3. In his new book Michael Rywkin speaks of “the existence of a simple feeling between ‘we’ and ‘they’. …” For him, “it is the essential element …, the Muslims of Soviet Central Asia clearly [perceiving] themselves as the opposite of the Russians (even if not in opposition to them).” Emphases in the original. See his Moscow's Muslim Challenge: Soviet Central Asia (Armonk, N.Y.: M.E. Sharpe 1982), p. 152. Their distinctiveness is also emphasized by Hélène Carrère d'Encausse, Decline of an Empire: The Soviet Socialist Republics in Revolt (New York: Newsweek Books, 1979), p. 227ff., esp. Ch. VIII (“Homo Islamicus in Soviet Society”), pp. 249-64.Google Scholar

4. For brief sketches of the Crimean Tatar problem see d'Encausse Decline of an Empire, pp. 190-98; also Peter J. Potichnyj, “The Struggle of the Crimean Tatars,” in Ihor Kamenetsky, ed., Nationalsim and Human Rights: Processes of Modernization in the USSR (Littleton, CO.: Libraries Unlimited for Ass'n for the Study of Nationalities [USSR and East Europe], Inc., 1977), pp. 228-43.Google Scholar

5. Gustav Burbiel, “The Tatars and the Tatar ASSR,” in Zev Katz, ed., Handbook of Major Soviet Nationalities (New York: Free Press, 1975), pp. 412-13.Google Scholar

6. The First Secretary of the CP of Kazakhstan R. O. Shayakhmetov was removed in February 1954 because he opposed the Virgin lands scheme — see Nikita S. Khrushchev, Khrushchev Remembers: The Last Testament (Boston: Little, Brown, 1974), p. 121. On the unsuccessful attempt to detach the Virgin Lands see Rywkin, Moscow's Muslim Challenge, p. 133ff.Google Scholar

7. See Bess Brown, “Turkmen Aviators Express Concern about Siberian Rivers Diversion Project,” RL 4/81, 2 pp., in Radio Liberty Research Bulletin [henceforth: RLRB], vol. 25, no. 1 [25/1] (Jan. 7, 1981) and, especially, Sergei Voronitsyn, “Will the Efforts of the Uzbek ‘Lobby’ Speed Up the Diversion of Siberia's Rivers?,” RL 76/81, 5pp., in RLRB 25/8 (Feb. 25, 1981). For an objective analysis of the background, see S. Enders Wimbush and Dmitry Ponomareff, Alternatives for Mobilizing Soviet Central Asian Labor: Outmigration and Regional Development, RAND Memorandum R-2476-AF (Nov. 1979), pp. 25-29.Google Scholar

8. David Kowalewski, “The Armenian National Unity Party: Context and Program, ”Armenian Review, Vol. XXXI, no. 4 (124), pp. 362-70, quotations from pp. 365-66. See also Yaroslav Bilinsky and Tönu Parming, “Helsinki Watch Committees in the Soviet Republics: Implications for Soviet Nationality Policy,” Nationalities Papers, Vol. IX, no. 1 (Spring 1981), p. 12.Google Scholar

9. Bilinsky and Parming, Helsinki Watch Committees in the Soviet Republics: Implications for the Soviet Nationality Question (unpublished final report to The National Council for Soviet and East European Research, 1980), pp. 5-74 to 5-80.Google Scholar

10. For a good summary treatment see d'Encausse, Decline of an Empire, pp. 209-13.Google Scholar

11. See 365 gruzin (A. Shanidze i dr.), “Pis'mo L. I. Brezhnevu i E. A. Shevardnadze o narusheniiakh kul'turnykh prav gruzinskogo naroda,” (n.d., but apparently written in 1980), in RFE-RL, Materialy Samizdata [MS], 1/81 (Jan. 9, 1981), 21 pp., Arkhiv Samizdata [AS] 4167.Google Scholar

12. Stephen Fischer-Galati, “Moldavia and the Moldavians,” in Katz, ed. Handbook of Major Soviet Nationalities, pp. 415, 430-32, and passim.Google Scholar

13. See Ivan Dzyuba, Internationalism or Russification? (A Study in the Soviet Nationalities Problem) (New York: Monad Press, 1974), originally written in 1965; Petro Iu. Shelest, Ukraïno nasha Radians'ka (Kiev: Vydavnytsvo politychnoï literatury Ukraïny, 1970); and Dissent in Ukraine: The Ukrainian Herald Issue 6 (Baltimore: Smoloskyp, 1977), originally written in March 1972.Google Scholar

