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7. The Slaughterhouse Cases, 83 U.S. (16 Wall.) 36 (1873); Munn v. Illinois, 94 U.S. 113 (1877).

8. Hamilton, Walton H., ‘The Path of Due Process of Law’, International Journal of Ethics xlviii (1938) 269–96Google Scholar; Kelly, Alfred H. and Harbison, Winfred A., The American Constitution: Its Origins and Development, 5th ed. (New York, 1976) 468–91Google Scholar; Beth, Loren, The Development of the American Constitution, 1877–1917 (New York, 1971)Google Scholar; Haines, Charles Grove, ‘Judicial Review of Legislation in the United States and the Doctrine of Vested Rights’, 3 Texas Law Review 1–43 (1924)Google Scholar; Corwin, Edward S., ‘The Doctrine of Due Process before the Civil War’, 24 Harvard Law Review 366–85. 460–79 (1911)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Paul, Arnold, Conservative Crisis and the Rule of Law: Attitudes of Bar and Bench, 1887–1895 (Ithaca, N.Y., 1960) 1–18Google Scholar.

9. Until recently the traditional interpretation has not been much questioned. The stardard American constitutional history textbook accepted it. Kelly and Harbison, The American Constitution, supra note 8 at 468–91. Likewise leading constitutional law casebooks, such as Mendelson, Wallace, The Constitution and the Supreme Court, 2d ed. (New York, 1965) 239–40Google Scholar; Mason, Alpheus T. and Beaney, William M., American Constitutional Law: Introductory Essays and Selected Cases, 6th ed. (Englewood Cliffs, N. J., 1978) 356–59Google Scholar; Nowak, John E. et al. , Handbook on Constitutional Law (St. Paul, Minn., 1978) 394–97Google Scholar. And standard histories of the Supreme Court, for example McCloskey, American Supreme Court, supra note 3 at 115–35; Rodell, Fred, Nine Men: A Political History of the Supreme Court of the United States from 1790–1955 (New York, 1955) 145–51Google Scholar; Schwartz, Bernard, A Basic History of the Supreme Court (New York, 1968) 50–53Google Scholar; Swindler, Court and Constitution, supra note 5 at 28–29. Also the standard treatment of the rise and fall of laissez-faire notions of American government, Fine, Sidney, Laissez-Faire and the General-Welfare State (Ann Arbor, Mich., 1956) 126–64Google Scholar, and some of the most influential recent work in general American legal history (as distinct from constitutional history), for example Horwitz, Morton J., ‘The Rise of Legal Formalism’, American Journal of Legal History 19 (1975) 251–64CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

Even Mary Cornelia Porter's recent, seminal re-evaluation of laissez-faire constitutionalism fails to note any connection between the Supreme Court's decisions and liberty. Porter, ‘That Commerce Shall Be Free: A New Look at the Old Laissez-Faire Court’, 1979 Supreme Court Review 135–59.

10. 198 U.S. 45 (1905).

11. Rehnquist, William H., ‘Observation—The Notion of a Living Constitution’, 54 Texas Law Review 693–706, at 700–704 (1976)Google Scholar.

12. Ely, John Hart, Democracy and Distrust: A Theory of Judicial Review (Cambridge, Mass., 1980) 14Google Scholar. For other examples of the use of laissez-faire constitutionalism to condemn active judicial promotion of ‘fundamental values’, see the classic Wechsler, ‘Toward Neutral Principles of Constitutional Law’, supra note 2 at 24–26 (1959) and such arguments as Bork, Robert H., ‘Neutral Principles and Some First Amendment Problems’, 47 Indiana Law Journal 1–35, 11 (1971)Google Scholar; Berger, Raoul, Government by Judiciary: The Transformation of the Fourteenth Amendment (Cambridge, Mass., 1977) 265–69Google Scholar; Berger, , ‘Michael Perry's Functional Justification for Judicial Review’, 8 University of Dayton Law Review 465–532, 475–76 (1983)Google Scholar; Grano, Joseph D., ‘Judicial Review and a Written Constitution in a Democratic Society’, 28 Wayne Law Review 1–75, 21–24 (1981)Google Scholar; ‘Symposium—Constitutional Adjudication and Democratic Theory’, 56 New York University Law Review 259–582, 533 (1981)Google Scholar; Maltz, Earl M., ‘Murder in the Cathedral—The Supreme Court as Moral Prophet’, 8 University of Dayton Law Review 623–31, 625–26 (1983)Google Scholar.

