald, July 20, 1898; Biloxi Herald, Apr. 6, 1903. Cuban reactions to these depictions and the U.S. presence on the Isle are noticeably muted in the Cuban archival record, especially for the first two decades of the twentieth century. Havana newspapers generally only printed stories about the Isle whenever U.S. annexationists caused a disturbance.
82 In August 1898, Roosevelt wrote to his friend Senator Henry Cabot Lodge (R-MA), fearing his troops would contract malaria and “die like rotten sheep.” Quoted in Trask, War with Spain in 1898, 330.
83 Isle of Pines Company, “McKinley, Isle of Pines,” 40. In the years that the U.S. government stationed a consulate on the Isle (1910–29, 1942–44), health reports indicated no instances of such diseases.
84 Cañada Land & Fruit Company, “Isle of Pines,” 26. One exception to this claim was crocodiles, which live in the swampy South Coast.
85 Tropical Development Company, “McKinley, Isle of Pines”; Isle of Pines Company, “Isle of Pines,” 1.
86 Isle of Pines Company, “McKinley, Isle of Pines,” 33.
87 Isle of Pines Investment Company, “The Pineland Bulletin,” 14.
88 Isle of Pines Company, “McKinley, Isle of Pines,” 28.
89 Ibid., 4.
90 Grand Forks Herald, Sept. 1, 1910.
91 Monroe Weekly Times, Apr. 8, 1907. Wheelock worked as a newspaper editor, including a stint at the Milwaukee Sentinel, before investing in real estate on the Isle.
92 Trenton Evening Times, Oct. 18, 1909.
93 Grand Forks Herald, Sept. 1, 1910.
94 Duluth News-Tribune, Aug. 16, 1906.
95 (Oshkosh) Daily Northwestern, Mar. 19, 1904.
96 Monroe Weekly Times, Apr. 8, 1907.
97 (Oshkosh) Daily Northwestern, Feb. 18, 1905. The following year, the newspaper reported that Neville's groves were doing well enough that he could afford to return to the United States and let pinero managers tend to his property. Daily Northwestern, May 31, 1906.
98 Trenton Times-Advertiser, Nov. 8, 1914. Kleinkauf's professional background is unclear. He initially went to the Isle for health reasons. Upon returning, he made it his primary home.
99 Duluth News-Tribune, May 28, 1906. Sudlack apparently was a part-year resident who returned to the United States during the summer months. The News-Tribune reported that Sudlack had just returned from a four-month stay on the Isle and would go back in the fall.
100 Stevens Point Gazette, Jan. 30, 1907. Schultz and his brother, Emil, ran the Calabaza Land Company, which owned a tract on the southeast-central portion of the Isle.
101 Duluth News-Tribune, May 28, 1906.
102 (Oshkosh) Daily Northwestern, May 31, 1906.
103 Censo de la República de Cuba Bajo la Administración Provisional de los Estados Unidos, 1907 (Washington, 1908)Google Scholar. It is unclear if the census included settlers who only spent the winter months on the Isle, which was common practice among those who could afford it.
104 Hartford Courant, Nov. 11, 1902.
105 Duluth News-Tribune, Dec. 30, 1904. Greve claimed he traveled across the Isle for two days in search of a good plot of land, but to no avail. His primary occupation is unclear.
106 Stevens Point Daily Journal, Jan. 21, 1905.
107 Eau Claire Leader, Feb. 14, 1906.
108 Oregonian, June 19, 1914.
109 Ibid., June 21, 1914.
110 Report of Secretary of War to U.S. Senate, Jan. 14, 1904, in Isle of Pines: Papers Relating to the Adjustment of Title, 211.
111 Millie Giltner oral history interview with Frederick Swetland Jr., Mar. 13, 1969, 16, SFA.
112 Platt to Putnam, Dec. 5, 1904, box 2, vol. 1, 190, Platt Papers, CSL.
