¹ For reference to the tarnished images of the overseas Chinese during the Ming period, see Ming Shih, Ming Shih-lu; Huan, Ma, Ying-ya Sheng-lan, ; and Shin, Fei, Hsing-ch'a sheng-lan.Google Scholar

² See Ch'in-ho, Ch'en, ‘Ching-t’su Cheng Cheng-kung ch'an-pu chih i-chih Nan-ch’i' (The Emigration of the Remnants of Cheng Ch'eng-kung's Forces to South Vietnam), in Hsin-ya Hsueh-pao (Hong Kong), vol. 5 Pt 1, pp. 433–57; vol. 8, Pt 2, pp. 413–59.Google Scholar

³ See Gungwu, Wang, A Short History of the Nanyang Chinese (Singapore, 1959), p. 13.Google Scholar

⁴ Pao-chia was a system of rural control adopted by the governments of the Ming and Ch'ing Dynasties. For details, see Hsiao, Kung-chuan, Rural China: Imperial Control in the Nineteenth Century (Seattle, 1960), pp. 25–83.Google Scholar

⁵ See Ch'in-ting Ta-ch'inghui-tienshih-li, original vol. 776, p. 10; reprint (Taipei, 1963), vol. 19, p. 14951.Google Scholar

⁶ Ibid.

⁷ See Huang-ch'ao t'ung-tien, vol. 80, ‘hsing-chih’, quoted in wei-yuan-hui, Hua-ch'iao-chih pients'uan (ed), Hua-ch'iao-chih tsung-chih (Taipei, 1956), p. 95.Google Scholar

⁸ See Ta-ch'ing lu-li hui-t'ung hsin-ts'uan, vol. 19, pp. 1732–3.Google Scholar

⁹ See Ch'in-ling ta-ch'ing hui-tien shih-li, original vol. 776; reprint (Taipei, 1963), p. 14953.Google Scholar

¹⁰ See Huang-ch'ao t'ung-tien, vol. 80, hsing-chih.Google Scholar

¹¹ Ibid.

¹² See Hua-chiao chih tsung-chih, p. 96; also Fu-luan, Huang, Hua-chi'ao Yu Chung-kuo ke-ming (Hong Kong, 1955), p. 33.Google Scholar

¹³ See Ping-ti, Ho, The Ladder of Success in Imperial China: Aspects of Social Mobility 1368–1911 (New York, 1964).Google Scholar See also Ch'u, T'ung-tsu, ‘Chinese Class Structure and Its Ideology’, in Fairbank, J. K. (ed.), Chinese Thought and Institutions (Chicago, 1967), pp. 235–50.Google Scholar

¹⁴ See Schwartz, Benjamin, In Search of Wealth and Power: Yen Fu and the West (Cambridge, Massachusetts, 1964), p. 11.Google Scholar

¹⁵ See Analects, Book 16, Ch. I, no. 10.

¹⁶ For the training of Ch'ing princes to become emperors, see Kahn, Harold L., Monarchy in the Emperor's Eyes: Image and Reality in the Ch'ien-lung Reign (Cambridge, Mass., 1971). See also the same author, ‘The Education of a Prince: The Emperor Learns His Roles’, inCrossRefGoogle ScholarFeuerwerker, A.,Murphey, R. & Wright, M. C. (eds), Approaches to Modern Chinese History (Berkeley, 1967), pp. 15–64. For the training of officials, in particular the examination systemGoogle Scholar, see Chang, Chung-li, The Chinese Gentry: Studies on Their Role in Nineteenth-Century Chinese Society (Seattle, 1955), pp. 174–82;Google ScholarFranke, W., The Reform and Abolition of the Traditional Chinese Examination System (Cambridge, Mass., 1968).Google Scholar

¹⁷ Ch'ing emperors' detestation of foreign trade was best demonstrated by Emperor Ch'ien-lung's letter to King George III of England who sent Earl Macartney to China in 1793 in the hope of improving commercial relations between the two countries. Emperor Ch'ien-lung bluntly replied to King George that ‘… we possess all things, I set no value on objects strange or ingenious, and have no use for your country's manufactures.…’. See an English translation of this letter in MacNair, H. F. (ed.), Modern Chinese History: Selected Readings (The Commerical Press, Shanghai, reprint, Taipei, 1962), vol. 1, pp. 2–11.Google Scholar