Even those who defend active judicial protection of ‘fundamental values’ not specifically identified in the constitutional text quaver before ‘the terror of Lochner’. Gerety, Thomas, ‘Doing Without Privacy’, 42 Ohio State Law Journal 143–65, 159–60 (1981)Google Scholar. See Brest, Paul, ‘The Fundamental Rights Controversy: The Essential Contradictions of Normative Constitutional Scholarship’, 90 Yale Law Journal 1063–1109, 1086 (1981)CrossRefGoogle Scholar: ‘Lochner remains an embarrassment for proponents of fundamental rights adjudication and a cause for skepticism about the practice’. A few scholars, such as Perry, are now reluctantly conceding that the laissez-faire decisions are part of the heritage of judicial activism. Perry, Michael, The Constitution, the Courts, and Human Rights (New Haven, Conn., 1982) 115–117Google Scholar; Grey, Thomas C., ‘Do We Have an Unwritten Constitution?’ 27 Stanford Law Review 703–18, 706–10 (1975)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Caine, Burton, ‘Judicial Review—Democracy Versus Constitutionality’, 56 Temple Law Quarterly 297–350 (1983)Google Scholar. They are forced to argue that such evidence of judicial ‘fallability’ should be weighed against the greater benefits of ‘noninterpretivist’ review. Perry, ibid. at 115–17, 125; Tribe, Laurence H., ‘Seven Pluralist Fallacies: In Defense of the Adversary Process—A Reply to Justice Rehnquist’, 33 University of Miami Law Review 43–57, 55–56 (1978)Google Scholar.

For the discomfort with Lochner defenders of judicial activism manifest by trying to distinguish the new judicial activism from the old, see Wright, J. Skelly, ‘The Role of the Supreme Court in a Democratic Society—Judicial Activism or Restraint?’ 54 Cornell Law Review 1–28, 3–4 (1968)Google Scholar; Freund, Paul A., ‘The Supreme Court and Fundamental Freedoms’, in Levy, Leonard, ed., Judicial Review and the Supreme Court (New York, 1967) 124–40Google Scholar; Wellington, Harry H., ‘Common Law Rules and Constitutional Double Standards: Some Notes on Adjudication’, 83 Yale Law Journal 221–311, 270–311 (1973)CrossRefGoogle Scholar. As one critic has observed, ‘[T]he maintainability of a … line between Roe v. Wade [410 U.S. 113 (1973)] and Lochner … seems critical to thoughtful acceptance of the role they are espousing for the Court’. Estreicher, Samuel, ‘Platonic Guardians of Democracy: John Hart Ely's Role for the Supreme Court in the Constitution's Open Texture’, 56 New York University Law Review 547–82, 550, n.12 (1981)Google Scholar.

13. Woodard, Calvin, ‘Reality and Social Reform: The Transition from Laissez-Faire to the Welfare State’, 72 Yale Law Journal 286–328, 288 (1962)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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15. Lively, Robert A., ‘The American System: A Review Article’, Business History Review, xxix (1955) 81–96CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Friedman, Lawrence M., A History of American Law (New York, 1973) 384–402Google Scholar, 311–18 (I think the point will be seen most clearly if the passages are read in the reverse of Friedman's order); Beth, Loren P., The Development of the American Constitution, 1877–1917 (New York, 1971), 41–42Google Scholar; Semonche, John E., Charting the Future: The Supreme Court Responds to a Changing Society, 1890–1920 (Westport, Conn., 1978) 15–164Google Scholar passim; Keller, Morton, ‘Business History and Legal History’, Business History Review lii (1979) 297–301 (1979)Google Scholar; Porter, ‘That Commerce Shall Be Free’, supra note 9; Willard, JamesHurst's seminal Law and the Conditions of Freedom in the Nineteenth-Century United States (Madison, Wis., 1956)Google Scholar is from beginning to end an implicit repudiation of the notion that Americans adhered to laissez-faire doctrines in the 1800s, although he does not attend directly to the contradiction between his conclusions and traditional accounts of late nineteenthcentury judicial decisions.

