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Published online by Cambridge University Press: 15 March 2011
From the close of the eighth century A.H. till the Ottoman conquest of Egypt in A.H. 922 the Mamlûk army underwent a slow but steady decline. There were three main causes:—
(a) Economic: the exhaustion of Egypt's rich resources due to the predatory economic system of the Mamlûks.
(b) Military: deterioration of discipline in the army; its excessive occupation with politics; the corrupt practice in one section of the army to obtain, for payment, exemption from participation in military expeditions; neglect of the traditional military training (based mainly on the furûsiyya games); the insufficient use of new methods of warfare arising from the introduction of firearms.
(c) Reduced manpower: the continuous decrease of the population in the native countries of the Mamlûks (especially the steppes of Southern Russia and the Caucasus); the outbreaks of plague in Egypt.
page 67 note 2 Apart from its common designation of ṭâ'ûn, the plague also had three other designations at the time of the Mamlûks: (a) ṭa'n(Ibn Iyâs, Cairo ed., ii, p. 18, 1. 27; p. 169, 11. 27–9; p. 170, 11. 1, 5, 15; Ibn Iyâs, iii, p. 18, 11. 19–20; Ibn Iyâs, iv, p. 306, 11. 14–15; p. 375, 11. 5–9); (b) faṣt (Zubdat Kashf al-Mamâlik, p. 112, 11. 1–7; Ḥawâdith, p. 337, 1. 20; Ibn Iyâs, Cairo ed., ii, p. 21, 11. 17–19; Ibn Iyâs, iv, p. 95, 11. 4–7; p. 298, 1. 19; p. 302, 1. 10; p. 359, 1. 19–p. 360, 1. 2); and (c) wabâ' (Nujûm, v, p. 154, 11. 13–16; p. 191, 11. 17–18; Nujûm, vi, p. 559, 1. 19; pp. 652–659; Nujûm, vii, 534, 11. 11–15; Ḥawâdith, p. 332, 1. 6; Sulûk, i, pp. 810–815; Zetterstéen, p. 37, 1. 17–p. 38, 1. 14).
page 68 note 1 Nujûm, v, p. 185, 11. 12–14; Ibn Kathîr, xiv, p. 312, 11. 17–18, 23–26.
page 68 note 2 Nujûm, v, p. 408, 11. 10–11; p. 507, 11. 11–13.
page 68 note 3 Ibid. p. 154, 11. 13–16.
page 68 note 4 Ibn Qâḍî Shuhba, fo. 28b, 1. 19–29a, 1. 6.
page 68 note 5 The composition of the Mamlûk army in Egypt was as follows:—
(i) The Royal Mamlûks (mamâlik sulṭâniyya), which were subdivided into (a) the Mamlûks of former sultans (mamâlîk al-salâṭîn al-mutaqaddima, qarânîṣ or qarâniṣa); (b) the Mamlûks of the ruling sultan (mushtarawât, julbân, ajlâb). From among the mushtarawât a corps of pages and bodyguards was selected known as khâṣṣakiyya; (c) the Mamlûks of the amîrs who passed into the service of the sultan owing to the death or dismissal of their masters (sayfiyya). Zubda, p. 116, II. 14–15; Ḥawâdith, p. 443, II. 16–19.
(ii) The Mamlûks of the amîrs (mamâlîk al-umarâ', ajnâd al-umarâ').
(iii) Sons of the amîrs (awlâd an-nâs) and soldiers drawn from among the local inhabitants (ajnâd al-ḥalqa).
page 69 note 1 These matters are discussed in the chapter dealing with the military expeditions and payments to the Mamlûk army.
page 69 note 2 Nujûm, vii, pp. 530–2, and in the notes; Ḥawâdith, p. 337, II. 18–21.
page 69 note 3 Nujûm, vi, p. 357, II. 15–16; p. 359, II. 10–11.
page 69 note 4 Ibid. pp. 394–6.
page 69 note 5 Nujûm, vii, p. 528, II. 3–18; p. 534, II. 11–15.
page 69 note 6 Ibn Iyâs, Cairo ed., ii, p. 18, II. 25–7; p. 19, 1. 5; Nujûm, vi, pp. 652–9.
