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Conceptualizing the Social Economy in China*

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  02 November 2012

LI ZHAO*
Affiliation:
Catholic University of Leuven, Belgium Email: li.zhao@kuleuven.be

Abstract

This study offers a conceptual analysis of the social economy in China within the context of institutional transition. In China, economic reform has engendered significant social changes. Accelerated economic growth, privatization of the social welfare system, and the rise of civil society explain the institutional contexts in which a range of not-for-profit initiatives, neither state-owned nor capital-driven, re-emerged. They are defined in this research as the social economy in China. This study shows that although the term itself is quite new, the social economy is no new phenomenon in China, as its various elements have a rich historical tradition. Moreover, the impact of the transition on the upsurge of the Chinese social economy is felt not only through direct means of de-nationalization and marketization and, as a consequence, the privatization of China's social welfare system, but also through various indirect means. The development of the social economy in China was greatly influenced by the framework set by political institutions and, accordingly, legal enabling environments. In addition, the link to the West, as well as local historical and cultural traditions, contribute towards explaining its re-emergence. Examining the practices in the field shows that the social economy sector in China is conducive to achieving a plural economy and an inclusive society, particularly by way of poverty reduction, social service provision, work integration, and community development. Therefore, in contemporary China, it serves as a key sector for improving welfare, encouraging participation, and consolidating solidarity.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © Cambridge University Press 2012

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Footnotes

*

The author would like to thank the organizers and participants of the international seminar on ‘The Social Economy: A Worldwide Perspective’ in Leuven, Belgium (4–6 June 2007), at which a draft version was presented. The author is particularly grateful to Jacques Defourny, for his valuable comments on the last draft, and Patrick Develtere, Caroline Gijselinckx and Bénédicte Fonteneau, for their helpful discussions on earlier drafts, and to the author's anonymous reviewers. All views expressed are those of the author.

References

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12 Chaves and Monzón, The Social Economy in the European Union, p. 21.

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16 Borzaga and Tortia, ‘Social Economy Organisations in the Theory of the Firm’, pp. 23–60.

17 For example, James argues that the centrality of the non-distribution constraint finds no corresponding weight in the legal and tax systems of most countries. Similarly, Defourny and Develtere stress that this principle loses much of its meaning in countries of the southern hemisphere, since tax legislation affects local community organizations much less. In fact, James finds that the non-distribution constraint may be overstated as organizations can cross-subsidize or engage in indirect profit-taking by increasing personal costs. It refers also to Steinberg and Gray's ‘for-profits in disguise’ case. James, E. (1989). The Non-Profit Sector in International Perspective, New York, Oxford University Press.Google Scholar Defourny and Develtere ‘The Social Economy: The Worldwide Making of a Third Sector’, pp. 15–53. Steinberg, R. and Gray, B. H. (1993). ‘The Role of Nonprofit Enterprise in 1992: Hansmann Revisited’, Nonprofit and Voluntary Sector Quarterly, 22, 297316.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

18 Defourny and Develtere ‘The Social Economy: The Worldwide Making of a Third Sector’, pp. 15–53.

19 Borzaga and Defourny, The Emergence of Social Enterprises. Nyssens, M. (2006). Social Enterprise-At the Crossroads of Market, Public Policies and Civil Society, London, Routledge.Google ScholarDefourny, J. and Nyssens, M. (2008). ‘Social Enterprise in Europe: Recent Trends and Developments’, Social Enterprise Journal, 4:3, 202228.CrossRefGoogle ScholarKerlin, J. (2009). Social Enterprise: A Global Perspective, Hanover and London, University Press of New England.Google Scholar

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21 Borzaga, C. and Sanuari, A. (2001). ‘Italy: from Traditional Co-operatives to Innovative Social Enterprises’ in Borzaga and Defourny, The Emergence of Social Enterprises, pp. 166–181.

22 Website: www.emes.net [accessed 23 May 2012].

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24 Defourny and Nyssens. ‘Defining Social Enterprise’, pp. 3–26.

