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The Jamaat of Allah's Friends: Maulana Allahyar's Reformist Movement and Sacralising the Space of the Armed Forces of Pakistan

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  28 September 2020

SAADIA SUMBAL*
Affiliation:
Forman Christian College University, Lahoresaadia.sumbal@yahoo.com

Abstract

This article discusses a Sufi-inspired reformist movement that was set up in Chakrala (Pakistani Punjab) by Maulana Allahyar during the second half of the twentieth century. Attention is paid to the polemical religious context in which this movement arose, in part linked to the proselytising activities of local Shias and Ahmadis. Allahyar's preaching in the town created sectarian divisions within Chakrala's syncretic religious traditions. His reformist ideas also were articulated through a tablighi jamaat (missionary movement), which penetrated the armed forces of Pakistan during the military rule of Ayub Khan. Against this backdrop, the article also discusses the interface between Islam and the army, as this relationship played out in Indian prisoner-of-war camps holding captured Pakistani soldiers in the wake of the 1971 war, and so points to ways in which the mutual performance of mystical practices by Allahyar's Jamaat created a cohesive moral community.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © The Author(s), 2020. Published by Cambridge University Press on behalf of The Royal Asiatic Society

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References

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10 Chakrala is a small town belonging to Mianwali District, in the south-west of the Punjab, located some ten miles from the Mianwala-Talagang road. The area is mostly inhabited by members of the Awan tribe.

11 A circle or group of followers who assemble at one place and perform dhikr.

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17 Sanctioned by the West Pakistan Waqf (Endowment) Properties Ordinance of 1959, Ayub Khan established control over key Islamic institutions, many of which had previously been administered by Sufi guardians. Ayub envisaged Sufi saints as propagators of Islam and Sufism in congruence with the sharia; in contrast, the customary shrine-oriented Islam represented by sajjada nishins was seen as embedded in heterogeneous traditions. Sufism was viewed as a rigorous spiritual discipline transmitted from spiritual mentor (Sufi) to the disciple. What suited Ayub was the concept within Sufi traditions that delinked spiritual authority from political leadership, whereas the pir or sajjada nishin had to act as spiritual mediator between man and God. See Ewing, Katherine P., ‘The politics of Sufism; Redefining the Saints of Pakistan’, Journal of Asian Studies 42, 2 (February 1983), p. 267CrossRefGoogle Scholar Also see Vali Nasr, Islamic Leviathan.

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22 Ibid., p. 23.

23 Ibid.

24 Members of the Awan tribe live predominantly in northern, central, and western parts of Pakistani Punjab with significant numbers also residing in Khyber PakhtunkhwaAzad Kashmir and to a lesser extent in Sindh and Balochistan. Historians describe them as brave warriors and farmers who established their ascendancy over their close kin the Janjuas in parts of the Salt Range. They set up large colonies all along the River Indus to Sindh, with a densely populated centre close to Lahore. See Christophe Jaffrelot (ed.), A History of Pakistan and its origins (London, 2004), p. 205.

25 A munazura held in the town of Bagar Sargana was conducted on a controversial religious issue over which members of the Sargana tribe were divided in their point of views. Presidents were nominated for each contestant. Maulana Allahyar represented the Sunni munazir while the Shia contestant was represented by Maulvi Amir Muhammad Taunsvi. Along with them the tribal leaders of both the groups were also present. See Ahmed-ud-Din, Hayat-e-Tayaba, p. 221.

26 Ibid.

27 Ibid., pp. 122–124.

28 Naqvi, Tazkira, Persian edition of biographical notices on Shia ulama, cited in Rieck, Andreas, The Shias of Pakistan: An Assertive and Beleaguered Minority (New York, 2015), p. 12Google Scholar; also see Zaman, ‘Sectarianism in Pakistan’, p. 697.

29 Annual munazaras were held between Shias and Sunnis in a small Qasba Pidhrar on the Chakwal-Khushab road. People used to come from far off places to support their contestants. See Ahmed-ud-Din, Hayat-e-Tayaba, p. 219.

