¹ Their loyalty to Ayudhyā is surely one of the momentous decisions in Thai history. The decision was made in spite of the rivalry between the Thai of the two regions, suggested by Prince Damrong and exploited by the Burmans in 1569: Prince Dhani's review of Damrong's, PrinceThe history of King Nareśvara the Great in J. Siam Soc. (JSS), XXXVIII, 2, 1951, 74.Google Scholar

² 1575 is the date given in the pên-chi section of the Ming-shih (Po-na edition), 20, 3a, and with more detail in the Shên-tsung shih-lu (photoprint of a MS copy in the Chiang-su kuo-hsüeh t‘u-shu-kuan), 39, 9b, and in the Kuo-ch‘üeh (Ku-chi ch'u-pan shê edition, Peking, 1958), vol. 5, 4269. But the Ming-shih, pên-chi, 20, 2a, and also the Kuo-ch‘üeh, vol. 5, 4221, refer to a mission as early as 1573. The latter text calls “the king of Siam” Hua-chao-sung; the last syllable of the transcription suggests “suen” in Naresuen, or Nareśvara. The Chinese evidence reveals the promptness with which Nareśvara sought to obtain Chinese recognition of Ayudhyā's independent status some years before Bayinnaung died.

³ The site of the battle according to Giles, F. H., Selected articles from the Siam Society Journal, VII, Bangkok, 1959, 138–139Google Scholar. Giles noted that the Burmese account agreed with van Vliet's information.

⁴ Background information on Hideyoshi has been obtained from Yoshi Kuno, S., Japanese expansion on the Asiatic continent, I, Berkeley, 1937Google Scholar; Péri, N., “Essai sur les relations du Japon et de l'Indochine aux XVIe et XVIIe siècles”, BEFEO, 23, 1923, 1–19Google Scholar; Sansom, G. B., Japan: A short cultural history, 2nd ed., 1952Google Scholar; Stramiglioli, Giuliana, “Hideyoshi's expansionist policy on the Asiatic mainland”, Trans. As. Soc. Japan, 3rd ser., 3, 12, 1954, 74–116.Google Scholar

⁵ Kuno, op. cit., 143.

⁶ Ib., 306.

⁷ Yung-lo shih-lu (photoprint of a MS copy in the Chiang-su-kuo-t‘u-shu-kuan), 31, 2a.

⁸ Kuno, op. cit., 308; Blair, E. H. and Robertson, J. A., The Philippine Islands … relating to China…, Cleveland, 1915, vol. 7, 35, 138, 221–2Google Scholar. In this period Thai, among other foreign invalids, were being cared for in the Franciscan convent in Manila: de la Costa, H. (ed.), Readings in Philippine history, Manila, 1965, 32.Google Scholar

⁹ Kuno, op. cit., 314.

¹⁰ Ming-shih, 322, 18b.

¹¹ Kuo-ch‘üeh, vol. 5, 4662.

¹² Shên-tsung shih-lu, 252, 10b.

¹³ Ib., 253, 6a.

¹⁴ Kuno, op. cit., 157.

¹⁵ Kuo-ch‘üeh, vol. 4680. The Shên-tsung shih-lu, 251, 5b–6a, does not mention this.

¹⁶ Shên-tsung shih-lu, 250, 2b.

¹⁷ Ib., 255, 7b.

¹⁸ Ib., 256, 2b.

¹⁹ Hsia Hsieh, compiler of the Ming T‘ung-chien, notes discrepancies in the evidence for the date of the invasion of Korea and attributes Chinese awareness of the crisis to 23rd August, 1592; Ming T‘ung-chien, vol. 3, 2726 (Chung-hua shu-chü edition). Thus, in spite of inaccuracies attributed to the Shih-lu for this reign, there is general agreement that the Chinese government did not begin to react vigorously to the crisis before August. The forthcoming publication of the Hung-kê text of the Wan-li shih-lu may throw additional light on the events of 1592 and early 1593.

²⁰ Ming-shih, 324, 19b; Ming hui-yao (Chung-hua shu-chü edition, Peking, 1935), 2, 1514.Google Scholar

²¹ Shên-tsung shih-lu, 238, 10b.

²² Teng, Ssŭ-yu and Fairbank, John K., China's response to the West, Cambridge, Mass., 1961 ed., 31.Google Scholar

²³ Shên-tsung shih-lu, 256, 2a–b.