16. Kelly, Alfred H., Harbison, Winfred A., and Belz, Herman, The American Constitution: Its Origins & Development, 6th ed. (New York, 1983) 398Google Scholar; Jones, Alan, ‘Thomas M. Cooley and the Michigan Supreme Court: 1865–1885’, American Journal of Legal History 10 (1966) 97–121CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Jones, , ‘Thomas M. Cooley and “Laissez-Faire Constitutionalism”: A Reconsideration’, Journal of American History liii (1967) 751–71CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Walker, Peter F., ‘Thomas Cooley: Abolition, Law, and “The Day of Better Things”’, in Walker, Peter F., Moral Choices: Memory, Desire, and Imagination in NineteenthCentury American Abolition (Baton Rouge, La., 1978) 330–50Google Scholar; McCurdy, Charles W., ‘Justice Field and the Jurisprudence of Government-Business Relations: Some Parameters of Laissez-Faire Constitutionalism, 1863–1897’, Journal of American History lxi (1975) 970–1005CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Goedecke, Robert, ‘Justice Field and Inherent Rights’, Review of Politics xxvii (1965) 198–207CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Semonche, Charting the Future, supra note 15, at 102–104; Scott, William B., In Pursuit of Happiness: American Conceptions of Property from the Seventeenth to the Twentieth Century (Bloomington, Ind. and London, 1977) 137–46Google Scholar; Garner, Robert E., ‘Justice Brewer and Substantive Due Process: A Conservative Court Revisited’, 18 Vanderbilt Law Review 615–41 (1965)Google Scholar. See also David Gold's John Appleton and Responsible Individualism (tentative title) (forthcoming).

17. For the best general discussions of post-Civil War American laissez-faire economic theory, see Dorfman, Joseph, The Economic Mind in American Civilization: Volume Three, 1865–1918 (New York, 1959)Google Scholar and Fine, Laissez-Faire and the General-Welfare State, supra note 9 at 3–95.

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22. For the position of laissez-faire activists on these issues, see Sproat, John G., ‘The Best Men’: Liberal Reformers in the Gilded Age (New York, 1968Google Scholar); Fine, Laissez-Faire and the General-Welfare State, supra note 9 at 47–91 passim: Dorfman, The Economic Mind, supra note 17 at 49–82 passim.

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29. 26 Stat. 290 (1890).

30. Eight-Hour Day Law, 51 Stat. 77 (1868); Eight-Hour Day Proclamation, 17 Stat. 955 (1872).

31. Kelly and Harbison, The American Constitution, supra note 8, at 513. The most recent edition, prepared by Herman Belz, has eliminated the words but not the perception. Kelly, Harbison, and Belz, The American Constitution, supra note 16 at 380–89.

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43. Juillard v. Greenman, 110 U.S. 421 (1884).

44. Stone v. Farmers' Loan and Trust Co., 116 U.S. 307, 329–30 (1886); Chicago, Milwaukee, and St. Paul Ry. Co. v. Minn., 134 U.S. 418 (1890).

45. See, for example, Lochner v. N.Y., 198 U.S. 45 (1905), which overturned a state regulation of bakery workers' hours on the grounds that it could not be justified as a protection of health or safety. The majority of the justices sustained similar regulation of other industries in Holden v. Hardy, 169 U.S. 366 (1898) and Muller v. Oregon, 208 U.S. 412 (1908) when such a justification could be made out.

46. Lochner v. N.Y., 198 U.S. 45, 75 (1905).

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93. Richard Martin, A Speech Delivered to the King's Most Excellent Majestie, quoted in Judson, Crisis of the Constitution, supra note 87 at 41. Of course with the emergence of parliamentary supremacy at the end of the seventheenth century, Parliament was able to grant monopolies, and it did so regularly to promote trade. Nonetheless this had to be justified on the grounds that the public received a benefit and therefore the grant increased rather than diminished the commonwealth. Cunningham, Growth of English Commerce, supra note 86 at 214–18 passim.

