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For Science and Country: History Writing, Nation Building, and National Embeddedness in Third Republic France, 1870–1914

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  15 December 2021

Guillaume Lancereau*
Affiliation:
History and Civilization Department, European University Institute
*
*Corresponding author. E-mail: guillaume.lancereau@gmail.com

Abstract

This article examines late nineteenth and early twentieth-century historiographical practices and convictions in Third Republic France. It shifts the focus from the question of whether French academic historians were nationalists to the issue of how they were nationalists. If republican academic historians took a critical stance on nationalist distortions of the past, they nevertheless associated the teaching of history with patriotism and opposed historiographical “pan-Germanism” in ways favorable to French cultural and territorial claims. Meanwhile, the growing internationalization of the field stimulated scholarly competition across the West and spurred reflections about nationals’ epistemological privilege over national histories, methodological nationalism, and the invention of national historiographical traditions. Uncovering the anxieties of continual debate with foreign historians and the nationalist right wing, this article offers a prehistory of present-day dilemmas over global, national, and nationalist histories in an international field characterized by structural inequalities and academic competition.

Type
Articles
Copyright
Copyright © The Author(s), 2021. Published by Cambridge University Press

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103 Letter from Célestin Hippeau to Paul Meyer (23 March 1873), Bibliothèque Nationale de France, NAF 24422, 111.

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108 Ernest Renan, Questions contemporaines (Paris, 1868), 252.

109 Rodolphe Reuss, “Review of Karl Lamprecht, Die kulturhistorische Methode,” Revue critique d'histoire et de littérature 49/12 (1900), 237–8, at 238.

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111 Alphonse Aulard, “Griefs contre la Sorbonne,” Le Siècle, 6 Oct. 1910, 1.

112 Martha Hanna, The Mobilization of Intellect: French Scholars and Writers during the Great War (Cambridge, MA, 1996); Christophe Prochasson and Anne Rasmussen, Au nom de la patrie: Les intellectuels et la Première guerre mondiale, 1910–1919 (Paris, 1996).

113 “Un manifeste pour la défense de la pensée française,” Le Temps, 22 Dec. 1920, 2.

114 Charles Bémont and Christian Pfister, “À nos lecteurs: L'appel des Allemands aux nations civilisées,” Revue historique 117/1 (1914), 1–4, at 4.

115 Alphonse Aulard, “Willette et la Révolution russe,” La Révolution française 79/1 (1926), 67–69, at 69.

116 Georges Lefebvre, “Esprit critique et tradition,” Cahiers du Cercle Descartes 1 (1936), 7–29, at 27.

117 Jean-Paul Sartre, “La nationalisation de la littérature,” in Sartre, Situations II (Paris, 1999), 33–51.

118 Paul Lawrence, “Nationalism and Historical Writing,” in John Breuilly, ed., The Oxford Handbook of the History of Nationalism (Oxford, 2013), 713–30, at 726.

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121 Ulrich Beck and Natan Sznaider, “Unpacking Cosmopolitanism for the Social Sciences: A Research Agenda,” British Journal of Sociology 57/1 (2006), 381–403, at 384.

122 Johan Heilbron and Anaïs Bokobza, “Transgresser les frontières en sciences humaines et sociales en France,” Actes de la recherche en sciences sociales 210 (2015), 108–21; Berger, Stefan, “A Return to the National Paradigm? National History Writing in Germany, Italy, France, and Britain from 1945 to the Present,” Journal of Modern History 77/3 (2005), 629–78CrossRefGoogle Scholar, at 634.

123 The objectification of their relation to this country remains an exercise in reflexivity and introspection for foreign historians of France. Philip Nord, “Pourquoi l'histoire? Pourquoi la France?”, in Philippe Gumplowicz, Alain Rauwel, and Philippe Salvadori, eds., Faiseurs d'histoire (Paris, 2016), 191–206; and David Bell, Shadows of Revolution: Reflections on France, Past and Present (Oxford, 2016), 1–11.

124 On the effects of Western standardization see Chakrabarty, Dipesh, “A Global and Multicultural ‘Discipline’ of History?”, History and Theory 45/1 (2006), 101–9CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

125 See, for instance, the French resistance to the US academic “model” often depicted as “neoliberal,” in Christophe Charle and Jacques Verger, Histoire des universités, XIIe–XXIe siècle (Paris, 2012), 214–25.

126 Henry Stuart Hughes, The Obstructed Path: French Social Thought in the Years of Desperation, 1930–1960 (New York, 1968), 3.

127 Claude Lévi-Strauss, Tristes tropiques, trans. John Russell (1955); repr. (New York, 1961), 105. For contrasted diagnoses on the current state of French thought see Perry Anderson, La pensée tiède: Un regard critique sur la culture française (Paris, 2005); Jean-François Sirinelli, L'histoire est-elle encore française? (Paris, 2011); Sudhir Hazareesingh, How the French Think: An Affectionate Portrait of an Intellectual People (London, 2015).

128 Pierre Bourdieu, “Les conditions sociales de la circulation internationale des idées,” Actes de la recherche en sciences sociales 145 (2002), 3–8; Johan Heilbron, “Qu'est-ce qu'une tradition nationale en sciences sociales?”, Revue d'histoire des sciences humaines 18 (2008), 3–16.

129 Francesca Trivellato, “Microstoria, storia del mondo e storia globale,” in Paola Lanaro, ed., Microstoria: A venticinque anni da “L'eredità immateriale” (Milan, 2011), 119–31.

130 Lara Putnam, “Daily Life and Digital Reach: Place-Based Research and History's Transnational Turn,” in Debra Castillo and Shalini Puri, eds., Theorizing Fieldwork in the Humanities (New York, 2017), 167–81; Richard Drayton and David Motadel, with replies from David A. Bell and Jeremy Adelman, “Discussion: The Futures of Global History,” Journal of Global History 13 (2018), 1–21.

131 David Lowenthal, The Past Is a Foreign Country (Cambridge, 1985).