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The Bondage of Old Habits in Nineteenth-Century Argentina

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  12 October 2022

Jonathan C. Brown
Jonathan C. Brown*
Affiliation:
University of Texas at Austin
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Liberty was in their hearts, but the old bondage was nevertheless perpetuated in their habits and, moreover, they were not united among themselves. Juan Bautista Alberdi

A number of recent publications have added to our knowledge of the century in which Argentina seems to have been transformed from a traditional colonial society into a modern and prosperous nation. Most of these new studies lean toward socioeconomic and sociopolitical analysis, testimony to the influence of Tulio Halperin Donghi's work on the Independence period and James Scobie's work on Buenos Aires. Because these two studies of the mid-1970s are so well known, this article will review only the literature that has appeared since. All modern scholars agree that the economy since 1820 expanded at least in the littoral region and that the century ended in an upsurge of technological innovation and export-led growth that extended even into the interior. Most also concur that the benefits of economic progress were not shared equally. The critical questions seem to be who got what and why?

Type
Research Article
Information
Latin American Research Review , Volume 21 , Issue 2 , 1986 , pp. 3 - 31
Copyright
Copyright © 1986 by the University of Texas Press

Footnotes

∗

I wish to thank Mariano Díaz-Miranda, Gilberto Ramírez, Jr., Ricardo Salvatore, John Tutino, and four anonymous LARR reviewers for having commented on early drafts of this article.

References

Notes

1. Juan Bautista Alberdi, The Life and Industrial Labors of William Wheelwright in South America, translated from the Spanish (Boston, 1877), 46–47. Although this statement was made to characterize the attitude of Chilean and Peruvian officials toward the entrepreneurial efforts of Wheelwright, the description nonetheless applies to other nineteenth-century Latin American elites, including those in Argentina.

2. Tulio Halperin Donghi, Politics, Economics, and Society in Argentina in the Revolutionary Period, translated by Richard Southern (Cambridge, 1975); and James R. Scobie, Buenos Aires: Plaza to Suburb, 1870–1910 (London, 1974). Regarding the debate of the previous generation of scholars, see Joseph Barager, “Historiography of the Río de la Plata Area,” Hispanic American Historical Review 39, no. 4 (1959):588–642. See also two recent reviews: Susan M. Socolow, “Recent Historiography of the Río de la Plata: Colonial and Early National Periods,” Hispanic American Historical Review 64, no. 1 (1984):105–20; and Roberto Etchepareborda, “Interpretaciones recientes del pasado argentino,” Cuadernos del Sur 16 (1983):99–116.

3. See especially George Reid Andrews, “Race versus Class Association: The Afro-Argentines of Buenos Aires, 1850–1900,” Journal of Latin American Studies 11, no. 1 (1979):19–39.

4. The foregoing suggests that we scholars ought to heed Jorge Balán's admonition: “I believe theoretical coherence in very exploratory areas where research data are scarce is a poor strategy to advance knowledge.” See Balán, “Regional Urbanization under Primary Sector Expansion in ‘Neo-Colonial’ Societies,” mimeo, University of Texas Institute of Latin American Studies, 1974, 1.

5. David Bushnell, Reform and Reaction in the Platine Provinces, 1810–1852 (Gainesville, 1983), 3. As John Lynch writes in his review of Bushnell's study, “Before modern critics launch their attacks on the so-called liberal heritage, they ought to know for what liberalism actually stood.” Hispanic American Historical Review 64, no. 3 (1984): 88.

6. Bushnell, Reform and Reaction, 23–24, 101.

7. Tulio Halperin Donghi, Proyecto y construcción de una nación: Argentina, 1846–1880 (Caracas, 1980), lxxix, lxxxix.

8. Ibid., xciv. Also see Natalio Botana, La tradición republicana: Alberdi, Sarmiento y las ideas políticas de su tiempo (Buenos Aires, 1984).

9. George Reid Andrews, The Afro-Argentines of Buenos Aires, 1800–1900 (Madison, 1980), 102–3, 106.

10. Mark D. Szuchman, Mobility and Integration in Urban Argentina: Córdoba in the Liberal Era (Austin, 1980), 173.

11. Leopoldo Lugones, El payador (Buenos Aires, 1972), 188, as quoted by Jesús Méndez, “Argentine Intellectuals in the Twentieth Century, 1900–1943,” Ph.D. diss., University of Texas, 85.