94. See generally Robbins, Caroline, The Eighteenth-Century Commonwealthman: Studies in the Transmission, Development and Circumstance of English Liberal Thought from the Restoration of Charles II until the War with the Thirteen Colonies (New York, 1968Google Scholar; originally published 1959); Banning, Lance, The Jeffersonian Persuasion: Evolution of a Party Ideology (Ithaca, N.Y. 1978) 21–69Google Scholar.

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97. Ibid, at 92.

98. Goodman, Paul, ‘The First American Party System’, in Chambers, William N. and Burnham, Walter Dean, eds., The American Party System: Stages of Political Development (New York, 1967) 56–89Google Scholar, 69.

99. Madison, James, ‘A Candid State of Parties’, in Hunt, Gaillard, ed., The Writings of James Madison (New York, 1900–1910) vi, 176–79Google Scholar. Recent studies of the Jeffersonian Republican party at the state level suggest that it was ‘a diverse coalition… against entrenched interests… who thwarted the desires of newcomers and outsiders, rising merchants and ambitious office seekers, religious dissenters and landless yeomen eager to share access to authority and to broaden social opportunities’. They perceived the Federalists to stand ‘for monopoly of local office, charter privileges… and the religious, institutional and professional life of the community’. Goodman, Paul, The Democratic-Republicans of Massachusetts: Politics in a Young Republic (Cambridge, Mass., 1964) xi, 76CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Thus their opposition to special privileges secured through legislation was part of a general attack upon ‘aristocracy’. See ibid, at 70–127; Buel, Richard Jr., Securing the Revolution: Ideology in American Politics, 1789–1815 (Ithaca, N.Y., 1972) 77–90Google Scholar. This understanding is implicit, I think, in Lance Banning's notion that the Jeffersonian Republicans were a ‘country party’ opposing what they saw as a ‘court party’. Banning, Jeffersonian Persuasion, supra note 95.

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101. See Grampp, William D., ‘A Re-Examination of Jeffersonian Economies’, Southern Economic Journal xii (1946) 263–82CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Bruchey, Stuart, The Roots of American Economic Growth (New York, 1965) 114–22Google Scholar; Williams, William Appleman, The Contours of American History (Cleveland, 1961) 181–91Google Scholar; Wiltse, Charles M., The Jeffersonian Tradition in American Democracy (New York, 1960; first published in 1935) 145–50Google Scholar.

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103. Stephen J. Field read law in the office of his brother, Field, David Dudley. Swisher, Carl Bent, Stephen J. Field, Craftsman of the Law (Chicago, 1969; originally published in 1930) 21Google Scholar. For the influence of Leggett and other radical Democrats on Cooley, see Jones, ‘Cooley and “Laissez-Faire Constitutionalism”’, supra note 16 at 753; Jones, , ‘The Constitutional Conservatism of Thomas McIntyre Cooley: A Study in the History of Ideas’ (Unpublished dissertation, University of Michigan, 1960) 20–26Google Scholar.

104. Jones, ‘Cooley and “Laissez-Faire Constitutionalism”’, supra note 16 at 755.

105. Sedgwick, Theodore, ed., Political Writings of William Leggett (New York, 1840), i, 66–67Google Scholar.

106. Ibid. 145.

107. Godwin, Parke, The Life of William Cullen Bryant (New York, 1883) i, 253–54Google Scholar.

108. Messages and Papers of the Presidents, supra note 102 at ii, 590. For Jacksonian hostility to privilege and commitment to equal rights, see Meyers, MarvinThe Jacksonian Persuasion: Politics and Belief (New York, 1960) 185–233Google Scholar; Schlesinger, Arthur M. Jr., The Age of Jackson (Boston, 1945) 306–21Google Scholar. However, Schlesinger's argument that Jacksonism was a working-class movement is untenable. Jacksonians opposed class legislation of any sort, not only that which benefitted the wealthy.

109. For the principles and influence of the ‘locofoco’ wing of the Democratic party, see Trimble, William, ‘The Social Philosophy of the Loco-Foco Democracy’, American Journal of Sociology xxvi (1921) 705–15CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Hofstadter, Richard, ‘William Leggett: Spokesman of Jacksonian Democracy’, Political Science Quarterly lviii (1943) 581–94CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Rayback, Joseph G., A History of American Labor (New York, 1959) 75–92Google Scholar; Schlesinger, Age of Jackson, supra note 108, at 190–209.

