Hostname: page-component-78c5997874-8bhkd Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-11-09T03:36:43.382Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false
  • English
  • Français

THE INDIGENOUS REDEMPTION OF LIBERAL UNIVERSALISM*

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  18 December 2014

TIM ROWSE
TIM ROWSE*
Affiliation:
School of Humanities and Communication Arts and Institute for Culture and Society, University of Western Sydney E-mail: T.Rowse@uws.edu.au
Get access Rights & Permissions [Opens in a new window]

Abstract

Accounts of liberalism as an ideology of European imperialism have argued that when liberals discovered that colonized people were, in various ways, intractable, they questioned and then abandoned the postulated universal human capacity for improvement; the racial and cultural determinants of native “backwardness” seemed stronger than any universal susceptibility to the civilizing projects of liberal imperialism. While the intellectual trajectory of some canonical liberals illustrates this decline in liberal universalism, some colonized intellectuals—while acknowledging distinctions of race and people-hood—adhered to the universalist optimism of liberalism. In pursuit of a global history of liberalism, this essay examines writings by Peter Jones, Charles Eastman, Zitkala-Sa, Apirana Ngata and William Cooper to illustrate a robust indigenous universalism. Drawing on the intellectual heritage of Christianity and universal (or “stadial”) philosophy of history, these intellectuals affirmed emphatically that their people were demonstrating the capacities to be subjects of liberal civilization.

Type
Forum: Global Liberalisms
Information
Modern Intellectual History , Volume 12 , Issue 3 , November 2015 , pp. 579 - 603
Check for updates
Copyright
Copyright © Cambridge University Press 2014 

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

Footnotes

*

I would like to thank Sarah Irving, the participants of the Global History of Liberalism seminar (University of Sydney, July 2012) and two anonymous referees for comments that helped me improve this paper.

References

1 Parekh, Bhikhu, “Liberalism and Colonialism: A Critique of Locke and Mill,” in Pieterse, Jan Nederveen and Parekh, Bhikhu, eds., The Decolonization of the Imagination (London, 1995), 81–98Google Scholar, at 88.

2 Ibid., 92, original emphasis.

3 Mantena, Karuna, “Mill and the Imperial Predicament,” in Urbinati, Nadia and Zakaras, Alex, eds., J. S. Mill's Political Thought (Cambridge, 2007), 298–318CrossRefGoogle Scholar, at 301.

4 Ibid., 316, 317.

5 Bayly, Christopher A., Recovering Liberties: Indian Thought in the Age of Liberalism and Empire (Cambridge 2012)Google Scholar.

6 Coleman, Michael C. “Not Race, but Grace: Presbyterian Missionaries and American Indians, 1837–1893,” Journal of American History, 67/1 (1980), 41–60Google Scholar.

7 Ibid., 42.

8 Ibid., 58.

9 Porter, AndrewReligion versus Empire? British Protestant Missionaries and Overseas Expansion, 1700–1914 (Manchester and New York, 2004), 283Google Scholar.

10 Ibid., 286.

11 Samson, Jane, “Ethnology and Theology: Nineteenth-Century Mission Dilemmas in the South Pacific,” in Stanley, Brian, ed., Christian Missions and the Enlightenment (Grand Rapids, MI and Cambridge, 2001), 99–122Google Scholar, at 122.

12 Coleman, “Not Race, but Grace,” 59.

13 Brian Stanley, “Christian Missions and the Enlightenment: A Re-evaluation,” in Stanley, Christian Missions and the Enlightenment, 1–22, at 11.

14 Ibid., 17.

15 Peter Jones, The Sermon and Speeches of the Rev. Peter Jones, alias, Kah-ke-wa-quon-a-by, the Converted Indian Chief, Delivered on the Occasion of the Eighteenth Anniversary of the Wesleyan Methodist Missionary Society for the Leeds District, Held in Brunswick and Albion Street Chapels, Leeds, September the 25th, 26th, and 27th, 1831, Taken in Short Hand, Verbatim as Delivered (Leeds, n.d.), 15.

16 Jones, Peter, History of the Ojebway Indians: With Especial Reference to Their Conversion to Christianity (London, 1861), 54–6Google Scholar.