12. Scobie, Buenos Aires: Plaza to Suburb, 232.

13. Méndez, “Argentine Intellectuals,” 56; and John P. Bailey, “Inmigración y relaciones étnicas: los ingleses en la Argentina,” Desarrollo Económico 72 (1979):544, 553.

14. This concept of choice, the idea that Argentine elites have choices and choose either willingly or under duress, comes from Theodore A. Reutz, “Politics of Inflation and the Failure of Justice: The Case of Argentina,” Ph.D. diss., University of Chicago, xii–xiii, 451–57.

15. Between 1778 and 1810, the rural population of the countryside south and west of Buenos Aires grew by 8.2 percent per annum. See Buenos Aires, 1800–1830, vol. 1, Su gente, directed by César A. García Belsunce (Buenos Aires, 1976), 174ff.

16. John Lynch, Argentine Dictator: Juan Manual de Rosas (Oxford, 1981), 45.

17. D. C. M. Platt, “Dependency in Nineteenth-Century Latin America: An Historian Objects,” LARR 15, no. 1 (1980):115–16.

18. Richard W. Slatta, Gauchos and the Vanishing Frontier (Lincoln, 1983), 92, 104, 154, 157.

19. Jonathan C. Brown, A Socioeconomic History of Argentina, 1776–1860 (London and New York, 1979), 157–63; F. J. Flynn, “The Frontier Problem in Nineteenth-Century Argentina,” History Today 30 (Jan. 1980):32; and Diana Balmori and Robert Oppenheimer, “Family Clusters: Generational Nucleation in Nineteenth-Century Argentina and Chile,” Comparative Studies in Society and History 21 (1979):244–45.

20. Roberto Cortés Conde, El progreso argentino, 1880–1914 (Buenos Aires, 1979), 115.

21. D. C. M. Platt, “Foreign Finance in Argentina for the First Half of the Century of Independence,” Journal of Latin American Studies 15, no.1 (1983):23–47.

22. Hilda Sábato, “Wool Trade and Commercial Networks in Buenos Aires, 1840s to 1880s,” Journal of Latin American Studies, 15, no. 1 (May 1983):49–81.

23. See Noemi M. Girbal de Blacha, Los centros agrícolas en la provincia de Buenos Aires (Buenos Aires, 1980), 93, 156–59; and Roberto Etchepareborda, “La estructura socio-política argentina y la generación del ochenta,” LARR 13, no. 1 (1978):133. The widespread use of farm tenants is the subject of some controversy in the literature. Australian John Hirt suggests that tenancy was antieconomic and inflexible, while Ezequiel Gallo retorts that it was highly flexible at a time of rapid market changes. See Argentina y Australia, edited by John Fogarty, Ezequiel Gallo, and Héctor Diéguez (Buenos Aires, 1979), 100; and also D. C. M. Platt and Guido Di Telia, Argentina, Australia, and Canada: Studies in Comparative Development, 1870–1965 (London, 1985), which appeared too late to be included in this discussion.

24. Paul B. Goodwin, “The Central Argentine Railway and the Economic Development of Argentina, 1854–1881,” Hispanic American Historical Review 57, no. 4 (1977):626–27.

25. Szuchman, Mobility and Integration, 67, 69, 124–26.

26. Donna J. Guy, Argentine Sugar Politics: Tucumán and the Generation of Eighty (Tempe, 1980), 132.

27. William Fleming, “Regional Development and Transportation in Argentina: Mendoza and the Gran Oeste Argentino Railroad, 1885–1914,” Ph.D. diss., Indiana University, 121, 192–98, 214–18; and Ricardo Salvatore, “Labor Control and Discrimination: The Contratista System in Mendoza Argentina, 1880–1920,” Agricultural History (forthcoming).

28. Eduardo P. Archetti, “El proceso de capitalización de campesinos argentinos,” Cahiers du Monde Hispanique et Luso-Brésilien 28 (1977):127.