¹⁸ Even during the Republic period and in a remote town of Yunnan province in the Southwest of China, children were taught that filial piety was the most important and worthy virtue. See Hsu, Francis L. K., Under the Ancestors' Shadow: Chinese Culture and Personality (Stanford, 1971), pp. 208–9.Google Scholar

¹⁹ See Lang, Olga, Chinese Family and Society (New Haven, 1946), p. 25.Google Scholar

²⁰ See for instance, Chih-t'ui, Yen, Yen-shih chia-hsun (Family Instructions for the Yen Clan (translated with Introduction by Teng Ssu-yu) (Leiden, 1968)), p. xxix (introduction) and ch. 4.Google Scholar

²¹ See Liu, Hui-chen Wang, The Traditional Chinese Clan Rules (New York, 1959), pp. 49–50.Google Scholar

²² See the clan rule of Hsu Clan in Chiang-Ning, Kiangsu province, in Hu, Hsien Chin, The Common Descent Group in China and its Functions (New York, 1948), Johnson reprint, London, 1968, p. 133, Appendix 28.Google Scholar

²³ In the clan rules of T'an Clan in Nan-Feng, Kingsi, unfilial sons were to be punished with 40 strokes with the big bamboo board; in the rules if I Clan in Hupei, those who left the coffins of parents unburied and the graves of ancestors unattended were to be expelled from the clan. See Appendixes 30 and 31, Ibid.

²⁴ See van der Sprenkel, S., Legal Institutions in Manchu China (New York, 1966), p. 86.Google Scholar

²⁵ See Chu Shou-p'cng, Kuang-hsu-ch'ao t'ung-hua lu () (Peking, 1958), vol. 2, p. 1309, the 3rd moon of the 8th year of the Kuang-shu reign.

²⁶ The first Manchu emperor who conquered China was Emperor Shun-chih, his empress was given the title of ‘Hsiao-k'ang chang huang-hou’ (), Emperor K'ang-hsi's consort was given the title of ‘Hsiao-kung jen huang-hou’ (), Yung-chcng Emperor's consort was given the title of ‘Hsiao-sheng hsien huang-hou’ (), the title of the Empress of Ch'ien-lung was ‘Hsiao-i hsun huang-hou’ () the Empress of Chia-ch'ing was ‘Hsiao-shu jui huang-hou’ () the Empress of Tao-kuang was ‘Hsiao-ch'uan ch’eng huang-hou’ (), and the Empress of Hsien-feng was ‘Hsiao-chen hsien huang-hou’ () etc. See Hsien-ch'ien, Wang (ed), Shih-erh ch'ao t'ung-hua lu (reprint, Taipei, 1973), vol. 3, p. 1; Vol. 5, p. 1; Vol. 7, p. 1;Vol. 1, p. 1;Vol. 1, p. 1; Vol. 16, p. 1;Vol. 18, p. 1.Google Scholar

²⁷ For example, an unfilial son named Sun Mou who had bashed his father, Sun Shang-wen, and had almost bitten off his father's finger, was served with death penalty. This incident occurred in the forty-second year of Ch'ien Lung Emperor. See Ch'ing-ch'ao wen-hsien t'ung-k'ao, vol. 202, Hsing No. 8.

²⁸ See Liu, Hui-chen Wang, The Traditional Chinese Clan Rules, p. 51.Google Scholar

²⁹ See ‘Family Instructions of the Fu-ning Ch'en Clan’, quoted in Ibid., p. 52.