17 Ibid., 29.

18 Ibid., 71.

19 Ibid., 152.

20 Ibid., 39, 105–10, 130.

21 Ibid., 28.

22 Ibid., 28.

23 Ibid., 93.

24 Ibid., 28.

25 Ibid., 85.

26 Ibid., 101–2, 143–52.

27 Ibid., 167–9.

28 Ibid., 92–3.

29 Ibid., 93, emphasis added.

30 Ibid., 142.

31 Ibid., 240–41.

32 Ibid., 110.

33 Ibid., 116, 127–8.

34 Ibid., 123–8.

35 Ibid., 216–7.

36 Ibid., 217, 242.

37 Ibid., 243–4.

38 Burrow, John Wyon, The Crisis of Reason: European Thought 1848–1914 (New Haven and London, 2000), 92Google Scholar.

39 Crook, Paul, “Historical Monkey Business: The Myth of a Darwinised British Imperial Discourse,” History, 84/276 (1999), 633–57CrossRefGoogle Scholar, at 644.

40 Kidd, Benjamin, Social Evolution (New York, 1895), 327Google Scholar.

41 Ibid., 335–6.

42 Ibid., 349.

43 Ibid., 50.

44 Quoted in Eastman, Charles A., The Indian Today: The Past and Future of the First American (New York, 1915), 133Google Scholar.

45 For a survey of the forms of Sioux Christianity and an explanation of its firmer hold among Sioux than among other Indian nations see Lindenfeld, D., “The Varieties of Sioux Christianity, 1860–1980, in International Perspective,” Journal of Global History, 2/3 (2007), 281–302CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

46 Eastman The Indian Today, 106.

47 Hoxie, Frederick E., A Final Promise: The Campaign to Assimilate the Indians, 1880–1920 (New York, 1984)Google Scholar.

48 Eastman, The Indian Today, 82.

49 Ibid., 94.

50 Ibid., 106.

51 Ibid., 106. Eastman left the BIA in December 1909. According to one biographer, his “statements on the corruption, graft, and inefficiency of the Bureau of Indian Affairs primarily surfaced after 1910. By that date, Eastman had had two bitter confrontations with white agents while serving under them as a government physician.” Wilson, R., Ohiyesa: Charles Eastman, Santee Sioux(Urbana, 1999), 144Google Scholar. He rejoined the BIA in 1923.

52 Eastman, The Indian Today, 105.

53 Ibid., 105.

54 Ibid., 106.

55 Ibid., 114.

56 Ibid., 120, 124.

57 Ibid., 175–6.

58 Ibid., 129.

59 Ibid., 140.

60 Ibid., 1, 12, 135–6, 165–6.

61 Ibid., 43, 147.

62 Ibid., 165–6.

63 Eastman, Charles A., From the Deep Woods to Civilization (Boston, 1916), 57Google Scholar.

64 Eastman The Indian today, 120.

65 Eastman From the Deep Woods, 190.

66 Refutation of the settler colonial myth of the “dying native” had commenced in the United States in the 1870s. Dippie, Brian W., The Vanishing American: White Attitudes and U.S. Indian Policy (Middletown, CT, 1982), 130–32Google Scholar, 135. I have discussed the place of demographic knowledge in US discourses of settler colonial “guardianship” in Rowse, Tim, “Population Knowledge and the Practice of Guardianship,” American Nineteenth Century History, 15/1 (2014), 15–42CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

67 New Zealand Parliamentary Debates (NZPD), 1 Sept. 1914, vol. 169, 662. In some regions—Taranaki, Waikato—enduring Maori hostility to imperial Britain weakened Maori enlistment.

68 NZPD, 29 Nov. 1918, vol. 183, 579.

69 NZPD, 30 May 1916, vol. 175, 519.

70 NZPD, 31 May 1916, vol. 175, 573.

71 NZPD, 1 June 1916, vol. 175, 612.

72 NZPD, 1 June 1916, vol. 175, 612.

73 NZPD, 1 June 1916, vol. 175, p. 613.

74 In contrast, arguably, with his stance in his 1943 pamphlet The Price of Citizenship: “Has he proved a claim to be an asset to his country? If so he asks to be dealt with as such. An asset discovered in the crucible of war should have a value in peace.” Quoted in Ramsden, E., Sir Apirana Ngata and Maori Culture (Wellington, 1948), 61Google Scholar.