29. Ezequiel Gallo, Farmers in Revolt: The Revolutions of 1893 in the Province of Santa Fe, Argentina (London, 1976), 5–6. The national figure is obtained from Republic of Argentina, Ministry of Agriculture, Agricultural Statistics, 1910–1911 (Buenos Aires, 1912), 31. Also see Carl E. Solberg, “Peopling the Prairies and the Pampas: The Impact of Immigration on Argentine and Canadian Agrarian Development, 1870–1930,” Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 24, no. 2 (May 1982):137. Therein he states that by 1935, 30 percent of the immigrant farmers had acquired land. See also Gallo, “The Cereal Boom and Change in the Social and Political Structure of Santa Fe, Argentina, 1870–95,” in Land and Labour in Latin America, edited by Kenneth Duncan and Ian Rutledge (Cambridge, 1977), 328.

30. Tulio Halperin Donghi, Guerra y finanzas en los orígenes del estado argentino (1791–1850) (Buenos Aires, 1982), 88, 93, 227, 247.

31. Slatta, Gauchos and the Vanishing Frontier, 50; and E. Bradford Burns, The Poverty of Progress: Latin America in the Nineteenth Century (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1980), chap. 7.

32. Cortés Conde, El progreso argentino, 232, 265.

33. Richard J. Walter, The Socialist Party of Argentina, 1890–1930 (Austin, 1977), 11–12; and Ruth Thompson, “The Limitations of Ideology in the Early Argentine Labour Movement: Anarchism in the Trade Unions, 1890–1920,” Journal of Latin American Studies 16, no. 1 (May 1984):98–99. Undoubtedly, new work by members of the Argentine historical group PEHESA-CISEA will shed light on the urban working class. See “PEHESA: An Argentine Social History Group,” LARR 18, no. 2 (1983):118–24.

34. Bushnell, Reform and Reaction, 76.

35. Tulio Halperin Donghi, “Una estancia en la campaña de Buenos Aires: Fontezuela, 1753–1807,” in Haciendas, latifundios y plantaciones en América Latina, edited by Enrique Florescano (Mexico, 1975), 456–57; Nicolas P. Cushner, Jesuit Ranches and the Agrarian Development of Colonial Argentina, 1650–1767 (Albany, 1983), 88, 94, 102, 112; and Juan Carlos Garavaglia, “Las actividades agropecuarias en el marco de la vida económica del Pueblo de Indios de Nuestra Señora de Los Santos Reyes Magos de Yapeyú, 1768–1806,” in Florescano, Haciendas, latifundios y plantaciones, 475.

36. Marta B. Goldberg, “La población negra y mulata de la ciudad de Buenos Aires, 1810–1840,” Desarrollo Económico 61 (1976):81; and Lyman L. Johnson, “Estimaciones de población de Buenos Aires en 1744, 1778, 1840,” Desarrollo Económico 73 (1979): 118–19.

37. Andrews, Afro-Argentines of Buenos Aires, 4, 39; Susan M. Socolow, “Buenos Aires at the Time of Independence,” in Buenos Aires: 400 Years, edited by Stanley R. Ross and Thomas F. McGann (Austin, 1982), 22; and Karl Frederick Graeber, “Buenos Aires: A Social and Economic History of a Traditional Spanish American City on the Verge of Change, 1810–1855,” Ph.D. diss., University of California, Los Angeles, 180, 231–33.

38. Halperin Donghi, Politics, Economics, and Society, 63. On slave imports, see Lyman L. Johnson, “Manumission in Colonial Buenos Aires, 1776–1810,” Hispanic American Historical Review 59, no. 2 (1979):259; and Jonathan C. Brown, “Outpost to Entrepôt: Trade and Commerce at Colonial Buenos Aires,” in Ross and McGann, Buenos Aires: 400 Years, 6–8.

39. Szuchman, Mobility and Integration, 49, 169.

40. Andrews, Afro-Argentines of Buenos Aires, 87–89.

41. García Belsunce, Buenos Aires, 1800–1830, 1:187, 220, 248.

42. Susan Migden Socolow, The Merchants of Buenos Aires, 1778–1810: Family and Commerce (Cambridge, 1978), chap. 1.

43. José M. Mariluz Urquijo, Orígenes de la burocracia rioplatense: la Secretaría de Virreinato (Buenos Aires, 1974), 104–8; and Tulio Halperin Donghi, “Militarización revolucionaria en Buenos Aires, 1806–1815,” in El ocaso del orden colonial en Hispanoamérica, compiled by Halperin Donghi (Buenos Aires, 1978), 131.