110. Joshua F. Cox, quoted in Hartz, Louis, Economic Policy and Democratic Thought: Pennsylvania, 1776–1860 (Cambridge, Mass., 1948) 77CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

111. Ibid. For political controversies in which competitors used the rhetoric of ‘equal rights’ and ‘special privileges’, see Van Deusen, Glyndon G., ‘Some Aspects of Whig Thought and Theory in the Jacksonian Period’, American Historical Review lxiii (1958) 305–22CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Benson, Lee, The Concept of Jacksonian Democracy: New York as a Test Case (Princeton, N.J., 1961) 86–109Google Scholar; Handlin and Handlin, Commonwealth, supra note 95, at 182–228 (the Handlins do not discuss the relationship of the breakdown in commonwealth ideas to parties but recognize the consequent drive against ‘special privilege’); Sharp, James R., The Jacksonian versus the Banks: Politics in the State After the Panic of 1837 (New York, 1970)Google Scholar; Levine, Peter D., Behavior of State Legislative Parties in the Jacksonian Era: New Jersey, 1829–1844 (Rutherford, N.J., 1977) 112–78Google Scholar.

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113. Va. Const. (1776), Bill of Rights, sec. 4; N. C. Const. (1776), Dec. of Rights, sec. 3; Ky. Const. (1792), art. XII; Miss. Const. (1817), art. I, sec. 1; Ala. Const. (1819), art. I, sec. 1; Tex. Const. (1845), art. I, sec. 2.

114. N.H. Const. (1784), art. I, sec. 10. See also Pa. Const. (1776), Dec. of Rights, art. V; Vt. Const. (1777), Dec. of Rights, art. VI.

115. N.C. Const. (1776), Dec. of Rights, sec. 22; S.C. Const. (1776), art. IX, sec. 5; N.H. Const. (1784), art. I, sec. 9; Pa. Const. (1790), art. IX, sec. 24; Ky. Const. (1792), art. XII; Del. Const. (1792), art. I, sec. 19; Tenn. Const. (1796), art. XI, sec. 30; Ohio Const. (1802), art. VII, sec. 24; Ind. Const. (1816), art. I, sec. 22; Miss. Const. (1817), art. I, sec. 26; Conn. Const. (1818), art. I, sec. 20; Ala. Const. (1819), art. I, sec. 26; Me. Const. (1820), art. I, sec. 23; Mo. Const. (1820), art. XIII, sec. 20; Fla. Const. (1838), art. I, sec. 25; Md. Const. (1851), art. I, sec. 40; Kan. Const. (1859), art. I, sec. 19.

116. N.C. Const. (1776), Dec. of Rights, sec. 23; Tenn. Const. (1796), art. XI, sec. 23; Ark. Const. (1836), art. II, sec. 19; Fla. Const. (1838), an. I, sec. 24; Tex. Const. (1845), art. I, sec. 18; Md. Const. (1851), art. I, sec. 39.

117 Iowa Const. (1846), art. I, sec. 6; Ind. Const. (1851), art. XXIII; Ore. Const. (1857), art. I (Bill of Rights), sec. 21.

118. La. Const. (1845), art. CXXXIII; N.Y. Const. (1846), art. VIII, sec. 1,4; Ill. Const. (1848), art. X, sec. 1, (permitted exceptions at legislative discretion); Mich. Const. (1850), art. XV, sec. 1; Md. Const. (1851), art. III, sec. 47: Ohio Const. (1851), art. XIII (Corporations), sec. 1, 2; Minn. Const. (1857), art. X, sec. 2; Ore. Const (1857), art. XI (Corporations), sec. 2; Nev. Const. (1864), art. VIII, sec. 1; Mo. Const. (1865), art. VIII, sec. 4; Neb. Const. (1866), art. II (Corporations), sec. 1, 2; Ark. Const. (1868), art. I, sec. 48; S.C. Const. (1868), art. XII (Corporations), sec. 1; Tenn. Const. (1870), art. XI, sec. 8; W. Va. Const. (1872), art. XI, sec. 1.

119. Ill. Const. (1848), art. III, sec. 38; Pa. Const, (amended 1857), art. XI, sec. 5–7; Fla. Const. (1868), art. XIII, sec. 8; Ga. Const. (1868), art. III, sec. 6; Va. Const. (1870), art. X, sec. 12–15.