²⁴ Wood, W. A. R., A history of Siam, Bangkok, 1924, 146Google Scholar. The author is grateful to Mr. C. J. Reynolds, of Cornell, for informing him that Prince Damrong does not refer to this episode in his biography of Nareśvara. In a volume dealing with Chinese documents on Siam Prince Damrong remarked that “it is very surprising that the king should have done this”.

²⁵ These details are from Frankfurter's translation of the “Luang Prasroeṭh” recension of the Annals of Ayudhyā, JSS, VI, 3, 1909, 22.Google Scholar

²⁶ Chang, T‘ien Tse, “Malacca and the failure of the first Portuguese embassy to Peking”, JSEAH, 3, 2, 1962, 52.Google Scholar

²⁷ Ming-shih, 324, 19a.

²⁸ The Ming documents do not agree on the number of missions in the 1550's. The Ming-shih, pên-chi, attributes them to 1554, 1558, 1559, and 1560: 18, 7a; 9a; 9b; 10b. The Shih-tsung shih-lu confirms the missions of 1554, 1558, and 1559: 414, 9b; 462, 5a; 476, 4a. Certainly the single mission of 1553, mentioned in the Ming-shih's chapter on Ayudhyā, conceals the considerable tributary trade between Ayudhyā and China on the eve of the Burman invasion. Ku Yen-wu, in his T‘ien-hsia chün-kuo li-ping shu (Ssŭ-pu ts‘ung-k‘an edition, 1936), 33, 41a–b, gives details of the wide range and great quantities of tribute offered in 1553 and 1558. A Portuguese who managed to trade with Canton in 1552 agreed to pay the “twenty per cent customs tax” paid by the Thai “who frequent these waters under licence of the Emperor of China”: J. M. Braga, The western pioneers and their discovery of Macao, Macau, 1949, 85. In 1559 the Thai envoys asked that they should be relieved of the tax in order to defray shipping expenses: Shih-tsung shih-lu, 476, 4a. “The licence of the Emperor of China” explains why, in 1575, Nareśvara requested the issue of new documents, replacing those destroyed by the Burmans, to facilitate his tributary missions: Shên-tsung shih-lu, 39, 9b. Tributary trade was apparently flourishing in the years immediately before the sack of Ayudhyā, and Nareśvara was probably anxious to revive it as soon as possible.

²⁹ G. B. Sansom, op. cit., 413–14.

³⁰ de la Costa, H., The Jesuits in the Philippines…, Cambridge, Mass., 1961, 112–115.Google Scholar

³¹ Giles, F. H., “Concerning the Japanese in Siam …”, Selected articles…, VII, 143.Google Scholar

³² Groslier, B. P., Angkor et le Cambodge au XVIe siècle…, Paris, 1958, 43–44Google Scholar. A Japanese murdered a Catholic priest in Ayudhyā sometime after 1599: ib., 33.

³³ Ming-shih, 322, 17.

³⁴ Shên-tsung shih-lu, 79, 4a–b. Perhaps this event explains why later that year the Thai king was given an imperial seal: ib., 80, 4b. The “black ravens” may refer to the haṃsa or garuḍa on the ships. An excellent contemporary Japanese illustration of a Thai ship can be seen in Spinks, C. N., “Siam and the pottery trade of Asia”, JSS, XLIV, 2, 1956, facing p. 82.Google Scholar

³⁵ Shên-tsung shih-lu, 80, 2b.

³⁶ Quoted in Kuo-ch‘üeh, vol. 5, 4276. The Spaniards believed that the Chinese pirate, “Limahong”, had Japanese in his force: Blair, and Robertson, , The Philippines … relating to China, vol. 4, 38.Google Scholar

³⁷ Hall, D. G. E., A history of South-East Asia, 2nd ed., 1964, 253.Google Scholar

³⁸ Kuo-ch‘üeh, vol. 5, 4691. Hideyoshi relinquished the post of kampaku, or Regent, in 1591.

³⁹ Ming-shih, 324, 19b.

⁴⁰ Shamasastry, R., Kauṭilya's Arthaśāstra, 4th ed., Mysore, 1951, p. 290.Google Scholar

⁴¹ Ib.

⁴² Ib.; The laws of Manu (S.B.E., XXV), Oxford, 1886, VII, 158.Google Scholar

⁴³ Arthaśāstra, 290.

⁴⁴ Ib.