44. Karla Robinson, “The Merchants of Post-Independence Buenos Aires,” in Hispanic-American Essays in Honor of Max Leon Moorhead, edited by William S. Coler (Pensacola, 1979), 111–32.

45. Jonathan C. Brown, “A Nineteenth-Century Cattle Empire in Argentina,” Agricultural History 52, no. 1 (1978):160–78; and Luis Alberto Romero, “Buenos Aires: la sociedad criolla, 1810–1850,” Revista de Indias 41, nos. 163–64 (1981):146.

46. Andrews, Afro-Argentines in Buenos Aires, 132–37.

47. Balmori and Oppenheimer, “Family Clusters,” 234, 242; and especially Diana Balmori, Stuart F. Voss, and Miles Wortman, Notable Family Networks in Latin America (Chicago, 1984), chap. 4.

48. Vera Blinn Reber, British Mercantile Houses in Buenos Aires, 1810–1880 (Cambridge, Mass., 1979), 113–14; and Ronald C. Newton, German Buenos Aires, 1900–1933: Social Change and Cultural Crisis (Austin, 1977), 7.

49. See Hugo Raúl Galmarini, Negocios y política en la época de Rivadavia: Braulio Costa y la burguesía comercial porteña (1820–1830) (Buenos Aires, 1974), 19–30.

50. David Rock, Politics in Argentina, 1890–1930: The Rise and Fall of Radicalism (London and New York, 1974), 6–7; Colin Lewis, “British Railway Companies and the Argentine Government,” in British Imperialism, 1840–1930, edited by D. C. M. Platt (Oxford, 1977), 403–4, 422–23; and Winthrop Wright, British-Owned Railways in Argentina (Austin, 1974), 22, 38, 61; and Donna J. Guy, “Dependency, the Credit Market, and Argentine Industrialization, 1860–1940,” Business History Review 58, no. 4 (Winter 1984):554–56, 559.

51. Magnus Mörner, “Economic Factors and Stratification in Colonial Spanish America with Special Regard to Elites,” Hispanic American Historical Review 63, no. 2 (1983): 356.

52. Solberg, “Peopling the Prairies and the Pampas,” 136.

53. Szuchman, Mobility and Integration, chap. 7; Szuchman, “The Limits of the Melting Pot in Córdoba, 1869–1909,” Hispanic American Historical Review 57, no. 1 (1977):24–50; and Samuel L. Baily, “Marriage Patterns and Immigrant Assimilation in Buenos Aires, 1882–1923,” Hispanic American Historical Review 60, no. 1 (1980):32–48. Could the ethnic selectivity in marriage have been at work earlier on the pampa of Buenos Aires? The team of García Belsunce notes the penchant of native-born women for foreign-born men as early as the 1820s. See García Belsunce, Buenos Aires, 1800–1830, 1:220, 248.

54. See the descriptions of elite lifestyles in Scobie, Buenos Aires: Plaza to Suburb; and in Thomas F. McGann, Argentina, the United States, and the Inter-American System (Cambridge, Mass., 1957), chaps. 1–5.

55. The South American Sketches of R. B. Cunningham Graham, selected and edited by John Walker (Norman, 1978), 150.

56. Szuchman, Mobility and Integration, 149, 169. In essence, I am arguing here against the notion that the relationship between the classes was strictly economic, as suggested by Leopoldo Allub. He writes, “Pampean landowners considered their workers only in terms of economic rentability, and like any capitalists, they were only interested in the rate of profit.” See Allub, Origines del autoritarismo en América Latina (Mexico, 1983), 63.

57. Lyman Lucius Johnson, “The Artisans of Buenos Aires during the Viceroyalty, 1776–1810.” Ph.D. diss., University of Connecticut, 17, 306; and Johnson, “The Impact of Racial Discrimination on Black Artisans in Colonial Buenos Aires,” Social History 6, no. 3 (Oct. 1980):301–16; and Johnson, “The Silversmiths of Buenos Aires: A Case Study in the Failure of Corporate Social Organization,” Journal of Latin American Studies 8, no. 2 (1976):181–213.

