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Published online by Cambridge University Press: 24 September 2009
The caliphate of Hisham ibn ‘Abd al-Malik (105–25/724–43) was undoubtedly one of the most important periods in early Islamic history, and as witness to the history of this era a source of paramount importance is certainly the Ta'rīkh al-rusul wa-l-mulūk of al-Ṭabarī. This in itself makes the publication of Volume xxv of the English translation of this work by Dr Khalid Yahya Blankinship, covering all but the last five years of Hishām's long reign, a matter of special interest to historians of the eastern lands of Islam. The reader will immediately notice that al-Ṭabarī devotes the bulk of his narrative for this period to events in Khurāsān and Transoxania, specifically, to the Umayyad campaigns there and hostilities with the Türgish khāqān Sü-lü Čur. In the course of this narrative one finds not only a wealth of information on military matters, but also much valuable data on the customs of the western Turks and life in Central Asia in general. The author's reasons for giving his work such a markedly eastern emphasis at this point are not unrelated to a desire, as Blankinship observes, to set forth the background for the 'Abbāsid revolution. But most of what al-Ṭabarī reports for this period is in fact not of immediate relevance to the advent of the 'Abbāsids, and indeed, the subject of 'Abbāsid propaganda activities hardly seems to be a prominent one in this volume.
A review article of The History of al-Ṭabarī (Ta'rīkh al-rusul wa'l-mulūk), volume xxv, The End of Expansion, translated by Khalid Yahya Blankinship (Albany, State University of New York Press, 1989). While not wishing to involve them in responsibility for the contents of my paper, I would like to express my gratitude to Dr G. H. A. Juynboll and Professor Wadād al-Qāḍt for the opportunities I have had to discuss certain points with them, and in particular to Professor A. F. L. Beeston and Dr Michael Lecker for their careful reading of and comments upon the whole of my text.
1 Ibid. xiv: “Dealing with the reign of Hishām, he has concentrated with a singleness of purpose on painting the background of the ‘Abbāsids’ advent to power…”
2 On al-Madā'inī, see El 2, v, 946b–948b (Ursula Sezgin); al-‘Asalī, Khālid, “Al-Madā'inī”, Majallat kullīyat al-ādāb (Baghdad), VI (1963), pp. 473–98;Google Scholar Duri, A. A., The Rise of Historical Writing Among the Arabs, edited and translated by Conrad, Lawrence I. (Princeton, 1983), pp. 48–50;Google Scholar and the literature cited therein.
3 See the citation in al-Nadīm, , Kitāb al-fihrist, edited by Riḍā-Tajaddud, (Tehran, 1391/1971), p. 115;Google Scholar 23–4.
4 Goitein's, Cf. S.D. Introduction to al-Balādhurī, Ansāb al-ashrāf, v (Jerusalem, 1936), pp. 14–20, esp. p. 16.Google Scholar
5 Rotter, Cf. Gernot, “Zur Überlieferung einiger historischer Werke Madā'inīs in Ṭabarīs Annalen”, Oriens, XXIII–XX1V (1974), pp. 103–33.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
6 Gabrieli, Francesco, Il Califfato di Hishām (Alexandria, 1935), p. 34.Google Scholar
7 Rotter, , “Überlieferung”, pp. 122–8.Google Scholar
8 See, in particular, Leder, Stefan, “Features of the novel in early historiography: the downfall of Khālid al-Qasrī”, Oriens, XXXII (1990), pp. 72–96;CrossRefGoogle Scholar idem, “The literary use of the Khabar: a basic form of historical writing”, in The Byzantine and Early Islamic Near East, i: Problems in the Literary Source Material, edited by Cameron, Averil and Conrad, Lawrence I. (Princeton, 1992), pp. 277–315.Google Scholar
9 Annales quos scripsit Abu Djafar Mohammed ibn Jarir at-Tabari, edited by de Goeje, M.J. et al. (Leiden, 1879–1901), ii, 1466:3–1667:3Google Scholar. On the Leiden edition, see Muth, Franz-Christoph, Die Annalen von aṭ-Ṭabarī im Spiegel der europäischen Bearbeitungen (Frankfurt am Main, 1983), pp. 8–13.Google Scholar It should be noted here that the Department of Western Manuscripts at Leiden University preserves the correspondence of M. J. de Goeje (BPL 2389), a vast and invaluable corpus of information not consulted by Muth. More than a thousand of these letters are communications from contributors to the al-Ṭabarī project, or have some bearing on it (e.g. there are almost 900 letters exchanged between De Goeje and Nöldeke alone).