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35 Ahmed-ud-Din, Hayat-e-Tayaba, p. 129.

36 Maulana Allahyar belonged to the most dominant Sarjaal tribe of Awans. At times he used to win over his rival by threats and physical manhandling. When a Shia munazir refused to accept a Quranic verse, the Maulana is said to have attacked him with kicks and punches, and when his supporters tried to come to his rescue, the Maulana's bodyguard Surkhru Khan reportedly fired shots into air to deter them. See Ahmed-ud-Din, Hayat-e-Tayaba.

37 He believed the community's fortune depended on strict observance of the sharia and complete submission to Prophet. See letters of Maulana Allahyar to Colonel Matloob, 27 August 1971, in Maktubaat (Chakwal, 1989).

38 Barzakh is the celestial world, the other spiritual world where souls reside in the living form. See Trimingham, J. Spencer, The Sufi Orders in Islam (New York, 1998)Google Scholar.

39 Dhakirin is the plural of dhikri (one who performs dhikr).

40 Maulana Allahyar was deeply indebted to his Naqshbandia Awaisia predecessors. His discourses record encounters with frequent visions of the Prophet, and likewise with Sirhindi, Jilani and Chishti luminaries such as Moeen-ud-Din Chishti. He sought guidance in worldly matters from mashaikh in the barzakh through his personal experiences, claiming that terrestrial affairs as well as affairs of the celestial world were revealed to them. His was an attempt to bridge the two worlds, and the source of his charisma was said to be this unique and extraordinary quality. See Allahyar, Dalail-ul-Suluk (Murshadabad, 1992).

41 Maulana Ilyas's Tablighi Jamaat was a voluntary mass movement founded in 1927 in the Mewat region around Delhi in northern India. After the British rule ended in India, tablighis spread to all South Asian countries, devoted themselves to preaching, and were organised in the form of travelling preachers. See Yoginder Sikand, The Origins and Development of the Tablighi-Jama'at (1920–2000): a cross-country comparative study (New Delhi, 2002) pp. 4–5.

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43 The core ideology of the Naqshbandia Awaisia was predicated on the theory of deriving beneficence from the spirit, both in terms of reception and transmission, and termed the ‘Awaisia’ method. Anyone who develops an intense connection with the spirit of the Prophet and the saint and derives benefit from his spirit is called an ‘Awaisi’. The Awaisia silsila traces its spiritual lineage from the Prophet Muhammad, see www.salkeen.org (accessed 26 August 2016).

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47 Ibid., p. 33.

48 A vow of allegiance to a sheikh as his disciple or murid.

49 According to Allahyar, it was only after taking approval from Prophet that he initiated the tradition of mass bai'at. In the Naqshbandia Awaisia order, spiritual bait was taken at the Holy Prophet's hands after a seeker had covered the initial stages of the path. What was important in this process was that seeker should see for himself his spirit (ruh) negotiating the initial stages of the path into the audience of the Prophet and accepting bai'at at his sacred hands. Zikr and suhbat were cornerstone of the Awaisia order. See Allahyar, Dalail-ul-Suluk, p. 23.

50 Ibid., p. 45.

51 The Naqshbandia Awaisia silsila was restored by Maulana Allahyar after a lapse of some 500 years after the death of Maulana Abdur Rehman Jami. Ibid., p. 252.

52 Ahmed-ud-Din, Hayat-e-Tayaba, p. 255.

53 Maulvi Suleiman was teacher of Arabic in a local school, Hafiz Abdul Razzaq and Bunyad Hussain Shah worked as lecturers in Islamic Studies at Government Degree College, Chakwal, and Government Degree College, Jhelum, respectively. He believed the community's fortune depended on strict observance of Sharia and complete submission to Prophet. See Ahmed-ud-Din, Hayat-e-Tayaba.