120. N.J. Const. (1844), art. VI, sec. 6(3); La. Const. (1845), art. CXXI; Ky. Const. (1850), art. II, sec. 33; Mich. Const. (1850), art. XIV, sec. 6, 8; Ohio Const. (1851), art. VIII, sec. 4; Minn. Const. (1857), art. IX, sec. 10; Mo. Const. (1865), art. XI, sec. 13; Miss. Const. (1868), art. XII, sec. 5.

121. Norwich Gas Light Co. v. Norwich City Gas Co., 25 Conn. 19 (1856)Google Scholar; California State Telegraph Co. v. Alta Telegraph Co., 22 Cal. 398 (1863)Google Scholar; City of Memphis v. Memphis Water Co., 5 Heisk. (52 Tenn.) 1495 (1871); State v. Milwaukee Gaslight Co., 29 Wis. 454 (1872); Grant v. City of Davenport, 36 Iowa 396 (1873).

122. Beekman v. Saratoga and Schenectady R.R. Co., 3 Paige 45 (N.Y. Ch. 1831); Raleigh & Gaston R.R. v. Davis, 2 Dev. & Batt. 451 (N.C. 1837). See Scheiber, Harry N., ‘The Road to Munn: Eminent Domain and the Concept of Public Purpose in the State Courts’, in Fleming, Donald and Bailyn, Bernard, eds., Law in American History (Cambridge, Mass., 1971) 362–73Google Scholar.

123. Iowa ex rel. Burlington & Mo. R.R. Co. v. County of Wapello, 13 Iowa 388 (1862); People v. Twp. Bd. of Salem, 20 Mich. 452 (1870).

124. Corwin, Edward S., ‘The Basic Doctrine of American Constitutional Law’, 12 Michigan Law Review 247–76 (1914)Google Scholar. Besides Corwin's essays, the best discussions of the doctrine of vested rights are Haines, Charles Grove, ‘Judicial Review of Legislation and the Doctrine of Vested Rights and of Implied Limitations on Legislatures’, 2 Texas Law Review 257–90 (1924)Google Scholar; Mendelson, Wallace, ‘A Missing Link in the Evolution of Due Process’, 10 Vanderbilt Law Review 125–37 (1956)Google Scholar.

125. 3 U.S. (3 Dall.) 386, at 388 (1798).

126. For example, Merrill v. Sherburne, 1 N.H. 199 (1818); Ogden v. Blackledge, 6 U.S. (2 Cranch.) 272 (1804); Dash v. Van Kleeck, 7 Johns. 477 (N.Y. 1811).

127. Corwin, ‘Basic Doctrine of American Constitutional Law’, supra note 124, at 248–55.

128. 7 Johns. 447, 500–512.

129. Ibid, at 493.

130. Quackenbush v. Danks, 1 Denio 128 (N.Y. Sup. Ct. 1845).

131. Ogden v. Sounders, 25 U.S. (12 Wheat.) 213 (1827).

132. Sharpless v. Mayor of Philadelphia, 21 Pa. 147, 169(1853). In a powerful dissent, one of Black's colleagues denied that a railroad subsidy was a ‘public use’ of tax money, arguing it was an unconstitutional instance of special legislation, in violation of the constitutional guarantee that one's property could be taken only by the judgment of one's peers or by the law of the land. The dissent, not recorded in the report, may be found in 2 American Law Register 85–112 (1853–1854)Google Scholar. The citation to the ‘law of the land’ clause of the Pennsylvania state constitution is ibid, at 105.

133. Beekman v. Saratoga & Schenectady R.R. Co., 3 Paige Ch. 45, 73 (N.Y. Ch. 1831). See the cases cited in Cooley, Thomas M., A Treatise on the Constitutional Limitations Which Rest Upon the Legislative Power of the States of the American Union, 3d ed. (Boston, 1874) 622Google Scholar.

134. People ex rel. Griffin v. Mayor of Brooklin, 9 Barb. 535, 548 (N.Y. Sup. Ct. 1850). See Diamond, Stephen, ‘The Death and Transfiguration of Benefit Taxation: Special Assessments in Nineteenth-Century America’, 12 Journal of Legal Studies 201–40, 214–18 (1983)Google Scholar, for a discussion of opposition to special assessments in New York in the 1830s and 1840s.