³⁰ For instance, Li Hung-chang was given three months' leave by the Ch'ing Court in 1882 to mourn his mother. It was during the early stage of the Sino-French war over the protection of Vietnam, and was at a crucial time when Li's knowledge and expertise on foreign affairs were most needed. Nevertheless, the Court had to follow the tradition and release Li from all his official positions temporarily for mourning. See Chung-i, Tou, Li Hung-chang nien (jih) p'u (The Chronological Records of Li Hung-chang) (Kowloon, 1968), p. 139.Google Scholar

³¹ The Ch'ing Ming festival (known to the West as Feast of the Dead) which falls on 5th April of the solar year, is the day that Chinese visit parental and ancestral graveyards, clear weeds from the graveyards, and offer tea, wine and food to the spirits. This observation is still common in overseas Chinese communities in Singapore and Malaysia as well as Taiwan. See Wong, C. S., A Cycle of Chinese Festivities (Singapore, 1967), pp. 109–19. Sacrifices were also carried out at family altars and clan temples during festivals.Google Scholar See Yang, C. K., Religion in Chinese Society (Berkeley, 1967), pp. 39–43.Google Scholar

³² See Liu, Hui-chen Wang, Traditional Chinese Clan Rules, p. 53.Google Scholar

³³ See Skinner, G. W., Chinese Society in Thailand: An Analytical History (Ithaca, N. Y, 1957), p. 161.Google Scholar

³⁴ For instance, in 1814, a Cantonese merchant named Li Huai-yen () of the Nan-hai district, was punished for his private liaisoning with foreigners. Li worked in a British company, and acted as a broker for the company to purchase tea from interior China. See ‘Memorial of the Governor-General of Kwangtung and Kwangsi, Chiang Yu-t'ien () and the Governor of Kwangtung, Tung Chiao-tseng (), to the Court dated 16th day of 19th year of Chia-ch' reign “Deposition of Li Huai-yen”, ‘in po-wu-yen, Ku-kung (ed.), Ch'ing-tai wai-chiao shih-liao (Museum, Palace (ed.), Sources on Diplomatic History of China during the Chia Ch'ing reign) (Peking, 1932), vol. 4, pp. 2–22.Google Scholar

³⁵ See ‘Memoraial of Chiang Yu-t'ien and Tung Chiao-tseng to the court dated 21st day of 2nd moon of 20th year of Emperor Chia Ch'ing [March, 1815 ], relating to new rules and regulations for suppressing opium smoking’, Ibid., p. 29.

³⁶ See Tse-Hsu, LinGoogle Scholar, ‘Official instruction to apprehend “Han-chien” dated 11th day of 1st moon of 19th year of Tao-kuang reign [24 February, 1839]’, in Tse-hsu, Lin, Lin Tse-hsu chi: kung-tu (Collected Works of Lin Tse-Hsu: Official Correspondence) (Peking, 1963), p. 47.Google Scholar

³⁷ Ibid.

³⁸ Ibid., pp. 48 –9.

³⁹ See ‘Memorial of Military Commander of Taiwan Town, Ta Hung-ah, and the Judicial Commissioner of Taiwan Circuits, Yao Ying, to the Court’, in Ts'ou-pan i-wu shih-mo, Tao-kuang reign, vol.59 pp. 13a–14b.Google Scholar

⁴⁰ Ibid., pp. 14b–15a.

⁴¹ See ‘Memorial of Ch'i-ying to the Court’, in Ts'ou-pan i-wu shih-mo, Tao-kuang reign, vol. 54, p. 37b.

⁴² Ibid.

⁴³ It was clamied that the leaders of these traitors were Lu A-ching (), Teng Ah-fu (), Ho Ah-su () and Shih Yu-sheng (). See ‘Memorial of the Rebel-pacifying General, I shan and others to the Court’ in Ts'ou-pan i-wu shih-mo, Tao-kuang reign, vol. 37, pp. 33–4.

⁴⁴ See ‘Memorial of Yang-wei General, I Ching, and others to the Court’, in Ts'ou-pan i-wit shih-mo, Tao-kuang reign, vol.57, pp. 38a–46a, particularly p. 41a.

⁴⁵ See ‘Memorial of Provincial Commander-in-Chief of Szechwan, Ch'i Shen, to the Court’, in Ts'ou-pan i-wu shih-mo, Tao-kuang reign, vol. 57, pp. 28b–29a.

⁴⁶ Ibid.