54 Ibid., p. 271.

55 Ibid., p. 313. The centre would be coupled with regional nodes, working in connection with the central Dar-ul-Irfan. A department of press and publication was set up, responsible for dealing with correspondence and the publishing of a monthly risala (journal), Al-Murshid. The publication committee comprised Hafiz Razzaq, Col. Matloob, Professor Buniad Hussain, Professor Baagh Hussain Kamal, Fazal Akbar, Haji Altaf Ahmed and Muhammad Hamid. See Ahmed-ud-Din, Hayat-e-Tayaba, p. 313.

56 Maulana Allahyar never accepted the donations from any person whose source of earning was not legal (halal). See Baig, Major Ahsan, Shukr-e-Naimat (Chakwal, 2015)Google Scholar; also see www.salkeen.org, p. 23 (accessed 26 August 2016).

57 Turner, Victor W., The Ritual Process: Structure and Anti-Structure (London and New Brunswick, 2008)Google Scholar.

58 Ahmed-ud-Din, Hayat-e-Tayaba, p. 282.

59 Ibid., p. 324.

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61 Saikia, ‘Ayub Khan and Modern Islam’, p. 298. Also see for the same argument, Cohen, Stephen, The Pakistan Army (Berkeley, 1984)Google Scholar; Haqqani, Pakistan between Mosque and Military. For detailed analysis of Pakistan army, see Siddiqa, Military Inc., Rizvi, Hassan Askari, Military, State and Society in Pakistan (Lahore, 2003)Google Scholar, and Waseem, Mohammad, Politics and the State in Pakistan (Islamabad, 2007)Google Scholar. Also see Cilano, Cara, National Identities in Pakistan: The 1971 War in Contemporary Pakistani Fiction (London, 2011), p. 54Google Scholar.

62 Talbot, Ian, Punjab and the Raj 1849–1947 (New Delhi, 1988), p. 44Google Scholar.

63 Muhammad, Murshid Jaisa Na Dekha Koi, p. 23.

64 Ibid., p.78. Also see Ahmed-ud-Din, Hayat-e-Tayaba, p. 357.

65 Green, Nile, Islam and the Army in Colonial India: Sepoy religion in the service of Empire (New Delhi, 2009), p. 13CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

66 Saikia, ‘Ayub Khan and Modern Islam’, p. 295.

67 Baig, Shukr-e-Naimat, p. 9, available at www.salkeen.org (accessed 6 September 2017).

68 Ahmed-ud-Din, Hayat-e-Tayaba, p. 358.

69 Ibid.

70 Gaya is one of the 38 districts in Bihar stateIndia. It was officially established in 1865. The district has a common boundary with the state of Jharkhand to the south. Gaya was the first and last centre of preaching of Sharfud-Din Yahya Maneri.

71 Major Ahsan Baig was born on 10 August 1944. He was initiated into the Naqshbandia Awaisia order in 1968, and was the first person from the officer cadre of the Pakistan Army to join Allahyar's jamaat. See Ta'aruf Hazrat Jee Baig Sahib, available at www.salkeen.org (accessed 12 September 2017).

72 Interestingly, Ahsan Baig was not among the prisoners of war. Rather he disguised himself as a prisoner of war and boarded the last ship going to India, sent there by Maulana Allahyar for the spiritual training of the sepoys and officials in the prisoner-of-war camps. See Jillani, Rashid Ahmed, Halaat-e-Aseeri mein Ahl-e-Allah ki suhbat (Bahawalnagar, 1990), p. 23Google Scholar.

73 Ibid., p. 18.

74 Green, Islam and the Army in Colonial India, p. 43.

75 Ibid., p. 34.

76 Jillani, Halaat-e-Aseeri mein Ahl-e-Allah ki suhbat, p. 23.

77 In a letter to Col. Matloob, Allahyar stated that “from a soldier to a colonel, all are equal to me, all are my spiritual progeny, only with exception to Ahsan Baig, who is my khalifa majaz [one who has been ordained the status of khalifa by his shaykh] for your guidance”. He described Baig as “heart” of his Jamaat. See Maulana Allahyar's letter to Colonel Matloob, 11 July 1973, in Maktubaat (Chakwal, 1989).

