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Published online by Cambridge University Press: 12 September 2022
Li Wenyu and Ma Xiangbo were two influential Catholic intellectuals in modern China who each undertook a translation of the Bible into Chinese. This article surveys their participation in contemporary ideological debates and investigates their thoughts on the inculturation of Catholicism, including ‘evangelisation by writing’ and ‘scholastic mission’, as well as their beliefs and practices regarding Bible translation. An in-depth comparison of their translations is also provided, illuminating the different approaches taken by Li and Ma in dealing with terminology, sentence structure, linguistic style, and theological implications. Li conformed to Chinese biblical terminology established by the Catholic missionaries who preceded him and adhered to the syntax of Classical Chinese; in contrast, Ma's linguistic style is approximate to Easy Wenli, and he adopted words and phrases from traditional Chinese culture to transmit the Catholic faith. The two translators demonstrated two choices of indigenising Catholicism and the Bible in China: ‘mirror-type’ and ‘bridge-type’.
1 In 1615, Pope Paul V permitted translation of the Bible into ‘the language suitable for scholar-officials’, but Jesuit missionaries in China faced restrictions by their directors. See Louis Pfister 費賴之, Zaihua Yesuhui liezhuan ji shumu [在華耶穌會列傳及書目 The Biographies and Bibliographies of Jesuits in China] (Beijing, 1995), p. 117. Father Louis le Comte reported to King Louis XIV's confessor that, in the Pope's opinion, publishing a Chinese Bible and making it accessible to the public would be ‘rash imprudence’. See Broomhall, Marshall, The Bible in China (San Francisco, 1977), p. 41Google Scholar.
2 Relevant discussion can be found in Moule, A. C., ‘A manuscript Chinese version of the New Testament’, Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society 85 (1949), pp. 30–31Google Scholar; Tan Shulin 譚樹林, ‘Shengjing Erma yiben guanxi bianxi [《聖經》二馬譯本關係辨析 An Analysis of the Relation between Marshman's and Morrison's Bible Versions]’, Shijie zongjiao yanjiu [世界宗教研究 Studies in World Religions] 1 (2000), pp. 109–116; Zhao Xiaoyang 趙曉陽, ‘Erma Shengjing yiben yu Bairisheng Shengjing yiben guanxi kaobian [二馬聖經譯本與白日昇聖經譯本關係考辨Investigation of the Relation among Marshman's, Morrison's and Jean Basset's Bible Versions]’, Jindaishi yanjiu [近代史研究 Modern Chinese History Studies] 4 (2009), pp. 41–59.
3 The first four chapters of the Gospel of Mark, translated into Chinese by Yanfu 嚴復 in 1908, were published by the British and Foreign Bible Society. Though being the first Protestant Bible translated independently by a Chinese (the translator was not a Protestant), it is only a partial version. The first complete version was completed by Wang Xuanchen 王宣忱 and published by the Chinese Christian Church in Qingdao 青島 in 1933.
4 Very little research has been done on the life and works of Li, and in spite of there being many studies on Ma, they mainly focus on the areas of politics, education, and religion, exploring his life and thought. See Chen Caijun 陳才俊, ‘Wenhua huitong yu zhongguo jiaoyu xiandaihua de changshi. Yi Ma Xiangbo jiaoyu zhexue linian wei zhongxin [文化會通與中國教育現代化的嘗試—以馬相伯教育哲學理念為中心 The Attempt of Cultural Integration and Chinese Educational Modernism. Centred on Ma Xiangbo's Educational Philosophy]’, Jinan xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) [暨南學報（哲學社會科學版）Jinan Journal (Philosophy and Social Science)] 6 (2010), pp. 137–143; Xue Yuqin 薛玉琴, ‘Minguo chunian youguan zhixian wenti de zhenglun. Yi Ma Xiangbo de jingli wei shijiao de kaocha [民國初年有關制憲問題的爭論—以馬相伯的經歷為視角的考察 The Debate on Constitutional Issues in the Early Years of Republican China. From a Perspective of Ma Xiangbo's Experience]’, Fudan xuebao. Shehui kexue ban [復旦學報（社會科學版）Fudan Journal (Social Science)] 2 (2012), pp. 112–122; idem, ‘Ma Xiangbo dui Feijidujiao yundong de huiying (1922–1927) [馬相伯對非基督教運動的回應 （1922–1927） Ma Xiangbo's Response to Anti–Christian Movement (1922–1927)]’, Shijie zongjiao yanjiu [世界宗教研究 Studies in World Religions] 6 (2014), pp. 117–129.