page 69 note 7 Ibn Iyâs, Cairo ed., ii, p. 21, II. 17–19; Nujûm, vi, p. 758, 1. 9.
page 69 note 8 Nujûm, vii, p. 131, II. 11–14; p. 294, II. 18–20; Ḥawâdith, p. 11, II. 7–15; Tibr, p. 76, II. 22–3.
page 69 note 9 Nujûm, vii, p. 164, II. 7–8; p. 167, II. 3–1; p. 168, II. 17–19.
page 69 note 10 Nujûm, vii, p. 515, II. 13–14; p. 520, II. 7–9; p. 523, I. 3; p. 525, II. 3–6; Ḥawâdith, p. 331, II. 1–2; p. 332, II. 5–7; pp. 334–8.
page 69 note 11 Ḥawâdith, p. 687, II. 18–19; p. 688, II. 6–13; p. 699, II. 2–3; Ibn Iyâs, iii, p. 17, II. 4–5; p. 26, II. 17–21; p. 28, II. 7–11.
page 69 note 12 Ibn Iyâs, iii, p. 118, II. 4–6; p. 119, 1. 3.
page 69 note 13 Ibid. p. 282, 1. 17–p. 283, 1. 2; p. 285, II. 6–7; p. 287, II. 11–13.
page 69 note 14 Ibid. p. 378, 11. 9–11; p. 401, 11. 13–15.
page 69 note 15 Ibn Iyâs, iv, p. 63, 11. 11–13; p. 64, II. 1–6; p. 75, II. 17–21.
page 69 note 16 Ibid. p. 302, 11. 3–11; p. 298, I. 16–p. 299, 1. 10.
page 69 note 17 Ḥawâdith, p. 206, II. 6–7.
page 69 note 18 Ibid. p. 224, I. 16; p. 228, II. 18–19; p. 230, II. 11–12; Ibn Iyâs, Cairo ed., il, p. 48, II. 9–11.
page 69 note 19 Ibn Iyâs, iii, p. 280, II. 2–7.
page 70 note 1 Nujûm, vi, p. 759, 1. 23–p. 760, 1. 2; Ḥawâdith, p. 228, II. 18–19; p. 705, II. 10–14; Ibn Iyâs, Cairo ed., ii, p. 18, I. 28; p. 32, 11. 14–15; p. 64, II. 1–3; p. 106, I. 29–p. 107, I. 1; p. 107, 11. 25–6; p. 168, 11. 6–7; Ibn Iyâs, iii, p. 26, II. 19–21; p. 28, II. 7–11; p. 118, II. 13–14; p. 280, 11. 16–17; p. 378, 11. 9–11; p. 380, 11. 4–6; Ibn Iyâs, iv, p. 76, 11. 9–12; p. 79, 11. 8–10; p. 296, 11. 1–5; p. 301, 11. 5–6; p. 309, 11. 1–2. As far as is known to Ibn Taghrî-Birdî (Ḥawâdith, p. 705, II. 10–14), no adults of the local population died in the plague of 873, although their slaves and children succumbed to this plague. There were times when the plague took a heavy toll, not only of young boys, but of youths as well (Nujûm, p. 191, II. 17–18).
page 70 note 2 Nujûm, vii, p. 543, II. 1–4, and notes. It was reported at one stage of this epidemic that the number of deaths among the mushtarawât of Aynâl up to the 19th Jumâdâ al-âkhira reached 630 (ibid., p. 540, II. 2–4.
page 70 note 3 Ibn Iyâs, Cairo ed., ii, p. 64, II. 1–3. Ibn Iyâs frequently says mamâlik instead of mamâlîk sulṭâniyya.
page 70 note 4 Ibn Iyâs, iii, p. 130, II. 11–14; Ibn Iyâs, Cairo ed. ii, p. 169, II. 16–19.
page 70 note 5 Ibn Iyâs, iii, p. 381, II. 18–21. The sultan had 30 biers made for his Mamlûks (ibid., p. 378, II. 9–11).