135. For the incorporation of the doctrine of vested rights into the concept of ‘due process of law’ before the Civil War, see especially Mendelson, ‘Missing Link’, supra note 124; Corwin, ‘Basic Doctrine of American Constitutional Law’, supra note 124 and Corwin, ‘The Doctrine of Due Process’, supra note 8 at 460 are very useful for the information they contain, but Corwin dismisses far too casually the degree to which ante-bellum lawyers and jurists had come to accept what we would recognize as a ‘substantive’ notion of due process.

136. Dartmouth College v. Woodward, 17 U.S. (4 Wheat.) 518, 557–58.

137. Westervelt v. Gregg, 12 N.Y. 202, 212 (1854).

138. This was true of the Dartmouth College case, where the newly elected Republican legislature of New Hampshire sought to replace the old, Congregationalist board of trustees with one drawn from the entire religious community. Richard N. Current, ‘The Dartmouth College Case’, in Garraty, ed., Quarrels That Have Shaped the Constitution, supra note 37, at 15–29; Stites, Francis W., Private Interest and Public Gain: The Dartmouth College Case, 1819 (Amherst, Mass., 1972) 12–38Google Scholar. In the famous Charles River Bridge case, 36 U.S. (11 Pet.) 420 (1837), Bostonians had sought to undermine the monopoly over bridge traffic between Harvard and Cambridge held by the Charles River Bridge Company, much of the stock of which was owned by Congregationalist Harvard University. Kutler, Stanley I., Privilege and Creative Destruction: The Charles River Bridge Case (Philadelphia, 1971) 18–34Google Scholar. Darling, Arthur B., ‘Jacksonian Democracy in Massachusetts, 1824–1848’, American Historical Review xxix (1924) 271–87CrossRefGoogle Scholar. In University v. Foy, 5 N.C. 58 (1805), perhaps the first decision to cite a ‘law of the land’ clause of a state constitution in overturning special legislation, Jeffersonian Republican legislators had repealed a land grant to the Episcopalian-dominated University of North Carolina. Broussard, James H., The Southern Federalists, 1800–1816 (Baton Rouge, La., 1978) 323–26Google Scholar.

139. By the outbreak of the Civil War the linkage had received judicial articulation in North Carolina, Tennessee, Pennsylvania, New York, and the Supreme Court of the United States. University v. Foy, 5 N.C. 58 (1805); Hoke v. Henderson, 15 N.C. 1 (1833); Vanzant v. Waddell, 10 Tenn. 270 (1829); Sheppard v. Johnson, 21 Tenn. 285 (1841); Sharpless v. Mayor of Philadelphia, 21 Pa. 147, 167 (1853); Taylor v. Porter, 4 Hill 140 (N.Y. Sup. Ct. 1843); Westervelt v. Gregg, 12 N.Y. 202 (1854); Bloomer v. McQuewan, 55 U.S. (24 How.) 539 (1852); Dred Scott v. Sandford, 60 U.S. (19 How.) 393, 450 (1856). It had also been developed in Anonymous, ‘The Security of Private Property’, 1 American Law Magazine 318–47, 335ff. (1843).

140. See the cases, infra notes 147 and 148.

141. See the cases, infra notes 149 and 150.

142. See the cases, infra notes 155–157.

143. Lowell v. Boston, 110 Mass. 454 (1873).

144. See the cases, infra note 154.

145. See the cases, infra notes 158–160.

146. Toledo, Wabash, & Western Ry. Co. v. City of Jacksonville, 67 Ill. 37 (1873); Munn v. Illinois, 69 Ill. 80 (1873); Loan Association v. Topeka, 5 F. Cas. 737 (C.C.D. Kans. 1874) (No. 2734); Chicago, Burlington & Quincy R.R. v. Iowa, 5 F. Cas. 594 (C.C.D. Iowa 1875) (No. 2666).