5 For an overview of Li's and Ma's lives, see Fang Hao 方豪, Zhongguo Tianzhujiao shi. Renwu zhuan [中國天主教史⋅人物傳 The History of Chinese Catholic Church. Biographies] (Beijing, 2007), pp. 650–653, 656–660.
6 For Li Wenyu's life, see also Xu Zongze徐宗澤, ‘Li Wenyu Siduo shishi ershiwu zhounian jinian [李問漁司鐸逝世二十五週年紀念 A Memorial for the 25th Anniversary of Li Wenyu the Priest's Passing Away]’, Shengjiao zazhi [聖教雜誌 Journal of the Holy Church] 25.12 (1936), pp. 722–729; Zhang Ruogu 張若谷, ‘Guwenjia Li Wenyu zhuan [古文家李問漁傳 A Biography of Li Wenyu, Who Composed in Classical Style]’, Shengjiao zazhi 27.6 (1938), pp. 420–422. Li's translations and monographs are listed in Hu Duan 胡端, ‘Yiwei Gongjiao zuojia Li Wenyu Siduo [一位公教作家李問漁司鐸 Li Wenyu the Priest: A Catholic Writer]’, Wocun zazhi [我存雜誌 Wocun Journal] 5.1 (1936), pp. 33–36.
7 For Ma Xiangbo's life, see also Zhu Weizheng 朱维铮 et al., Ma Xiangbo zhuanlve [馬相伯傳略 A Brief Biography of Ma Xiangbo] (Shanghai, 2005), which includes an abridged table of Ma's life written by Liao Mei廖梅.
8 See Xue Yuqin 薛玉琴 and Xu Huabo 徐華博, ‘Qingmo minchu zhishijie dui Yanyi Tianyanlun de pipan yu fansi. Yi Li Wenyu de Tianyanlun boyi wei zhongxin’ [清末民初知識界對嚴譯《天演論》的批判與反思—以李問漁的《天演論駁議》為中心 Criticism and Reflection on Yanfu's Translation of Evolution from the Intellectual Circle in the Late Qing Dynasty and the Early Republican Period. Centred on Li Wenyu], Tianyanlun boyi, Shijie zongjiao yanjiu 1 (2016), pp. 109–125.
9 Li Wenyu, Tianyanlun Boyi [天演論駁議 A Refutation and Discussion on the Natural Evolution] (Shanghai, 1932), ‘Introduction’, p. 2.
10 Ibid., pp. 31–33.
11 Ibid., p. 40.
12 Wenyu, Li, Xu Liku [續理窟 A Sequel to A Cave of Philosophy] (Shanghai, 1936), pp. 141–142Google Scholar.
13 Ibid., p. 153.
14 Ma Xiangbo, ‘Youqi fandui Jidujiao liyou shu hou [《尤其反對基督教理由》書後 A Response to ‘Reasons for Particularly Opposing Christianity’]’，in Zhongguo jindai sixiangjia wenku. Ma Xiangbo juan [中國近代思想家文庫⋅馬相伯卷 A Library of Thinkers in Modern China. Issue on Ma Xiangbo], (ed.) Li Tiangang 李天綱 (Beijing, 2014), pp. 388–391, esp. p. 388.
15 Ma Xiangbo, ‘Zongjiao zai liangxin’, in Zhongguo jindai sixiangjia wenku. Ma Xiangbo juan, pp. 129–133, esp. p. 132.
16 Ibid., pp. 132–133.
17 Xuhui zhongxue Shengmuhuiyou 徐匯中學聖母會友 (A church member of Xuhui Middle School Notre Dame Association), ‘Xiezuo chuanjiao de Li Wenyu shenfu [寫作傳教的李問漁神父 Father Li Wenyu Who Evangelized by Writing]’, Ciyin [慈音 Merciful Voice] 19 (1940), pp. 251–260, esp. p. 251.
18 For an overview of these Jesuit literatures, see Xu Zongze 徐宗澤, Mingqingjian Yesuhuishi yizhu tiyao [明清間耶穌會士譯著提要 A Bibliography of the Jesuit Translation and Writing in the Ming and Qing Dynasties] (Beijing, 1949).
19 Xuhui zhongxue Shengmuhui you, ‘Xiezuo chuanjiao de Li Wenyu shenfu’, p. 253.
20 Li criticised Buddhism for absurdity, Daoism for being far-fetched, and Confucianism for failing to threaten retribution after death. See Wenyu, Li, Li Ku [理窟 A Cave of Philosophy] (Shanghai, 1936), pp. 138–292Google Scholar.