page 70 note 6 Ibid., p. 121, II. 18–19. Ibn Iyâs, iv, p. 306, II. 14–15. Nujûm, vi. p. 765, I. 20. Nujûm, vii, p. 166, II. 3–6.
page 70 note 7 Nujûm, vi, p. 655, II. 16–19. Ibn Iyâs, iv, p. 307, II. 6–7.
page 70 note 8 Nujûm, v, p. 71, II. 1–2.
page 70 note 9 Nujûm, vi, p. 773, II. 6–9.
page 70 note 10 Ibn Iyâs, iii, p. 318, II. 7–9.
page 71 note 1 Nujûm, vi, p. 653, II. 4–7.
page 71 note 2 Ḥawâdith, p. 333, II. 10–13. The sultan Barsbây told his Mamlûks that God had brought the plague upon them for their wicked deeds, and used the argument of a divine visitation to get them to mend their way and bring about unity among them (Nujûm, vi, p. 768, I. 20–p. 769, I. 4). The death of the Mamlûks from plague rejoiced even Ibn Tagkrî-Birdî (Nujûm, vii, p. 535, II. 13–15; p. 540, II. 2–4), who was himself the son of one of the greatest Mamlûk amîrs, and had close connections with the highest officers of the army.
page 71 note 3 Nujûm, vii, p. 671, II. 15–20.
page 72 note 1 Ibn Iyâs, iii, p. 121, II. 18–19; Ibn Iyâs, iv, p. 77, II. 13–14.
page 72 note 2 Ibn Iyâs, iii, p. 106, II. 15–18; Ibn Iyâs, Cairo ed., ii, p. 160, II. 6–8.
page 72 note 3 Ibn Iyâs, Cairo ed., ii, p. 159, II. 3–17.
page 72 note 4 Ibn Iyâs, iv, p. 298, I. 16–p. 299, I. 10; al-Sakhâwî speaks slightingly about a Mamlûk amîr who ran away from one place to another in order to escape the plague, and in the end died from some other cause (Ḍaw' iii, p. 26, II. 28–9).
page 72 note 5 Ibn Iyâs, iii, p. 27, II. 11–14; Ibn Iyâs, Cairo ed., ii, p. 107, II. 13–14.
page 72 note 6 The great military expedition of a.h. 848 against Rhodes set out only after the epidemic had become less violent in Cairo (Nujûm, vii, p. 131, I. 11–p. 132, I. 6). Apparently the plague came to Egypt in the midst of preparations for this expedition. The plague of a.h. 791 was particularly disastrous owing to the fact that it occurred during the wars of succession to the sultanate, first, between Barqûq and his opponents, and then among his opponents themselves. Many died of the plague at the time, and many others were killed in the fighting (Nujûm, v, p. 507, II. 11–13).
page 73 note 1 Nujûm, v, p. 73, II. 6–18; p. 72, I. 15. Nujûm, vi, p. 615, 11. 14–15. Ibid, p. 658, I. 7; p. 815, II. 7–8.
page 73 note 2 Ḥawâdith, p. 335, II. 19–21. Nevertheless, a certain amount of order was maintained in the distribution of fiefs during epidemics. In a.h. 897 the Aynâliyya received the fiefs of the Aynâliyya, the Khushqadamiyyathose of the Khushqadamiyya, etc. (Ibn Iyâs, iii, p. 286, n. 1). During epidemics the julbân used to take advantage of the prevailing disorder to seize fiefs belonging to weaker formations (e.g. Nujûm, vii, p. 536, 11. 1–15; Ḥawâdith, p. 334, I. 15–p. 336, I. 9), and to rob the civilian population and plunder their shops (Nujûm, vii, p. 534, II. 11–15; Ibn Iyâs, iii, p. 380, I. 21–p. 381, I. 8). On the other hand, there were cases where, owing to the decline in the numbers of the julbân as a result of the plague, hay and oats appeared on the market at cheaper prices (Nujûm, vii, p. 541, 11. 11–13). In normal times the julbânused to requisition such commodities for their horses.
page 73 note 3 Ibn Iyâs, iii, p. 286, n. 2.
page 73 note 4 Ibn Iyâs, iv, p. 359, I. 19–p. 360, 1. 2.