10 Ahlwardt, Wilhelm, Verzeichniss der arabischen Handschriften der Königlichen Bibliothek zu Berlin (Berlin, 1887–1899), ix, 36, no. 9420.Google Scholar
11 Uri, John, Bibliothecae Bodleianae codicum manuscriptorum orientalium (Oxford, 1787), i, p. 161, no. 722.Google Scholar
12 Cureton, William and Rieu, Charles, Catalogus codicum manuscriptorum orientalium qui in Museo Britannico asservantur (London, 1846–1871), i, 729, no. 1618.Google Scholar
13 Introduclio, glossarium, addenda et emendanda (Leiden, 1901), pp. 704–10Google Scholar for the corrections and emendations relevant to vol. xxv of the translation.
14 Al-Ṭabarī, , Ta'rīkh al-rusul wa-l-mulūk, edited by l-Faḍl Ibrāhīm, Muḥammad Abū, 2nd edition (Cairo, 1968–1969).Google Scholar Cf. Muth, Die Annalen von aṭ-Ṭabarī, pp. 18–19.
15 This was the principle motivating Dozy's, R.P.A. Supplément aux dictionnaires arabes (Leiden, 1881),Google Scholar a two volume work dealing primarily with non-classical usages, and these for the most part as found in texts from Islamic Spain and North Africa. This is still an extremely useful work, however, and it is worth noting here that the Oriental Reading Room of Leiden University has available for reference De Goeje's own personal copy of Dozy. This book was interleaved and rebound, and then used by De Goeje to add new material from his own reading.
16 Bevan to De Goeje, als, Cambridge, 7 Nov. 1898; Leiden BPL 2389.
17 See De Goeje, , Introductio, pp. 62–3.Google Scholar
18 Ibid., p. 63.
19 Crone, Patricia, Slaves on Horses: the Evolution of the Islamic Polity (Cambridge, 1980), p. 243 n. 411.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
20 See Esin, Emel, “The horse in Turkic art”, Central Asiatic Journal, X (1965), pp. 211–15.Google Scholar
21 De Goeje, Cf., Glossarium, pp. 303–4.Google Scholar
22 See al-Ṭabarī, ii, 1498:10–11.
23 See Theophanes, , Chronographia, edited by de Boor, Karl (Leipzig, 1883–1885), i,Google Scholar 407:2. Cf. also Brooks, E.W., “The Arabs in Asia Minor, 641–750, from Arabic sources” Journal of Hellenic Studies, XVIII (1898), p. 199;Google Scholar Wellhausen, Julius, “Die Kämpfe der Araber mit den Romäern in der Zeit der Umaijiden”, Nachrichten von der Königliche Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften zu Göttingen, Philologisch-historische Klasse, 1901, p. 443;Google Scholar Gabrieli, , Califfato di Hishām, p. 87.Google Scholar
24 For references and discussion, see my “The conquest of Arwād: a source-critical study in the historiography of the early medieval Near East”, in Cameron and Conrad, The Byzantine and Early Islamic Near East, i, pp. 354–8.Google Scholar
25 See al-Maydānī, , Majma‘ al-amthāl, edited by Muḥyī l-Dīn, Muḥammad ‘al-Ḥamīd, Abd (Cairo, 1374/1955), ii, 66,Google Scholar no. 2714. Cf. the illustrative example in Ubaydah, Abū, Naqā'iḍ Jarīr wa-l-Farazdaq, edited by Bevan, A.A. (Leiden, 1905–1912), i, 445:8.Google Scholar
26 See, for example, Abd al-Ḥakam, Ibn, Futūḥ Mişr wa-akhbāruhā, edited by Torrey, Charles C. (New Haven, 1922), pp. 191:19–192:7Google Scholar; al-Balādhurī, , Futūḥ al-buldān, edited by de Goeje, M. J. (Leiden, 1866), pp. 142pu-143:1, 173:7, 185:13–14, 210:1, 221:11–12Google Scholar; al-Ṭabarī, ii, 79:8, 1893:11, 17, 1898:9, 1910ult, 1919pu–1920:1, 1939:5, 16, 1945:14–17, 1970:17; al-Muqaddasī, , Aḥsan al-taqāsīm fī ma‘rifat al-aqālīm, edited by de Goeje, M.J. (Leiden, 1906), p. 177:2–12.Google Scholar