21 Xuhui zhongxue Shengmuhui you, ‘Xiezuo chuanjiao de Li Wenyu Shenfu’, p. 253.
22 Ma Xiangbo, ‘Xueshu chuanjiao [學術傳教 Scholastic Mission]’, in Zhongguo jindai sixiangjia wenku. Ma Xiangbo juan, pp. 532–533.
23 Ma Xiangbo, ‘Shengjing yu renqun zhi guanxi [《聖經》與人群之關係 The Relation between the Bible and the Crowd]’, in Zhongguo jindai sixiangjia wenku. Ma Xiangbo juan, pp. 162–192, esp. p. 162.
24 For an overview of Bible versions translated from Latin into major European vernaculars, see Marsden, Richard and Matter, E. Ann (eds), The New Cambridge History of the Bible. Volume 2: From 600 to 1450 (Cambridge, 2012), pp. 198–308CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
25 On the production and distribution of vernacular versions of the Bible by the Roman Catholic Church, see Howsam, Leslie and McLaren, Scott, ‘Producing the text: production and distribution of popular editions of the Bible’, in The New Cambridge History of the Bible. Volume 4: From 1750 to the Present, (ed.) Riches, John (Cambridge, 2015), pp. 49–82CrossRefGoogle Scholar, esp. pp. 51, 57, 60–61, 71–73.
26 He finished the first single-book Chinese Bible—the Book of Tobias—but it is a paraphrase rather than a translation in the strict sense. The basic information of this version can be seen in Daniel Kam-to Choi 蔡錦圖, Shengjing zai Zhongguo. Fu zhongwen Shengjing lishi mulu [聖經在中國：附中文聖經歷史目錄 The Bible in China: With a Historical Catalogue of the Chinese Bible] (Hong Kong, 2018), pp. 44–46.
27 Ibid., pp. 30–31.
28 Ibid., p. 51.
29 Wenyu, Li, Zongtu dashilu [宗徒大事錄 The Book of Acts] (Shanghai, 1887)Google Scholar, ‘Introduction’, p. 1.
30 Ibid.
31 Wenyu, Li, Xinjing yiyi [新經譯義 Translating the Meaning of the New Testament] (Shanghai, 1907)Google Scholar, ‘Introduction’, pp. 3–5.
32 High Wenli and Easy Wenli are two terms used by Western missionaries (mainly the Protestants) when referring to the linguistic styles used in Chinese Bible translations: the former is more archaic than the latter and more demanding for the reader.
33 See Choi, Shengjing zai Zhongguo, pp. 59–61.
34 Ma mentioned his base text in the Prologue, saying that the Vulgate version he referred to was published by J. B. Glaire in 1904. See Xiangbo, Ma, Jiushi Fuyin [救世福音 Gospels that Save the World] (Shanghai, 1949)Google Scholar, ‘The Prologue’, p. 2.
35 Ma Xiangbo, ‘Tongyi jingwen chuyi [統一經文芻議 The Attempting Discussion on Uniting the Scripture]’, in Zhongguo jindai sixiangjia wenku. Ma Xiangbo juan, pp. 433–434, esp. p. 433.
36 Ibid., p. 434.
37 Ibid.
38 Broomhall, The Bible in China, p. 36.
39 Emmanuel Diaz Junior, Shengjing zhijie [聖經直解 An Exposition to the Bible], Vol. 9, pp. 23, 26, in Fandigang tushuguan cang Mingqing zhongxi wenhua jiaoliushi wenxian congkan [梵蒂岡圖書館藏明清中西文化交流史文獻叢刊 A Collection of Literatures on History of Sino-Western Cultural Exchange in the Ming and Qing Dynasties, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana], (ed.) Zhang Xiping 張西平 (Zhengzhou, 2014), Series 1, Vol. 19, pp. 52, 55.
40 Ma explains this rendering in the Prologue, arguing that Laifuqi is a Chinese festival corresponding to the Sabbath, which came down from antiquity and was associated with the custom to cease business, travel, and the emperor's local inspection on this day. See Ma, Jiushi Fuyin, ‘The Prologue’, p. 3.
41 Ibid.
42 Wang Li 王力 mentions the general word order of Classical Chinese and its minor changes happened in history, see Wang Li 王力, Hanyu shigao [漢語史稿 Introduction to the History of Classical Chinese] (Beijing, 2015), pp. 347–364.