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27 Noya, A. and Clarence, E. (2007). The Social Economy: Building Inclusive Economies, Paris, OECD PublishingGoogle Scholar. Borzaga, C., Galera, G. and Nogales, R. (2008). Social Enterprise: A New Model for Poverty Reduction and Employment Generation, Bratislava, UNDP Regional Bureau for Europe and the Commonwealth of Independent States.Google Scholar Defourny and Nyssens. ‘Social Enterprise in Europe: Recent Trends and Developments’, pp. 202–228. Noya. The Changing Boundaries of Social Enterprises.

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29 Defourny and Develtere, ‘The Social Economy: The Worldwide Making of a Third Sector’, p. 26.

30 Chaves and Monzón, The Social Economy in the European Union.

31 I thank Jacques Defourny for his inspiration on this point.

32 Besides the four aforementioned types, religious organizations and other organizations recognized by government are also regarded as NPOs in China. Cf. two recent Circulars issued jointly by the Chinese Ministry of Finance (MOF) and the State Administration of Taxation (SAT) (Circular Cai Shui [2009] No. 123 and Circular Cai Shui [2009] No. 122) concerning tax-exempt income in enterprise income tax of NPOs. According to the original text, the NPO referred to here ‘must be a public institution, social association, foundation, private non-enterprise unit, a venue for religious activities or another organization that is recognized by the MOF and SAT. The organization must be engaged in activities for the public interest or for non-profit-making purposes that are mainly conducted within the territory of China’.

33 For example, Ding, K. (2007). ‘Social Enterprise: Practice in China’, in Social Enterprise. Overview: a UK and China Perspective, pp. 50–82. Chen, Y. (2008). ‘The Space for Social Enterprise Development in China’, Paper submitted to the ISTR International Conference, 9–12 July, Barcelona, SpainGoogle Scholar. Yu, X. and Zhang, Q. (2009). ‘Development of Social Enterprise under China's Market Transition’, EMES Conferences Selected Papers Series, ECSP-T09-15.

34 These three models identified in an OECD report refer to ‘co-operative’, ‘company’ and ‘open form’ models (the latter meaning that no specific legal form is selected by the law). Cafaggi, F. and Iamiceli, P. (2009). ‘New Frontiers in the Legal Structure and Legislation of Social Enterprises in Europe: A Comparative Analysis’ in Noya, A.The Changing Boundaries of Social Enterprises, Paris, OECD Publishing, pp. 2587.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

35 Develtere, Economie sociale et développement.

36 The modern term ‘society’ (Shehui) in Chinese stemmed from the name of the God of Land (She) in ancient China. The God of Land is one of the most widely worshipped gods among the Chinese.

37 For more information on the historical development of charitable institutions in the Ming and Qing dynasties as well as the influences of their emergence on social life see Liang, Q. (1997). Philanthropy and Edification: Philanthropic Associations in Ming and Qing Times, Taipei, Linking publishing (in Chinese).Google Scholar

38 On this point, Huang exemplifies ‘there were the public activities of old in water control, road maintenance, philanthropy, academies, dispute mediation, and so on. There were also the new activities of gentry and merchant elites, especially the reform-minded among them’. Huang, P. C. (1993). ‘Public Sphere/Civil Society in China?: The Third Realm between State and Society’, Modern China 19:2, 216240.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

39 On civil society and public sphere debate in Modern China, see Rowe Rowe, W. T. (1990). ‘The Public Sphere in Modern China’, Modern China, 16:3, 309329.CrossRefGoogle ScholarRankin, M. B. (1993). ‘Some Observations on a Chinese Public Sphere’, Modern China, 19:2, 158182.CrossRefGoogle ScholarWakeman, F. (1993). ‘The Civil Society and Public Sphere Debate: Western Reflections on Chinese Political Culture’, Modern China, 19:2, 108138.CrossRefGoogle Scholar On proposing the concept of ‘a third realm’, see Huang, ‘Public Sphere/Civil Society in China?: The Third Realm between State and Society’, pp. 216–240.