27 It is mentioned in the Qur'ān in Sūrat al-A‘rāf, vs. 133.
28 Al-Damīrī, , Ḥayāt al-ḥayawān al-kubrā, edited by al-‘Adawī, Muḥammad, 2nd edition (Cairo, A.H. 1284), ii, 102–5.Google Scholar
29 See al-Akhṭal, , Dīwān, edited by Ṣāliḥānī, Antoine (Beirut, 1890), p. 132:3Google Scholar. In Yemen, frogs are still today a favoured prey of the Arabian yellow cobra.
30 Cf.Gabrieli, , Califfato di Hishām, pp. 41–2.Google Scholar
31 See his Al-Kāmil fī l-ta'rīkh (Beirut, 1385–1356/1965–1966), v, 155:5.Google Scholar
32 For this sense of āthār, see Sūrat Yā Sīn (36), vs. 12.
33 For a very clear account of what this stratagem was used to achieve, see al-Ṭabarī, ii, 1479:9–10.
34 Cf. al-Ṭabarī, ii, 1523:8–9.
35 Glossarium, p. 328.
36 See Azarpay, Guitty, Sogdian Painting: the Pictoral Epic in Oriental Art (Los Angeles and Berkeley, 1981),Google Scholar Plates 4, 5, 26.
37 Cf. Gabrieli, , Califfato di Hishām, p. 46.Google Scholar
38 See De Goeje's, “Glossarium” to his edition of al-Balādhurīs Futūḥ al-buldān, pp. 24–5;Google Scholar Dozy, , Supplément, pp. 257b–258aGoogle Scholar (esp. p. 258a: “celui qui est chargé de faire cesser les troubles et de punir ceux qui les excitent”); Lokkegaard, Frede, Islamic Taxation in the Classic Period (Copenhagen, 1950), pp. 187–8.Google Scholar
39 Cf., for example, al-Balādhurī, , Futūḥ al-buldān,Google Scholar pp. 82:3–5; 364:16; al-Ṭabarī, ii, 1875:6–7.
40 The first reference to the aḥdāth jurisdiction in al-Kūfah is for the year 22/642–43, when the four-year-old settlement could hardly have been more than a tribal camp; see al-Ṭabarī, i, 2693:12–13, naming al-Mughīrah ibn Shu‘bah as both ‘āmil and ‘alā l-aḥdāth there. This is surely retrojection from later times, and it is worth noting that the next reference to the aḥdāth jurisdiction in al-Kūfah appears in 159/775–76, in the caliphate of al-Mahdī (al-Ṭabarī, iii, 465:4–5).
41 Abī l-Ḥadīd, Ibn, Sharḥ nahj al-balāghah, edited by Abū l-Faḍl Ibrāhīm, Muḥammad (Cairo, 1959–1964), xi,Google Scholar 44:7–46:16.