75 Britten, Thomas A., American Indians in World War One: At Home and at War (Albuquerque, 1997), 58–9Google Scholar.

76 Zitkala-Sa, American Indian Stories, Legends, and Other Writings (New York, 2003), 244. Eastman also used Indians’ First World War service as an argument for citizenship. See Wilson, Ohiyessa, 141, 161.

77 Zitkala-Sa, American Indian Stories, 181.

78 Ibid., 182.

79 Ibid., 185–6.

80 Ibid., 243.

81 Manela, E., The Wilsonian Moment: Self-Determination and the International Origins of Anticolonial Nationalism (New York, 2007)Google Scholar.

82 Zitkala-Sa, American Indian Stories, 191.

83 Ibid., 193.

84 Ibid., 193.

85 Ibid., 191.

86 Ibid., 191–2.

87 Cooper to Patterson, 31 Oct. 1936, in Attwood, Bain and Markus, Andrew, eds., Thinking Black: William Cooper and the Australian Aborigines’ League (Canberra, 2004), 56Google Scholar.

88 Cooper to Lyons, 16 Jan. 1937, in ibid., 65.

89 Cooper to Harris, 16 March 1937, in ibid., 69.

90 Cooper to Gribble, 31 Oct. 1933, in ibid., 38.

91 Herald (Melbourne), 15 Sept. 1933; notes on meeting with Paterson, 23 Jan. 1935; Cooper to Lyon, 31 March 1938, in Attwood and Markus, Thinking Black, 35, 43, 94.

92 Notes on meeting with Paterson, 23 Jan. 1935, in Attwood and Markus, Thinking Black, 45.

93 Cooper to Lyons, 23 Oct. 1933, in ibid., 36.

94 Cooper to Lyons, 26 Oct. 1937, in ibid., 80.

95 Cooper to Lyons, 28 July 1934; notes on meeting with Paterson, 23 Jan. 1935, in ibid., 41, 44.

96 Cooper to Lyons, 26 Oct. 1937, in ibid., 81.

97 Cooper to Lyons, 31 March 1938, in ibid., 94.

98 For a black South African parallel see Bickford-Smith, Vivian, “African Nationalist or British Loyalist? The Complicated Case of Tiyo Soga,” History Workshop Journal, 71 (2011), 74–97CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Soga, celebrated by the ANC as a “black nationalist,” wrote, “The more I know of good English people, the greater is my admiration of them as a race . . . I know nothing of the justice of other nations; but I know something of the ‘fairplay’ of an Englishman” (quoted at 84). Bickford-Smith employs the distinction between “ethnic” and “civic” nationalism to make sense of Soga's anticolonial ideology and of the ways it has been remembered.

99 Cooper to Perkins, 13 Jan. 1934, in Attwood and Markus, Thinking Black, 39.

100 Cooper to minister for the interior, 22 Feb. 1936, in ibid., 48.

101 Cooper to editor of The Ladder, 5 Nov. 1936, in ibid., 58, 62.

102 Cooper to Menzies, 31 Aug. 1940, in ibid., 127.

103 Cooper to editor of The Ladder, 5 Nov. 1936, in ibid., 58.

104 Cooper to McEwen, 17 Dec. 1938, in ibid., 109.

105 Cooper to Selby, 1 Feb. 1937, in ibid., 67.

106 Cooper to McEwen, 19 Feb. 1938, in ibid., 90.

107 Cooper to Paterson, 18 Feb. 1937, in ibid., 68.

108 Cooper to the minister for the interior, 22 Feb. 1936, in ibid., 48.

109 Cooper to Paterson, 15 June 1936, in ibid., 52.

110 Cole, D., “The Crimson Thread of Kinship: Ethnic Ideals in Australia 1870–1914,” Historical Studies, 14/56 (1971), 511–25CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

111 Cooper to Paterson, 31 Oct. 1936; Cooper to Paterson, 18 Feb. 1937; Cooper to Harris, 16 March 1937, in Attwood and Markus, Thinking Black, 57, 68, 69.

112 Cooper to Paterson, 25 June 1937, in ibid., 75.

113 Cooper to McEwen, 19 Feb. 1938, in ibid., 90, emphasis in original.

114 Mantena, “Mill and the Imperial Predicament”, 299–300.