⁴⁵ Ib., 303–4. An “assailable enemy” is defined as “a neighbouring foe of considerable power” who is “involved in calamities or has taken himself to evil ways”: ib., 290.

⁴⁶ Ib., 304.

⁴⁷ Ib., 329–30.

⁴⁸ Pigeaud, T. G. T., Java in the 14th century … The Nagara-kĕrtagama, III, The Hague, 1960, 16–18.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁴⁹ Cœdès, G., Inscriptions du Cambodge, IV, Paris, 1952, 98.Google Scholar

⁵⁰ IC, VII, Paris, 1964, 182.Google Scholar

⁵¹ For example, IC, I, Hanoi, 1937, 135Google Scholar; IC, V, Paris, 1953, 168.Google Scholar

⁵² Cœdès, G., Recueil des inscriptions du Siam, I, Bangkok, 1924, 49.Google Scholar

⁵³ Cœdès, G., “Nouvelles données epigraphiques …”, JA, CCXLVI, 1958, 125–142Google Scholar. For recent archaeological evidence of Brahmanical cults see Boisselier, J., “Récentes recherches archéologiques en Thailande …”, Arts asiatiques, XII, 1965, 142–143, 156.Google Scholar

⁵⁴ Mentioned by Wyatt, D. K., The beginnings of modern education in Thailand, 1868–1910, Ph.D. thesis, Cornell University, 1966, 10, n. 24.Google Scholar

⁵⁵ J. Boisselier, op. cit., 131–2, 136, 143.

⁵⁶ Frankfurter's translation of the “Luang Prasroeṭh” version of the Annals of Ayudhyā, JSS, VI, 3, 1909, 25.Google Scholar

⁵⁷ D. K. Wyatt, op. cit., 9–14.

⁵⁸ Cœdès, G., The making of South East Asia, Berkeley, 1966, 146.Google Scholar

⁵⁹ U Aung Thein's translation of Damrong's, Prince “Our wars with the Burmese”, JBRS, XL, II, 1957, 170.Google Scholar

⁶⁰ Ib., 167. Another reference to Duttugemunu appears on an Ava inscription of 1375: Tun, Than, “History of Burma, a.d. 1300–1400”, JBRS, XLII, II, 1959, 130.Google Scholar

⁶¹ For some suggestions on this subject see the present writer's “The Khmer king at Basan (1371–3)”, Asia Major, XII, I, 1966, 83–84.Google Scholar

⁶² The laws of Manu, VII, 102.Google Scholar

⁶³ For example, U Aung Thein, op. cit., JBRS, XXXVIII, II, 1955, 181, 184.Google Scholar

⁶⁴ The Khmer-Cham wars of the 12th century may have been accompanied by the expedient of stimulating internal dynastic dissensions in each other's country; on this possibility see Boisselier, J., La statuaire du Champa, Paris, 1963, 316.Google Scholar

⁶⁵ Khoi, Le Thanh, Le Viet-nam…, Paris, 1955, 364–365.Google Scholar

⁶⁶ Dekker, Douwes, Koloniale Rundschau, 2, Munich, 1910, 566.Google Scholar

⁶⁷ Wei Yüan, Hai-kuo t‘u-chih, 4, Hai-an kuo, 3, 12b–14a (Ku-wei t‘ang reprint of 1849).

⁶⁸ Ghoshal, U. N., A history of Indian political ideas, Oxford U.P., 1959, 11.Google Scholar

⁶⁹ Ib., 11; Arthaśāstra, 171.

⁷⁰ Cœdès, G., IC, I, Hanoi, 1937, 113.Google Scholar

⁷¹ Cœdès, G., IC, IV, Paris, 1952, 253.Google Scholar

⁷² Quoted by Briggs, L. P., The ancient Khmer empire, Philadelphia, 1951, 113.Google Scholar

⁷³ Cœdès, G., IC, I, 154.Google Scholar

⁷⁴ Ib., 133.

⁷⁵ Cœdès, G., IC, IV, 97–98.Google Scholar

⁷⁶ One instance of an open window has been suggested by Mr. Simmonds. Perhaps some of the stylized imagery in the dawn theme in Thai poetry during the 17th century may be an adaptation of Bengali poetry of the period of Govindadas and Chandidas: Simmonds, E. H. S., in Eos: An enquiry into the theme of lovers' meetings and partings at dawn in poetry, ed. Hatto, Arthur T., 1965, 189.Google Scholar