42 See Raspopova, V.I., “Sogdijskij gorod i kočevaia step’ v VII–VIII vv.”, in Arkheologičeskoe izučenie Srednej Azii (Moscow, 1970; Kratkie soobščenija, 122), pp. 86–91.Google Scholar
43 Cf. al-Wāqidī, , Kitāb al-maghāzī, edited by Jones, Marsden (London, 1966), ii, 560:8.Google Scholar
44 On these men, see al-Ṭabarī, ii, 1858:17, 1859:12, 1890:3.
45 De Goeje, , Glossarium, p, 468; WKAS, ii.i, 628.Google Scholar
46 Cf. al-Tha‘ālibī, , Thimār al-qulūb, edited by Abū l-Faḍl Ibrāhīm, Muḥammad (Cairo, 1384/1965), p. 375, no. 579.Google Scholar
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48 See, for example, Wensinck, A.J. et al. , Concordance et indices de la tradition musulmane (Leiden, 1936–1988), vi, 224–5.Google Scholar
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51 See al-Damīrī, , Ḥayāt al-ḥayawān, ii, 422:6–17;Google Scholar al-Sakhāwī, , Al-I‘lān bi-1-tawbīkh li-man dhamma l-ta’rīkh (Beirut, 1399/1979),Google Scholar p. 40:12–19; Jabbūr, Jibrā'īl, Al-Badw wa-1-bādiyah (Beirut, 1988), p. 107.Google Scholar For the metaphorical use of hayq and hayqah in reference to persons, see Manຓūr, Ibn, Lisān al-‘arab (Beirut, 1374–1976/1955–1956). x,Google Scholar 370a:23–25.
52 For the name, see Caskel, Werner, Ğamharat an-nasab. Das geneologische Werke des Hišām ibn Muḥammad al-Kalbā (Leiden, 1966), ii, 574;Google Scholar and for the poet, Gabrieli, , Califfato di Hishām, pp. 51,Google Scholar 64; al-Ayyūbī, Yāsīn, Mu‘jam al-shu‘arā’ fī Lisān al-‘arab (Beirut, 1980),Google Scholar no. 702.
53 See Marquart, Josef, Êrânšahr nach der Geographie des Ps. Moses Khorenac'i (Berlin, 1901), p. 80.Google Scholar
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56 Gabrieli, , Califfato di Hishām, p. 56 n. 1.Google Scholar
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58 Cf. the parallel phrase in al-Ṭabarī, ii, 1590:9–10; also 1604:13–14.
59 See Manຓūr, Ibn, Lisān al-‘arab, v,Google Scholar 3253:26: tajahhazū jahāzan.
60 See Dozy, R.P.A., Dictionnaire détaillé des noms des vêtements chez les Arabes (Amsterdam, 1845), pp. 248–9,Google Scholar s.v. şuvlaq, to which may be added al-Qalqashandī, , Ṣubḥ al-a‘shā (Cairo, 1331–1338/1913–1919), iv,Google Scholar 40:6–7.
61 Al-Ṭabarī, ii, 1600:6–9. For the sense of inkashafa adduced here, see WKAS, i, 218b.
62 See El 1, iv, 820a (Clement Huart); Esin, , “The horse in Turkic art”, p. 198.Google Scholar
63 On 40 as the age of passage to full adulthood, see Conrad, Lawrence I., “Abraha and Muḥammad: some observations apropos of chronology and literary topoi in the early Arabic historical tradition”, Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, L (1987), pp. 232–7.Google Scholar
64 See Marquart, , Êrânšahr, pp. 81–2.Google Scholar
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66 See Musil, Alois, Manners and Customs of the Rwala Bedouins (New York, 1928),Google Scholar pp. 571–4; Jabbūr, Jibrā'īl, “Abu-al-Duhūr, the Ruwalah ‘Uṭfah”, in The World of Islam: Studies in Honour of Philip K. Hitti, edited by Kritzeck, James and Winder, R. Bayly (London, 1959), pp. 195–8;Google Scholar idem., Al-Badw wa-l-bādiyah, pp. 302–9.