⁴⁷ In response to the emperor's edict of apprehending ‘traitors’ who were responsible in helping the enemy to acquire and read the Peking Gazette, the Governor of Chekiang, Liu Yin-k'o, pledged his determination to carry out the instruction. He remarked that the Peking Gazette was ‘confidential’, and should not be read by the enemy. See ‘Memorial of Liu Yin-k'o to the Court', in Tao-kuang Hsien-feng liang-ch'ao ts'ou-pan i-wu shih-mo pu-i (The Supplements to the Ts'ou-pan I-wu shih-mo during the Reigns of Tao-kuang and Hsien-feng) (Taipei, 1966), pp. 17–18.Google Scholar

⁴⁸ See Kung-chen, K'o, Chung-kuo pao-yeh shih (A History of Chinese Newspapers) (Hong Kong, 1964), pp. 33–4;Google ScholarBritton, R. S., The Chinese Periodical Press 1800–1912 (Taipei, 1966, reprint), pp. 7–8.Google Scholar

⁴⁹ By the time of the Opium war, some foreign missionaries had already been able to read Chinese documents competently. Moreover, an English periodical named the Chinese Repository was published in Canton by an American missionary, Bridgman., E. C. The periodical contained not only missionary news, but also information about laws, customs and current events in the Ch'ing empire.Google Scholar See Latourette, K. S., A History of Christian Missions in China (Taipei, 1966, reprint), pp. 211–20.Google Scholar

⁵⁰ See Fairbank, J. K., Trade and Diplomacy on the China Coast: The Opening of the Treaty Ports 1842–1845 (Cambridge, Mass., 1964), p. 89.Google Scholar

⁵¹ Even now, the Southern Fukien dialect is still widely spoken in Singapore, Malacca and Penang.

⁵² See FO 17/88.

⁵³ When Captain Gribble was appointed the British Consul at Amoy, he had two Cantonese linguists, Ah Foo and Ah Ping, on his staff as interpreters, both of whom were from Hong Kong. To meet the needs of the local situation, the Consul had to recruit two overseas Chinese on his staff. One of them was a native of Amoy who had learned some English in Singapore. See Fairbank, Trade and Diplomacy on the China Coast, p. 164.

⁵⁴ In August 1846, two British Chinese from Penang were detained at the Amoy Custom on suspicion of smuggling. See FO 228/60, Layton, T. H. to Davis, J. F. dated 2 September 1848.Google Scholar

⁵⁵ See Chinese Repository (Canton, 1851, reprint, Tokyo), vol. 20, p. 49.Google Scholar

⁵⁶ See Schlegel, G., Thian Ti Hwui: The Hung League or Heaven-Earth League (Batavia, 1866), pp. 2–3;Google ScholarWard, J.S.M. and Stirling, W.G., The Hung Society, or The Society of Heaven and Earth (London, 1925), vol. 1, pp. 2–3;Google ScholarLien-k'o, Liu, Pang-hui san-pai nien ko-ming shih (Three Hundred Years' Revolutionary History of the Chinese Secret Societies) (Macao, 1941), pp. 23–4, 40.Google Scholar

⁵⁷ See FO 228/111B, Layton, T.H., to Bonham, S.G. dated 15 January 1850.Google Scholar

⁵⁸ See FO 228/125, Sullivan, G.G. to Bonham, S.G. dated 4 January 1851.Google Scholar

⁵⁹ In 1846, the case of two Chinese from Penang involved in smuggling in Amoy; in 1847, the case of John Seng Sweey, a Chinese from the Straits Settlements, who was involved in burglary; and in 1849, the cases of Ch'en Ch'ing-hsi and Ch'en Ch'ing-hsing, the brothers who were involved in secret society activities. All of them were released after the intervention of the British Consul in Amoy. See FO 228/60, Layton, T.H.,to Davis, J.F. dated 2 September 1848; FO 228/70, T. H. Layton to J. F. Davis dated 6 February 1847; FO 228/IIIB, T. H. Layton to S. G. Bonham dated 15 January 1850 FO 228/125, G. G. Sullivan to S. G. Bonham dated 4 January 1851.Google Scholar

⁶⁰ See FO 17/175, Bonham, S.G., to Seu dated 11 January 1851.Google Scholar

⁶¹ See Chinese Repository, vol. 20 (1851), p. 49.