43 Morrison adopted the ‘middle style’ between ‘the Four Scriptures and the Five Classics (Sishuwujing, 四書五經)’ and popular novels, and emphasised translation according to the literal meaning; he later admitted the deficiency of his version, attributing it to paying too much attention to the original text. Some scholars point out that this was the result of Morrison's low level of Chinese. See Zetzsche, Jost Oliver, The Bible in China: The History of the Union Version or the Culmination of Protestant Missionary Bible Translation in China (Sankt Augustin, 1999), pp. 36–37Google Scholar, 44, 48, 56–57.
44 See Thomas G. Bever, ‘The cognitive basis for linguistic structures’, in Cognition and the Development of Language, (ed.) J. R. Hayes (New York, 1970), pp. 279–362.
45 Among several Easy Wenli versions provided by Protestants, the linguistic style of Griffith John is more moderate, easier than Samuel J. J. Schereschewsky's (施約瑟, 1831–1906), but more abstruse than the version translated by John Shaw Burdon (包爾騰, 1826–1907) and Henry Blodget (白漢理, 1825–1903); thus, it can be regarded as typifying Easy Wenli versions. See my forthcoming article: Hong Xiaochun 洪曉純, ‘Yanggefei qianwenli Shengjing yiben de yutixue kaocha [楊格非’淺文理’聖經譯本的語體學考察 A Linguistic Stylistic Investigation of Griffith John's Easy Wen-li Bible Translation]’, Jidujiao xueshu [基督教學術 Christian Scholarship].
46 Xuhui zhongxue Shengmuhui you, ‘Xiezuo chuanjiao de Li Wenyu shenfu’, p. 259.
47 Ibid.
48 Those that happened between Catholics and Protestants are the most representative of these kinds of debates. See Gebarowski-Shafer, Ellie, ‘The transatlantic reach of the Catholic “false translation” argument in the school “Bible wars”’, U.S. Catholic Historian 31.3 (Summer, 2013), pp. 47–76CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
49 To some extent, the implication of σὰρζ is ‘neutralised’ in the Gospel of John, compared to that in Pauline usage. See Harold W. Attridge, ‘Flesh and spirit in John and Qumran revisited’, in Biblical Essays in Honor of Daniel J. Harrington, S. J. and Richard J. Clifford, S. J., Opportunity for Little Instruction, (eds) Christopher G. Frechette, Christopher R. Matthews and Thomas D. Stegman, S. J. (New York, 2014), pp. 221–236.
50 For a discussion of the Eucharistic allusion in John 6, see Crossan, D., ‘It is written: a structuralist analysis of John 6’, Semeia 26 (1983), pp. 3–21Google Scholar; Cosgrove, C. H., ‘The place where Jesus is: allusions to baptism and the Eucharist in the Fourth Gospel’, New Testament Studies 35 (1989), pp. 522–539CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
51 See Cardó, Daniel, The Cross and the Eucharist in Early Christianity: A Theological and Liturgical Investigation (Cambridge, 2019), pp. 34–42CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
52 See Xiping, Zhang, ‘Tianzhujiaoyao kao [《天主教要》考 A Literature Study on “the Basic Principles of Catholicism”]’, Shijie zongjiao yanjiu 4 (1999), pp. 90–98Google Scholar. In the last section of this article, the original text of ‘Tianzhujiao yao’, which is stored in Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, is presented. The ‘Four Rules set by the Holy Church’ include ‘Ling Shengti zhishao meinian yici [領聖體至少每年一次 Receiving the Holy Body at least once a year]’.
53 Diaz, Shengjing zhijie, Vol. 9, p. 61, in Fandigang tushuguan cang Mingqing zhongxi wenhua jiaoliushi wenxian congkan, pp. 125–126.
54 It is noteworthy that Li adds to Verse 57: ‘a man who receives the Holy Body unites with Jesus, as “Two in One”’. Thus Jesus says, ‘you in me and I in you’. See Li, Xinjing yiyi, pp. 30–31.
55 Some research has addressed the role of Jesuit intellectuals, including Li Wenyu and Ma Xiangbo, in modern China. For example, see Mo, Wei, ‘Assessing Jesuit intellectual apostolate in modern Shanghai (1847–1949)’, Religions 12.3 (2021)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Open Access (without exact page numbers) at: https://doi.org/10.3390/rel12030159 (accessed 18 August 2022).