58. Graeber, “Buenos Aires: A Social and Economic History,” 100–104, 110–11, 138, 158.

59. Romero, “Buenos Aires: la sociedad criolla,” 149, 153.

60. Donna J. Guy, “Women, Peonage, and Industrialization: Argentina, 1810–1914,” LARR 16, no. 3 (1981):77, 80. Also see Walter, The Socialist Party of Argentina, 11–12; and República Argentina, Dirección General de Comercio e Industria, Censo industrial y comercio, Boletín no. 13 (Buenos Aires, 1910), 4.

61. Graeber, “Buenos Aires: A Social and Economic History,” 18–22, 164.

62. Susan Migden Socolow, “Women and Crime: Buenos Aires, 1757–94,” Journal of Latin American Studies 12, no. 1 (1980):40, 51, 53; and Nancy Caro Hollander, “Women in the Political Economy of Argentina,” Ph.D. diss., University of California, Los Angeles, 37.

63. Mark D. Szuchman, “Continuity and Conflict in Buenos Aires: Comments on the Historical City,” in Ross and McGann, Buenos Aires: 400 Years, 58.

64. Garría Belsunce, Buenos Aires, 1800–1830, 1:25, 238.

65. Slatta, Gauchos and the Vanishing Frontier, 5, 59–65; Graeber, “Buenos Aires: A Social and Economic History,” 131; and Szuchman, Mobility and Integration, 195.

66. Hobart A. Spalding, Jr., “Education in Argentina, 1890–1914: The Limits of Oligarchical Reform,” Journal of Inter-Disciplinary History 3 (1972):45. He contends that the elite actually hedged on instituting Sarmiento's educational proposals because the export economy needed few literate workers.

67. Kristin Ruggiero, “Italians in Argentina: The Waldenses at Colonia San Gustavo, 1850–1910,” Ph.D. diss., Indiana University, 266. Herbert S. Klein also indicates that many immigrants came to Argentina with money to invest in land and artisan shops. See “La integración de italianos en la Argentina y los Estados Unidos: un análisis comparativo,” Desarrollo Económico 81 (1981):20.

68. Carl Solberg, “Farm Workers and the Myth of Export-Led Development in Argentina,” The Americas 31, no. 2 (1974):121–38. Some of this nativist resentment may have been reflected in the Peronist movement of the next century. See Peter Winn, “From Martín Fierro to Peronism: A Century of Argentine Social Protest,” The Americas 35, no. 1 (1978):89–94.

69. Samuel Baily, “Las sociedades de ayuda mutua y el desarrollo de una comunidad italiana en Buenos Aires, 1858–1918,” Desarrollo Económico 84 (1981):485–512; and Szuchman, Mobility and Integration, chaps. 4–5.

70. Kristin Ruggiero, “Gringo and Creole: Foreign and Native Values in a Rural Argentine Community,” Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 24, no. 2 (1982): 165; and Samuel L. Baily, “The Adjustment of Italian Immigrants in Buenos Aires and New York, 1870–1914,” American Historical Review 88, no. 2 (April 1983): 304–5.

71. Buenos Aires, 1800–1830, vol. 2, Salud y delito, directed by César A. García Belsunce (Buenos Aires, 1977), 193, 276–80.

72. Slatta, Gauchos and the Vanishing Frontier, 2, 69, 198; and Solberg, “The Myth of Export-Led Development.”

73. Halperin Donghi, Guerra y finanzas, 158–59.

74. Although they agree on the impact of the war on working-class creoles, the two scholars disagree on the role of Great Britain in the Paraguayan conflict. See José Alfredo Fornos Peñalba, “Draft Dodgers, War Resisters, and Turbulent Gauchos: The War of the Triple Alliance against Paraguay,” The Americas 48, no. 4 (April 1982):463–80; Fornos Peñalba, “The Fourth Ally: Great Britain and the War of the Triple Alliance,” Ph.D. diss., University of California, Los Angeles; and F. J. McLynn, “The Montonero Risings in Argentina during the Eighteen-Sixties,” Canadian Journal of History 15, no. 1 (April 1980):49–60.

75. Mark D. Szuchman, “Disorder and Social Control in Buenos Aires, 1810–1860,” Journal of Interdisciplinary History 15, no. 1 (Summer 1984):83–110; Buenos Aires, 1800–1830, 2:276–80; and Graeber, “Buenos Aires: A Social and Economic History,” 231–33.