⁶² Ibid.

⁶³ Tao-t'ai was the officer in charge of a circuit (tao); a circuit controlled some prefectures. In this case, Amoy was under the jurisdiction of the Hsing-Ch'uan-Yung Tao-t'ai.

⁶⁴ The Chinese Repository, vol. 20 (1851), p. 49.

⁶⁵ Chang was alleged to have had a conversation with a foreign missionary in Amoy after he took up his appointment as the Tao-t'ai of Hsing-Ch'uan-Yung Circuit. He claimed that he had a reputation for being tough with ‘bad people’ and also knew how to deal with foreigners. See FO 228/125, Sullivan, G.G. to Bonham, S.G. dated 4 January 1851.Google Scholar

⁶⁶ Before being transferred to Amoy as the Tao-t'ai of Hsing-Ch'uan-Yung Circuit in late 1850, Chang Hsi-yu was the top officer of the Nanning prefecture of Kwangsi province. He must have been well aware of the Taiping rebels who already occupied the Yung An city of the Northern part of Kwangsi.

⁶⁷ A good discussion on the dispute over Ch'en Ch'ing-chen case is Huang Chia-mo's article entitled ‘Ying-jen yu Hsia-men hsiao-tao hui shih-chien’ (The British and the Small Dagger Uprising in Amoy), in Chung-yang Yen-chiu-yen chin-tai shih yen-chin so chi-k'an (Bulletin of the Institute of Modern Hisory, Academia Sinica) (Taipei, 1978), pp. 309–53.Google Scholar

⁶⁸ Although Chang was removed from his position as the Tao-t'ai of Hsing-Ch'uan-Yung Circuit, he had in fact got a promotion. He was promoted to become the Judicial Commissioner of Kansu province (An-ch'a shih). His removal was of course a tactical move on the part of the Ch'ing government. See FO 228/125, Hi-yu, Chang, to Sullivan, G.G. (translation) dated February 1851.Google Scholar

⁶⁹ Chia-mo, Huang, ‘Ying-jen yu Hsia-men hsiao-tao hui shi-chien’, pp. 325–8.Google Scholar

⁷⁰ See, for instance, the prohibition notice issued by the defence officer of Ch'uanchow and Amoy (by the surname of Ma) dated 20 day of 12 moon of 7th year of T'ung-chih [1st February, 1869], and the public notice issued by the Coastal Defence Officer of the Hsing-Ch'uan-Yung Circuit of the Fukien province dated 28 day of 12 moon of the 7th year to T'ung-chih [9 February 1869], in Shih-chia, Chu (ed.), Mei-kuo po-hai hua-kung shih-liao (Historical Materials of Oppression of Chinese Coollies by the Americans) (Peking, 1958), pp. 35, 39–40.Google Scholar

⁷¹ For a detailed discussion on Pin Ch'un's mission, see Biggerstaff, K., ‘The First Chinese Mission of Investigation sent to Europe’, in Pacific Historical Review, vol. 6, no. 4, pp. 307–20.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁷² See Ch'un, Pin, Ch'an-sha pi-chi, in Yu-li, Wang (ed.), Chung-hua wen-shih ts'ung-shu (Taipei), vol. 98, pp. 330–4.Google Scholar

⁷³ See ‘Memorial of Prince Kung to the Court’, in Ts'ou-pant i-wu shih-mo, T'ung-chih reign, vol. 51, p. 27a.27a.

⁷⁴ For details about the Burlingame Mission, see Biggerstaff, K., ‘The Official Chinese Attitude toward the Burlingame Mission’, in American Hisiorical Review, vol. 41, no. 4, pp. 682CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁷⁵ See Kang, Chih, Tsu shih t'ai-hsi chi (Records of My Mission to the Western world), original, vol. 1, pp. 20–1, in Ch'ing-mo min-ts'u shih-liao ts'ung-shu (Series of Historical Materials on Late Ch'ing and Early Republican Periods), no. 38.Google Scholar

⁷⁶ Ibid.