67 On hazza, said of God, see al-Bukhārī, , Al-Jāmi‘ al-ṣaḥīh, edited by Juynboll, T.W. and Krehl, Ludolf (Leiden, 1864–1908), iv,Google Scholar 484:10–16, Tawḥīd no. 36, and variants in Wensinck, , Concordance, vii,Google Scholar 86:55–6. On strong winds as the intervening work of God, see al-Ṭabarī, ii, 1520:2. Elsewhere (al-Ṭabarī, ii, 1601:15), the Muslims refrain from intercepting the Turks because “the wind has blown well for them (qad ṭābat lahum al-rīḥ)”. There are, of course, numerous Biblical precedents for the notion of a strong wind as executing the will of God. See, for example, Genesis 8:1, II Samuel 22:11, Isaiah 27:8, Jeremiah 4:11–13, Ezekiel 1:4–28, Hosea 8:7, 13:15.
68 See Esin, , “The horse in Turkic art”, p. 200;Google Scholar idem, “Ṭabarī's report on the warfare with the Türgish and the testimony of eighth-century Central Asian art”, Central Asiatic Journal, XVII (1973), p. 142.Google Scholar The Türgish and other Central Asian peoples obtained fine silk from China, where traders were prepared to trade it for horses and pay high prices. See Ecsedy, Hilda, “Trade and war relations between the Turks and China in the second half of the 6th century”, Acta Orientaiia (Budapest), XXI (1968), pp. 138–45;Google Scholar Mackerras, Colin, “Sino-Uighur diplomatic and trade contacts (744 to 840)”, Central Asiatic Journal, XIII (1969), pp. 218–20,Google Scholar 238–9; Moses, Larry W., “T'ang tribute relations with the Inner Asian barbarians”, in Essays on T'ang Society, edited by Perry, John Curtis and Smith, Bardwell L. (Leiden, 1976), pp. 61–2.Google Scholar
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70 See Mau-Tsai, Liu, Kutscha und seine Beziehungen zu China vom 2.Jh. v. bis zum 6.Jh. n. Chr. (Wiesbaden, 1969), i, pp. 99–108,Google Scholar 201–9, esp. 106, 206.
71 For a clear example of an identical usage of ightanama, see al-Ṭabarī, ii, 1658:4–5.
72 See, for example, the usage in al-Iṣfahānī, Abū l-Faraj, Maqātil al-ṭālibīyīn, edited by Aḥmad al-Ṣaqr, (Cairo, 1949/1368),Google Scholar p. 143:11: “I was with al-Zuhrī in al-Ruṣāfa when he heard the tunes of musicians…”
73 Cf. Marquart's, Êrânšahr, p. 62 n. 3.Google Scholar
74 See Barthold, W., Turkestan down to the Mongol Invasion, 4th edition (London, 1977), p. 181Google Scholar and n. 5; Frye, Richard N., “Jamūk, Soghdian ‘pearl’?”, Journal of the American Oriental Society, LXXI (1951), pp. 142–5;CrossRefGoogle Scholar idem, The History of Bukhārā (Cambridge, Mass., 1954), pp. 7,Google Scholar 106–7 n. 23.
75 See Goeje, De, Glossarium, p. 503:Google Scholar “An effugere, evitare potestis ut vos contra eos colligatis”.
76 Êrânšahr, p. 302.
77 See Chavannes, , Documents sur les Tou-kiues, pp. 164Google Scholar n. 3, 239 n. 2, 263–4 n. 4; Giraud, , L'Empire des Turcs Célestes, pp. 75–8,Google Scholar 80–1; Bosworth, and Clauson, , “Al-Xwārazmī on the peoples of Central Asia”, pp. 11–12;Google Scholar Khan, Ansar Zahid, “The Tarkhāns”, Journal of the Pakistan Oriental Society, XVIII (1970), pp. 237–9.Google Scholar
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79 Note the reference in the next paragraph to how movement fī ṭarīqin ḍayyiqin, “along a narrow way”, caused the troops to “disperse”. On maḍāyiq as narrow routes through mountainous areas, see also Ibn A‘tham, vii, 291:3; al-Ṭabarī, ii, 1517:12.