147. Wynehamer v. New York, 13 N.Y. 378 (1856); Beebe v. State, 6 Ind. 501 (1855).

148. Lincoln v. Smith, 27 Vt. 328 (1854); Goddard v. Jacksonville, 15 Ill. 589 (1854); State v. Gallagher, 4 Gibbs 244 (Mich. 1856); Fisher v. McGuirr, 1 Gray 1 (Mass. 1854); State v. Paul, 5 R.I. 185 (1858).

149. State v. Noyes, 10 Foster 279 (N.H. 1855); Metropolitan Bd. of Health v. Heister, 37 N.Y. 661 (1868); Inhabitants of Watertown v. Mayo, 109 Mass. 315 (1872).

150. 83 U.S. (16 Wall.) 36 (1873).

151. Supplemental Brief for Plaintiffs, Fagan v. State of Louisiana [The Slaughterhouse Cases], Kurland, Philip B. and Casper, Gerhard, eds., Landmark Briefs and Arguments of the Supreme Court of the United States: Constitutional Law (Arlington, Va., 1975) vi, 580Google Scholar.

152. Brief for Plaintiffs, ibid. 537.

153. Slaughterhouse Cases, 83 U.S. (16 Wall.) 114–16, 118 (1873) (Bradley, dissenting).

154. Thompson v. Inhabitants of Pittston, 59 Me. 545, 556 (1871) (Dickerson concurring). See also Perkins v. Inhabitants of Milford, 59 Me. 315 (1871) and Freeland v. Hastings, 92 Mass. 570 (1865). The New Jersey courts decided that such laws did serve a public purpose and therefore did not amount to special, or class, legislation. But they clearly were troubled by the case and took pains to articulate the principle that ‘the power of taking one man's property and vesting it in another, is in no sense a legislative power; and… a law which attempted to do this under the name of a tax would be wholly unauthorized and void’. State, Wagner et al. v. Collector of Delaware, 31 N.J.L. 189, 195 (1865).

155. The Tidewater Co. v. Coster, 18 N.J.Eq. 518 (1866); State v. Mayor of Hoboken, 39 N.J.L. 291 (1873); State, Agens, Pros. v. Newark, 37 ibid, at 415 (1874).

156. People ex rel. Crowell v. Lawrence, 41 N.Y. 137 (1869).

157. Gordon v. Cornes, 47 N.Y. 608 (1872).

158. Opinion of the Justices, 58 Me. 590, 591 (1870).

159. Ibid, at 593–95.

160. Hansen v. Iowa, 27 Iowa 28 (1869). See also Allan v. Jay, 60 Me. 124 (1871); Lowell v. Boston, 110 Mass. 454 (1873); Weeks v. Milwaukee, 10 Wis. 342 (1860)); Curtis v. Whipple, 24 Wis. 350 (1869); Whiting v. Sheboygan and Fon du Lac R.R. Co., 25 Wis. 167 (1870); People v. Twp. Bd. of Salem, 20 Mich. 452 (1870).

161. Cooley, Constitutional Limitations, supra note 133 (1st edition published in 1868).

162. Jacobs, Clyde E., Law Writers and the Courts: The Influence of Thomas M. Cooley, Christopher G. Tiedeman, and John F. Dillon Upon American Constitutional Law (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1954) 27Google Scholar; Twiss, Benjamin R., Lawyers and the Constitution: How Laissez-Faire Came to the Supreme Court (Princeton, N.J., 1942)Google Scholar passim; Fine, Laissez-Faire and the General-Welfare State, supra note 9 at 128–29.

163. People v. Twp. Bd. of Salem, 20 Mich, at 487.

164. Twiss, Lawyers and the Constitution, supra note 162 at 18.

165. People v. Twp. Bd. of Salem, 20 Mich, at 486.

166. Dillion, , ‘Property—Its Rights and Duties in our Legal and Social Systems’, Proceedings of the New York State Bar Association xviii (1895) 33–64Google Scholar, 46.

167. Stone v. Farmer's Loan & Trust Co., 116 U.S. 307 (1886); Chicago, Milwaukee, and St. Paul Ry. Co. v. Minnesota, 134 U.S. 418 (1890).

168. 169 U.S. 466 (1898).

169. 165 U.S. 578 (1897). For examples of the traditional, Supreme Court-centered account, see Hamilton, ‘Path of Due Process’, supra note 8; Kelly, Harbison, and Belz, supra note 16 at 397–418.