⁷⁷ There is circumstantial evidence to support this claim. Although the Cuba Commission was set up by the Tsungli Yamen, it seems that Li was one of the moving spirits behind the scene, for he was very keen to obtain the result of the investigation. According to Yung Wing, who was also partly involved in the investigation, the report on Cuban coolies was sent to Li along with the report of an unofficial investigation conducted in Peru by Yung and two Americans at the request of Li. See Wing, Yung, My Life in China and America (New York, 1904), p. 194.Google Scholar

⁷⁸ See Irick, R.L., ‘Ch'ing Policy Toward the Coolie Trade, 1847–1878’ (unpublished Ph.D. thesis, Harvard University, 1971), vol. 2, pp. 353–4.Google Scholar

⁷⁹ Reporting about the Cuba Commission report, the North China Herald feared that the report would cause many Ch'ing officials to think that all foreigners were guilty of those criminal acts. See North China Herald, 7 December 1876.

⁸⁰ Chih Kang mentioned that the mission was given a banquet by the Kang Chou Association which was apparently the leading organization of the local Chinese community. The parallel sentences that hung over the hall of the building were much in praise of the emperor and his action of sending envoys overseas. See Chih Kang, Ts'u shih t'ai-hsi chi, vol. 1, p. 21.

⁸¹ See Irick, ‘Ch'ing Policy Toward the Coolie Trade, 1847–1878’, vol. 2, pp. 373–7.

⁸² Ibid., pp. 404–12.

⁸³ In the early negotiation between Li and Garcia, Li made repeated references to the representations which the Chinese in Peru had made to their home government in 1869 and 1871. Li used these petitions as evidence of lleged cruelty against Chinese coolies. But Garcia denied the charge. He said that the representations of 1869 and 1871 consisted of generalizations and false evidence, and were not worthy of serious attention. See Stewart, W., Chinese Bondage in Peru: A History of The Chinese coolie in Peru 1849–1874 (Durham, 1951), p. 182.Google Scholar

⁸⁴ Li's choice of Yung Wing as the commissioner to go to Peru was based on the following considerations: Yung was a Cantonese, since the majority of the Chinese coolies in Peru were from Kwangtung province, Yung must have special sympathy and concern for his own people; Yung spoke the dialect of the majority of the coolies there; Yung was versed in English and Western law, and would be in a better position than other Chinese officials to negotiate with the Peruvian government. See Hung-chang, LiGoogle Scholar,‘On the issue of sending commissioner to investigate the conditions of the Chinese coolies in Peru dated 22nd day of 5th moon of 13th year of T'ung-chih [ 5 July 1874]’, in Hung-chang, Li, Li Wen-chung kung ch'uan-chi (Collected Works of Li Hung-chang) (Taipei, 1962), vol. 5, pp. 47–8.Google Scholar

⁸⁵ I have been unable to read the original copy of Yung's report, but Li Hung-chang's correspondence with the Tsungli Yamen contains an abstract of it. Quoting the report, Li said that Chinese coolies who were sold to open up jungles, to work in sugar plantations and in islands of guano deposits, were treated worse than African slaves. Many of them were beaten to death or forced to commit suicide. Li concluded by saying that the maltreatment received by the Chinese coolies in Peru was quite similar to that in Cuba. See Hung-chang, Li, ‘On the exchange of ratification of the treaty with Peru dated 8th day of 6th moon of ist year of Kuang-hsu [10 July 1875]’, in Li Hung-chang, Li Wen-chung kung ch'uan-chi, vol. 5, pp. 73–4, (original) 1-shu han-kao, vol.2, pp. 20–1.Google Scholar

⁸⁶ See ‘Memorial of Li Hung-chang to the court relating to the ratification of the treaty with Peru dated 11th day of 6th moon of Ist year of Kuang-hsu [13 July 1875’, in Hung-chang, Li, Li Wen-chung kung ch'uan-chi vol. 2, p. 121, (original) tsou-kao, vol. 25, p. 24.Google Scholar

⁸⁷ See Irick, ‘Ch'ing Policy toward the Coolie Trade, 1847–1878’, vol. 2, p. 415.