40 Yan's translation of Adam Smith's The Wealth of Nations was published in 1902. On Yan's Smith, one can consult Lai, C. (2000). Adam Smith Across Nations: Translations and Receptions of The Wealth of Nations, New York, Oxford University Press.Google Scholar In contrast with Yan's difficult writing style, Liang's figurative language and lively descriptive style of writing inspired numerous Chinese scholars. His work dramatically illustrated the forces that led to the introduction of western economic ideas into China. On Liang's economic thoughts Lai provides a comprehensive, valuable analysis. See Lai, C. (2006). The Economic Dimension of Liang Qichao, Taipei, Linking publishing (in Chinese).Google Scholar Moreover, Kang's idea of a utopian socialist society appeared in his book entitled Datongshu (The Book of Great Unity or Great Community, completed in 1902). Some scholars suggest that Mao's concept of the people's communes was based in part on Kang's book. See Trescott, P. B. (2007). Jingji Xue: The History of the Introduction of Western Economic Ideas into China, 1850–1950, Hong Kong, Chinese University Press, p. 28.Google Scholar

41 According to Lai, there were two channels by which the European co-operative system was introduced into China: the most direct way through Japan and the indirect route through Western Europe. Lai, C. (1989). ‘The Structure and Characteristics of the Chinese Co-operative System: 1928–49’, International Journal of Social Economics, 16:2, 5966.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

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47 Under the household contract responsibility system, all rural families may ‘contract’ farmland from their rural collectives. They are given a quota of agricultural output, which should be handed to the state and the collectives involved. Going beyond the quota means economic reward to farmers themselves. Therefore, this system has greatly promoted agricultural production, and ensured the producers’ own decision-making power in management and their economic benefits. See Zhao, L. and Develtere, P. (2010). ‘New Co-operatives in China: Why They Break away from Orthodox Co-operatives?’, Social Enterprise Journal, 6:1, 3548.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

48 The People's Commune was the basic form of community in rural China during the centrally planned economy. After the initiation of the economic reform and transition, they were dismantled in the early 1980s and replaced by townships and towns.

49 On the effect of the shareholding co-operative system on three dimensions of the co-operative system, see Zhao and Develtere, ‘New Co-operatives in China: Why They Break away from Orthodox Co-operatives?’, pp. 35–48.

50 At that time, a great amount of rural surplus labour emerged, because the Chinese government did not allow rural people to migrate into cities, since the operation of the household contract responsibility system in rural areas liberated a great amount of rural labour.

51 Clegg, J. (1998). ‘Multi-Stakeholder Cooperation in China: Changing Ownership and Management of Rural Enterprise’, in Christiansen, F. and Zhang, J. (eds). Village Inc: Chinese Rural Society in the 1990s, London, Curzon Press, pp. 6682.Google Scholar

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53 Data available from the China Statistical Yearbook. To illustrate the significant increase in the number of social associations, some Chinese researchers use the following data: in 1989, the number of national social associations increased to 1,600 (16 times that of 1965), whereas the number of local social associations reached more than 200,000 (30 times that of 1965). See Wang, M., Liu, G. and He, J. (2002). Associational Reform in China, Beijing, Social Sciences Academic Press (in Chinese).Google ScholarWang, S. and He, J. (2004). ‘Associational Revolution in China: Mapping the Landscapes’, Zhejiang Journal, 149:6, 7177 (in Chinese).Google Scholar Yu, K. (2008). ‘The Logic of Political Development during the 60 Years of China’, Guangming Daily, 3 June 2009 (in Chinese).

54 Work units were the basic form of community in urban China in the centrally planned economy. They provided employment, daily necessities, social welfare, etc., and served multiple functions (economic, social and political).

55 Melnyk, G. (2009). Walking Backwards into the Future, Saskatchewan, Canada, Centre for the Study of Co-operatives, University of SaskatchewanGoogle Scholar.

56 A survey on the development of farmer associations notes that up until about 1994 there were very few farmers’ associations to be found, and there was no systematic activity to promote them. Shen, M., Rozelle, S. and Zhang, L. (2004). Farmers’ Professional Associations in Rural China: State Dominated or New State-Society Partnerships?, draft report for the World Bank. Cf. World Bank, China—Farmers Professional Associations Review and Policy Recommendations, p. 13[4].