76. Julia Kirk Blackwelder and Lyman L. Johnson, “Changing Criminal Patterns in Buenos Aires, 1890 to 1914,” Journal of Latin American Studies 14, no. 2 (1982):359–80; and Blackwelder and Johnson, “Estadística criminal y acción política en Buenos Aires, 1887–1914,” Desarrollo Económico 24 (1984):109–22.

77. Socolow, “Women and Crime,” 40.

78. Walker, South American Sketches, 105.

79. Richard W. Slatta, “Rural Criminality and Social Conflict in Nineteenth-Century Buenos Aires Province,” Hispanic American Historical Review 60, no. 3 (1980):450–72.

80. Ruggiero, “Italians in Argentina,” 253–54.

81. I have observed that the nomadic Indians of the pampa were victims of economic growth even before Roca's desert campaign. See Brown, A Socioeconomic History, 170–73.

82. Lynch, Argentine Dictator, 25; and Hugo Edgardo Biagini, Cómo fue la Generación del 80 (Buenos Aires, 1980), 60–67.

83. David Viñas, Indios, ejército y frontera (Buenos Aires, 1982), 87.

84. Kristine L. Jones, “Conflict and Adaptation in the Argentine Pampas, 1750–1880,” Ph.D. diss., University of Chicago, 131; Jones, “La Cautiva: An Argentine Solution to Labor Shortage in the Pampas,” in Brazil and the Río de la Plata: Challenge and Response, An Anthology of Papers Presented at the Sixth Annual Conference of ICLLAS, edited by Luis Clay Méndez and Lawrence Bates (Charleston, Ill., 1983); and Jones, “From Autonomy to Subjugation: Contraband Economies and Extermination in the Argentine Pampas,” paper presented at the meetings of the Latin American Studies Association, Mexico City, Oct. 1983.

85. Arnoldo Canclini, Cómo fue civilizado el sur patagónico (Buenos Aires, 1977), 189, 192–93, 220; Viñas, Indios, ejército y frontera, 147, 155, 211; and Biagini, Cómo fue la Generación de 80, 66–67, 86.

86. Glyn Williams, “Welsh Settlers and Native Americans in Patagonia,” Journal of Latin American Studies 11, no. 1 (1979):41–66.

87. Lynch, Argentine Dictator, 108.

88. Ibid., 123, 260, 276.

89. Halperin Donghi, “Militarización revolucionaria,” 142–44, 157–58; Halperin Donghi, Guerra y finanzas, 15, 88, 117; and Juan Carlos Nicolau, Dorrego governador: economía y finanzas (1826–1827) (Buenos Aires, 1977).

90. Lynch, Argentine Dictator, pp. 213–14, 222.

91. Halperin Donghi, Guerra y finanzas, 11, 91, 178.

92. Ibid., 172, 232, 235.

93. Ibid., 110; and Nicolau, Dorrego governador, 91, 99.

94. Halperin Donghi, Proyecto y construcción de una nación, lxxv, lxxxvi; John L. Robinson, Bartólome Mitre: Historian of the Americas (Washington, D.C., 1982), 21, 32; and E. J. McLynn, “Political Instability in Córdoba Province during the Eighteen Sixties,” Ibero-Amerikanische Archive 6, no. 3 (1980):251–69; and E. J. McLynn, “Urquiza and the Montoneros: An Ambiguous Chapter in Argentine History,” Ibero-Amerikanische Archive 8, no. 3 (1982):283–95.

95. Guy, Argentine Sugar Politics, 3; and Karen L. Remmer, Party Competition in Argentina and Chile: Political Recruitment and Public Policy, 1890–1930 (Lincoln, 1984), 28, 31.

96. Guy, Argentine Sugar Politics, 32.

97. Ibid., 71; Walter, The Socialist Party of Argentina, 19; Remmer, Party Competition in Argentina, 32–33, 87–88; and Gilberto Ramírez, Jr., “Reform of the Argentine Army, 1890–1910,” Ph.D. diss., University of Texas.