⁸⁸ See ‘Memorial of Li Hung-chang of the court recommending Ting Jih-ch'ang as China's plenipotentiary for negotiating ratification of the treaty with Peru dated 11th day of 6th moon of 1st year of Kuang-hsu [13 July 1875], Ibid., vol. 2, p. 123, (original) tsou-tao vol. 25, p. 27; see also Ch'ing-chi wai-chiao shih-liao, vol. 1, p. 32.

⁸⁹ Irick, ‘Ching Policy toward the Coolie Trade, 1847–1878’, vol. 2. pp. 420–1.

⁹⁰ See Hung-chang, Li, ‘Correspondence with Tsungli Yamen relating to debate with the Peruvian envoy dated 24th day of 6th moon of Ist year of Kuang-hsu [26 July 1875]’, in LiHung-chang, Li Wen-chung kung ch'uan-chi, vol. 5, pp. 76–7, (original) I-shu han-lao, vol. 3, pp. 25–6.Google Scholar

⁹¹ See Hung-chang, Li and Jih-ch'ang, Ting, ‘Correspondence with Tsungli Yamen relating to debate with Peruvian envoy on the ratification of the treaty dated 25th day of 6th moon of 1st year of Kuang-hsu [27 July 1875]’, in Li Hung-chang, Li Wen-chung kung ch'uan-chi, vol. 5, p. 75, (original) I-shu han-kao, vol. 3, p. 24.Google Scholar

⁹² Ibid.

⁹³ See ‘Dispatch from Liu-K'un-i to the Tsungli Yamen dated 11th day of 7th moon of year of Kuang-hsu [29 August 1876], in K'un-i, Liu, Liu K'un-i i-chi (Works of Liu K'un-i, posthumously collected) (Peking, 1959), vol. 5, pp. 2376–7, ‘Correspondence’ (original) vol. 15.Google Scholar

⁹⁴ See Sung-t'ao, Kuo, ‘Memorial to the Court for the Establishment of the Singapore Consulate dated 27th day of 8th moon of 3rd year of Kuang-hsu [3 October 1877]’, in Ch'ing-chi wai-chiao shih-liao, vol. 11, pp. 13–15.Google Scholar

⁹⁵ See Chih-tung, Chang, Chang Wen-hsiang kung ch'uan-chi (The Complete Works of Chang Chih-tung) (reprint, Taipei, 1963), vol. 15, pp. 14–15, vol. 24, pp. 26–7, vol. 119, pp. 15–16; Ch'ing-chi wai-chiao shih-liao, vol. 66, pp. 9–11, vol. 74, pp. 21–7.Google Scholar

⁹⁶ Apart from these official records, these terms can also be found in other official records such as Cheng-chih kuan-pao (Government Gazette of the Ch'ing Dynasty), Shang-wu kuan-pao (Government Gazette of the Ministry of Commerce), Hsueh-pu kuanpao (Government Gazette of the Ministry of Education) and, Ch'ing-ch'ao shu wen-hsien t'ung-k'ao (The Encyclopedia of the Ch'ing Dynasty).

⁹⁷ Professor Wang Gungwu suggests that the term ‘Hua-ch'iao’ was first used by Huang Tsun-hsien in 1880s. Huang was the first diplomat to be exposed to the Chinese abroad off and on for nearly 17 years. He was first posted to the Legation in Tokyo as counsellor (1877 –1882), then as consul-general at San Francisco (1882–1885), and finally as counsellor to the Legation in London under Hsueh Fu-ch'eng (1889–1891) and consulgeneral at Singapore (1891–1894).See Gungwu, Wang, ‘A Note on the Origins of Hua-ch'iao’ (seminar paper of the Far Eastern History Department, Australian National University), p. 7.Google Scholar

⁹⁸ Ibid.

⁹⁹ See Ching-hwang, Yen, ‘Ch'ing's Sale of Honours and the Chinese Leadership in Singapore and Malaya 1877–1912’, in Journal of Southeast Asian Studies, vol. I, no. 2 (09 1970), pp. 20–32.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

¹⁰⁰ See Ching-hwang, Yen, ‘The Overseas Chinese and China's Economic Modernization, 1815–1912’ (an unpublished paper presented atthe First National Conference of Asian Studies Association of Australia held at the University of MelbourneMelbourne14–16 May 1976).Google Scholar