80 See al-Ṭabarī, ii, 1924:4, 1925:6, 1971:3.
81 See El 2, v, 572a (G.H.A. Juynboll), to the references of which may be added the illustrative passages in al-Mubarrad, , Al-Kāmil fī l-lughah wa-l-adab, edited by Wright, William (Leipzig, 1864–1892), pp. 595:10–11, 605:1.Google Scholar
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83 Cf. Gabrieli, , Califfato di Hishām, p. 63.Google Scholar
84 See De, Goeje, Glossarium, p. 355.Google Scholar
85 Roy P. Mottahedeh gives an important discussion of this term and the idea it represented in his Loyalty and Leadership in an Early Islamic Society (Princeton, 1980), p. 83:Google Scholar “To say ‘he is my şanīah’ meant ‘he is the person I have reared, educated, and trained well,’ and the obligation to such a patron was like the obligation to a parent, except that it was neither inherited nor transferable by legacy.”
86 Glossarium, p. 163.
87 See al-Nawawī's commentary on a tradition in Muslim's Ṣaḥīḥ in his Sharḥ Muslim (Cairo, A.H. 1349), xi, 102:1, 7–8;Google Scholar also Manຓūr, Ibn, Lisān al-‘arab, vi,Google Scholar 37b 14–7.
88 See De Goeje, , Glossarium, p. 409.Google Scholar
89 See l-Rummah, Dhū, Dīwān, edited by Macartney, C.H.H. (Cambridge, 1919),Google Scholar p. 24:5–8, no. 1 vs. 93: muqazza‘u aṭlasu l-aṭmāri laysa lahu / illā l-ḍirā'a wa-illā şaydahā nashabu; al-Jāḥiຓ, , Kitāb al-ḥayawān, edited by ‘al-Salām, Abd Muḥammad, Hārūn (Cairo, 1385–1890/1965–1969), ii,Google Scholar 80pu; iv, 438:2.
90 Ansāb al-ashrāf, Süleymaniye Kütüphanesi (Istanbul), MS Reisülküttap 598, p. 295:12–18.
91 Khallikān, Ibn, Wafayāt al-a‘yān, edited by Abbās, Iḥsān (Beirut, 1969–1972), ii,Google Scholar 229:6–9—wa-dhakara al-Ṭabarī fīta'īkhihi; also the parallel in Asākir, Ibn, Ta'rīkh madīnat Dimashq (Amman, 1988), v,Google Scholar 501:19–23.
92 See Hishām, Ibn, Sīrat Rasül Allāh, edited by al-Saqqā, Muṣṭafā, al-Ibyārī, Ibrāhīm, and ‘Shalabī, Abd al-Ḥafīຓ (Cairo, 1355/1937), iv,Google Scholar 338:7–8; al-Wāqidī, , Kitāb al-maghāzī, ii,Google Scholar 626:13–14 (for these two references I am grateful to Michael Lecker); Abū ‘Ubayd al-Qāsim ibn Sallām, Kitāb al-amthāl, edited with the commentary of Ubayd al-Bakrī, Abū, Faṣl al-maqāl fī sharḥ kitāb at-amthāl, by Iḥsān ‘Abbās and ‘Abd al-Majīd ‘Ābidīh (Beirut, 1401/1981),Google Scholar p. 125:6.
93 See al-Ṭabarī, ii, 1688:15, 1868:17.
94 Ibid., ii, 1566:5, 1662:5, 1989:8. Cf. also the references to this man in Akhbār al-dawlah al-‘abbāsīyah, edited by ‘, Abd al-‘Azīz al-Dūrī and ‘al-Muṭṭalibī, Abd al-Jabbār (Beirut, 1971), pp.Google Scholar 286:16, 287:17.
95 The following list does not include the emendations published in the Leiden corrigenda or in the notes to the English translation. Names in parentheses indicate the sources for those emendations to be found in other publications or suggested to the author by colleagues.