57 These challenges include: (1) a severe lack of social service delivery and financial service in rural areas; (2) agriculture's ecological sustainability crisis and land/food pollution; (3) vulnerable employment opportunities; as well as (4) dissolution of rural communities in the process of urbanization and industrialization. Zhao, L. (2010). ‘New Wine in New Bottles? A Quest to Understand Social Enterprise Complexity and Community-based Co-operative Innovation in Rural China’, paper presented at the International Conference on Social Enterprise in Eastern Asia: Dynamics and Variations, June 14–16, Taipei, TaiwanGoogle Scholar.

58 By building upon the transaction cost theory of family farms, Valentinov suggests that the role of agricultural co-operatives is shown to help overcome family farms’ limitations in realizing economies of scale and to develop market power comparable to that of their upstream and downstream trading partners. This explanation of agricultural co-operatives is sector-specific in the sense that it traces the benefits of co-operative organizations back to the organizational attributes of agricultural production. The most fundamental sector-specific organizational attribute is the significant dependence of the agricultural production on nature, which causes the agricultural producers’ problem of low control over the processes and results of production and under-effective supervision upon their agents. Valentinov, V. (2007). ‘Why Are Cooperatives Important in Agriculture? An Organizational Economics Perspective’, Journal of Institutional Economics, 3:1, 5569.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

59 According to Article 2, they are social organizations established by enterprises, public service units, social organizations and other non-governmental forces and individual citizens with non-state assets to engage in non-profit service activities.

60 The laid-off workers are mostly in the so-called ‘40/50’ groups, namely, 40-year-old (or over 40) women and 50-year-old (or over 50) men. It is especially difficult for them to be re-employed and re-integrated into the labour market.

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65 Website: www.youcheng.org [accessed 7 May 2012].

66 Website: www.naradafoundation.org [accessed 7 May 2012].

67 Website: www.npi.org.cn [accessed 7 May 2012].

68 Zhao and Develtere, ‘New Co-operatives in China: Why They Break away from Orthodox Co-operatives?’, pp. 35–48.

69 Such collective actions to deal with water-use problems emerged within the context of the Chinese economic transition, involving cooperation between several interested groups. They include water users, township government officials and village and production group leaders.

70 Kopstein, J. S. and Reilly, D. A. (2000). ‘Geographic Diffusion and the Transformation of the Post-communist World’, World Politics, 53:1, 137.CrossRefGoogle ScholarGleditsch, K. S. (2002). All International Politics is Local: The Diffusion of Conflict, Integration, and Democratization, Ann Arbor, Michigan, University of Michigan Press.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

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72 Source: Asia-Pacific Co-op News 4, No.3 (July–September 1997).

73 Zhao, ‘Understanding the New Rural Co-operative Movement: towards Rebuilding Civil Society in China’, pp. 679–698.

74 Trescott, Jingji Xue: The History of the Introduction of Western Economic Ideas into China, 1850–1950, p. 18.

75 Fukuyama, F. (1992). ‘Asia's Soft-Authoritarian Alternative’, New Perspectives Quarterly 9:2, 6061.Google ScholarNeher, C. D. (1994). ‘Asian Style Democracy’, Asian Survey, 34:11, 949961.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

76 Chaves and Monzón, The Social Economy in the European Union.

77 It is important to note that although all three types of Chinese NPOs indeed engage in investment and/or business activities, generally speaking, social associations and foundations are heavily reliant on government, while private non-enterprise units mainly rely on their own substantial profit-generating capacity and receive very little social donation. Cf. Irish, L. E., Jin, D. and Simon, K. W. (2004). ‘China's Tax Rules for Not-for-Profit Organizations’, A Study Prepared for the World Bank. Available at: http://unpan1.un.org/intradoc/groups/public/documents/un-dpadm/unpan042180.pdf [Accessed 7 May 2012].

78 For example, the agricultural products produced by members of a FSC and sold by the FSC are exempt from value-added tax (VAT). The agricultural means of production and instruments sold by the FSC to its own members are exempt from VAT. Contracts for purchase and sales of agricultural products and agricultural means of production between the co-operative and its members are exempt from stamp tax.