98. Balmori and Oppenheimer, “Family Clusters,” 243.

99. Gallo, Farmers in Revolt, 64–65.

100. Walters, The Socialist Party of Argentina, 46. During La Semana Trágica of 1919, police and “armed mobs” intimidated immigrant workers. Of the 193 workers killed in the strike repression, 179 of them were Jews. See Eugene E Sofer, From Pale to Pampa: A Social History of Jews in Buenos Aires (New York, 1982), 43–44.

101. Rock, Politics in Argentina, 34–40.

102. Lee Bruce Kress, “Julio A. Roca and Argentina, 1880–1886: A Political and Economic Study,” Ph.D. diss., Columbia University, 2, 461; and John E. Hodge, “The Role of the Telegraph in the Consolidation and Expansion of the Argentine Republic,” The Americas 41, no. 1 (July 1984):59–80.

103. Natalio A. Botana, El orden conservador: la política argentina entre 1880 y 1916 (Buenos Aires, 1977):51–52, 155–60; and Jorge Balán and Nancy G. López, “Burguesías y gobiernos provinciales en la Argentina: la política impositiva de Tucumán y Mendoza entre 1875 y 1914,” Desarrollo Económico 67 (1977):427. Also see Fleming, “Regional Development and Transportation,” 61.

104. Botana, El orden conservador, 157.

105. Etchepareborda, “Estructura sociopolítica argentina,” 133.

106. Donna J. Guy, “La industria argentina, 1870–1940: legislación comercial, mercado de acciones y capitalización extranjera,” Desarrollo Económico 87 (1982):374.

107. Szuchman, Mobility and Integration, 78; and Leandro Gutiérrez, “Condiciones de la vida material de los sectores populares en Buenos Aires, 1880–1914,” Revista de Indias 41, nos. 163–64 (1981):167–202. Actually, the state's neglect of social responsibility in housing, for example, persisted into the 1940s. See Reutz, “Politics of Inflation,” chap. 5.

108. Douglas S. Friedman, The State and Underdevelopment in Spanish America: The Political Roots of Dependency in Peru and Argentina (Boulder, 1984), 168; and Colin M. Lewis, British Railways in Argentina, 1857–1914: A Case Study of Foreign Investment (London, 1983), 144–45.

109. Halperin Donghi, Proyecto y construcción de una nación, page c. For contemporary views of the state and its relation to society, see xcvi, xcvii; and Biagini, Cómo fue la Generación de 80, 33.

110. For a list of possible sources for such a study, see Donna J. Guy, “The Rural Working Class in Nineteenth-Century Argentina: Forced Plantation Labor in Tucumán,” LARR 13, no. 1 (1978):135–45. Argentine scholars are undertaking studies of the provinces. See especially Academia Nacional de la Historia, Tercer congreso de historia argentina y regional, 4 vols. (Buenos Aires, 1977), and Cuarto congreso nacional y regional de historia argentina (Buenos Aires, 1979).

111. A scheme for occupational studies may be found in Mark D. Szuchman and Eugene E Sofer, “The State of Occupational Classification Studies in Argentina: A Classification Scheme,” LARR 11, no. 2 (1976):159–72. See also Hilda Sábato, “La formación del mercado de trabajo en Buenos Aires, 1850–1880,” Desarrollo Económico 24 (1985): 561–92, which appeared too late to be discussed in this article.

112. Rock, Politics in Argentina, 22–23. Gilberto Ramírez, Jr., suggests that in the military of 1890, at least, civilian employees lost their positions when new commanders assumed control. In other words, patronage in the late nineteenth century still dictated a turnover as well as an enlargement of governmental employment. See Ramírez, “Reform of the Argentine Army.”

113. Eduardo P. Archetti and Kristi Ann Stolen, Exploitación familiar y accumulación de capital en el campo argentino (Buenos Aires, 1975), 23; Scott Whiteford, Workers from the North: Plantations, Bolivian Labor, and the City in Northwest Argentina (Austin, 1981); Ian Rutledge, “Plantations and Peasants in Northern Argentina: The Sugar Cane Industry of Salta and Jujuy, 1930–1943,” in Argentina in the Twentieth Century, edited by David Rock (Pittsburgh, 1975), 103–4; and Adriana Marshall and Dora Orlansky, “Inmigración de países limítrofes y demanda de mano de obra en la Argentina, 1940–1980,” Desarrollo Económico 23 (1983):35–58.