78 It is an armour that fights both against the self of the vain person and against other people. Without eliminating pride and vanity, the spiritual transformation is not possible, which is the defensive armour of ego. See Ajmal, Muhammad, ‘A note on Adab in the Murshid-Murid Relationship’, in Moral Conduct and Authority: the place of Adab in South Asian Islam, (ed.) Barbara Daly Metcalf (Berkeley, 1984), p. 246Google Scholar.

79 Sikand, The Origins and the Development of the Tabligh-i-Jamaat, p. 85.

80 Pinch, William R., Warrior Ascetics and Indian Empires (London, 2006), p. 748Google Scholar.

81 Green, Islam and the Army in Colonial India, p. 14.

82 Saikia, ‘Ayub Khan and Modern Islam’, p. 295.

83 Maulana Allahyar's letters to his disciples, Captain Khalid Hassan (19 October 1972) and Captain Hashim Jaan (11 January 1973), in Maktubaat (Chakwal,1989).

84 Werbner, Pilgrims of Love, p. 57.

85 Ibid.

86 Ibid., p. 61.

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90 Farina Mir has defined the term “shared piety” as a form of piety in which all Punjabis could participate. This “shared piety” did not conflict with an individual's nominative religious identity but formed a sphere of religiosity that transcended the boundaries that distinguished the Punjab's major religious traditions. See Mir, Farina, The Social Space of Language: Vernacular Culture in British Colonial Punjab (Berkeley, 2010), p. 175CrossRefGoogle Scholar. For more discussion of the same concept of shared piety in the Punjab, see Talbot, Ian and Kamran, Tahir, Lahore in the Time of the Raj (Haryana, 2016)Google Scholar.

91 Ibid.

92 Jillani, Halaat-e-Aseeri mein Ahl-e-Allah ki suhbat, p. 56.

93 Green, Islam and the Army in Colonial India, p. 55.

94 Werbner, Pnina, ‘Stamping the earth with the name of Allah; Zikr and the Sacralizing of Space among British Muslims’, Cultural Anthropology 11, 3 (1996), p. 311Google Scholar.

95 Werbner, Pilgrims of Love, p. 25.

96 Ibid., p. 26.

97 Green, Islam and the Army in Colonial India, p. 2.

98 Baig, Shukr-e-Naimat, p. 51.

99 Muhammad, Murshid Jaisa Na Dekha Koi, p.160. While the Pakistan Navy dominated the Jamaat, some of the prominent members included airforce personnel such as Group Captain Sarfraz, Group Captain Arif Kazmi, Wing Commander Muzamil Jibran, and (the above-mentioned) Squadron Leader Mohsin Khan.

100 Bashir, Shahzad, Sufi Bodies: Religion and Society in Medieval Islam (New York, 2011), p. 189CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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104 Green, Nile, ‘The Faqir and the Subalterns: Mapping the Holyman in Colonial South Asia’, Journal of Asian History 41, 1 (2007), p. 68Google Scholar.

105 Green, Nile, ‘Jack Sepoy and the Dervishes: Islam and the Indian Soldier in Princely India’, Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society 18, 1 (2008), p. 34Google Scholar.

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107 Ahmed-ud-Din, Hayat-e-Tayaba, p. 345.

108 Noor, Farish A., Islam on the Move: the Tablighi Jama'at in south east Asia (Amsterdam, 2012), p. 85Google Scholar.

109 It is hoped that this study may provide future avenues of research which could include comparative examination of other preaching movement in the Pakistan Army during the Ayub era. It might also prompt additional assessment of the impact of Ahmadi and Shia missionary activities in 1950s Pakistan. A comparative study of use of Islam by the army during the Ayub and Zia eras could also usefully be made.