79 The ‘Number One Document’ refers to the first central document of the year, issued jointly by the Central Committee of the CCP and the State Council. During the period 1982–1986 and the years since 2004, there were Number One Documents that focused on rural development.

80 Speech on promoting new rural construction at provincial leaders’ training session, President Hu Jintao, 14 February 2006.

81 The income ratio of urban-rural households in China has increased from 1.86 in 1985 to 3.33 in 2007.

82 See Birchall, J. (2003). Rediscovering the Cooperative Advantage: Poverty Reduction through Self-help, Geneva, ILOGoogle Scholar. Birchall, J. (2004). Cooperatives and the Millennium Development Goals, Geneva, ILOGoogle Scholar. Bibby, A. and Shaw, L. (2005). Making a Difference: Cooperatives Solutions to Global Poverty, Manchester, Cooperative CollegeGoogle Scholar.

83 The ‘demonstration co-operatives’ refer to those certified by the government as good examples. They should fulfil a certain number of standards in order to achieve ‘good democratic management, big operational scale, strong service capability, excellent product quality, and positive public response’ (Notice Nongjingfa No. 8/2010).

84 From the website of Ministry of Agriculture: http://www.moa.gov.cn/sjzz/qiyeju/tongji/201006/t20100606_1536229.htm [Accessed 7 May 2012].

85 Cf. Cafaggi and Iamiceli, ‘New Frontiers in the Legal Structure and Legislation of Social Enterprises in Europe: A Comparative Analysis’, pp. 25–87.

86 Ministry of Civil Affairs: 2009 Statistical Report on the Development of Civil Affairs Work.

87 Spear, R. and Bidet, E. (2005). ‘Social Enterprise for Work Integration in 12 European Countries: A Descriptive Analysis’, Annals of Public and Cooperative Economics, 76:2, 195231.CrossRefGoogle Scholar Nyssens, Social Enterprise-At the Crossroads of Market, Public Policies and Civil Society.

88 Galera, G. (2008). ‘The Impact of Social Enterprises and Co-operatives upon Socio-Economic Development in Poland’, EMES Conferences Selected Papers Series, ECSP-B08–21. Galera, G. (2010). ‘Social Enterprises and the Integration of Disadvantaged Workers’ in Becchetti, L. and Borzaga, C. (2010). The Economics of Social Responsibility: The World of Social Enterprises, London, Routledge, pp. 105122.Google Scholar

89 Chan, K. (2008). ‘Creative Philanthropy: Development of Social Enterprise in Hong Kong’, EMES Conferences Selected Papers Series, ECSP-T08–18. Kuan, Y. and Wang, S. (2009). ‘Is Government Intervention Too Much? The Impact of Public Authorities on the Development of Social Enterprises in Taiwan’, EMES Conferences Selected Papers Series, ECSP-T09–02. Bidet, E. (2008). ‘The Rise of Work Integration and Social Enterprise in South Korea’, EMES Conferences Selected Papers Series, ECSP-B08–17.

90 China Statistical Yearbook 2009, pp. 22–48.

91 Ministry of Civil Affairs: 2009 Statistical Report.

93 The Chongqing municipal government refers to such firms as those with no more than 20 employees (including investors), whose investment reaches no more than 100,000 yuan. See: http://www.cq.gov.cn/zwgk/zcjd/233398.htm [Accessed 30 July 2010].

95 Besides these two models, there exist also a small number of companies dedicated to fair trade products.

96 FAO (2006). Rapid Growth of Selected Asian Economies: Lessons and Implications for Agriculture and Food Security, China and India, Bangkok, RAP Publication, 2006/05.Google Scholar

98 Wen, D. (2006). ‘China Copes with Globalization: A Mixed Review’, IFG Report, California, San Francisco.

99 Zhao and Develtere, ‘New Co-operatives in China: Why They Break away from Orthodox Co-operatives?’, pp. 35–48.

100 In Chinese, the term social economy (Shehui Jingji) mainly refers to all activities related to production, distribution, exchange and consumption in society. In most cases, it is used as an attribute to modify another subject (‘development’, for example). Therefore, it is translated as social-economic (development).