14. See Ethnocide of the Ukrainians in the USSR: The Ukrainian Herald Issue 7-8 (Baltimore: Smoloskyp, 1976), originally written in the spring of 1974. On Ukrainian autonomist strivings see Jaroslaw Pelenski, “Shelest and His Period in Soviet Ukraine (1963-1972): A Revival of Controlled Ukrainian Autonomism,” in Peter J. Potichnyj (ed.), Ukraine in the Seventies (Oakville, Ont.: Mosaic Press, 1975), pp. 283-305; also Bilinsky, “The Communist Party of Ukraine After 1966,” ibid., pp. 239-66, and his “Mykola Skrypnyk and Petro Shelest: An Essay on the Persistence and Limits of Ukrainian National Communism,” in Jeremy R. Azrael (ed.), Soviet Nationality Policies and Practices (New York: Praeger, 1978), pp. 105-43; and Grey Hodnett, “The Views of Petro Shelest,” The Annals of the Ukrainian Academy of Arts and Sciences in the United States, Vol. XIV (1978-80), no. 37-38, pp. 209-43.Google Scholar

15. See Levko Lukianenko's almost fatal attempt to establish in 1959-60 the “Ukrainian Workers' and Peasants' Union” in order to test the secession clause of the USSR Constitution, in Michael Browne (ed.), Ferment in the Ukraine (London: Macmillan, 1971), pp. 29-93, and the more recent but less serious try by M. Krainyk and others to set up a “Ukrainian National Front” in the mid-1970s, in Anonymous, “Eshche iz istorii UNF,” 6 pp., AS 4233 in MS 10/81 (March 31, 1981). Also Leonid Plyushch's testimony as an emigré in U.S. Congress (94th: 2nd Session), House of Representatives, Committee on International Relations, Subcommittee on International Organizations, Psychiatric Abuse of Political Prisoners in the Soviet Union — Testimony by Leonid Plyushch: Hearing …, March 30, 1976 (Washington: U.S. Govt. Print. Office, 1976), p. 23. All three — Lukianenko, Krainyk, and Plyushch — ultimately advocated independence.Google Scholar

16. See, for instance, two samizdat publications: Letter to a Russian Friend: a “Samizdat” Publication from Soviet Byelorussia (London: Ass'n of Byelorussians in Great Britain, 1979) and “Skaz pra Lysuiu Garu,” Bielarus (Jamaica, N.Y.), nos. 287-91 (March-July 1981). As to politcal autonomy, there is the unexplained “retirement” of full USSR Politburo member and First Deputy Chairman of the USSR Council of Ministers Kirill Z. Mazurov in November 1978 and the death in an automobile accident of his protégé Peter M. Masherov, First Secretary of the CP of Belorussia, in October 1980, in Belorussia. Both belonged to the so-called Belorussian partisan group. — References courtesy of Dr. Jan Zaprudnik.Google Scholar

17. See especially the 1971 “Letter [of Seventeen Latvian Communists] to Communist Party Leaders,” U.S. Congress, Congressional Record, Vol. 118, part 4, Feb. 21, 1972, pp. 4820-23, and the October 28, 1980 letter by forty Estonian intellectuals in Jüri Estam and Jaan Pennar, “Estonian Intellectuals Express Their Views on Causes of Recent Demonstrations in Open Letter,” RL 477/80, pp. 2-5, in RLRB 24/51 (Dec. 19, 1981).Google Scholar

18. See, for instance, the well-known petition of 17,054 Lithuanian Catholics of December 1971, addressed to Brezhnev c/o UN Secretary General Kurt Waldheim, as reproduced in V. Stanley Vardys, The Catholic Church, Dissent and Nationality in Soviet Lithuania (New York: Columbia University Press, 1978), pp. 261-64.Google Scholar

19. To catch the flavor of the Estonian demands, herewith is a paragraph from the October 1980 letter by 40 intellectuals: “To preclude the repetition of the events that took place in Tallinn and to relieve existing tensions between the nationalities, something should be done to alleviate the doubts of Estonians about the security of their present and future and to guarantee that the native inhabitants of Estonia will always have the final word on the destiny of their land and people. The question of Estonia's future should not be decided solely by All-Union Councils of Ministers or by central boards or other offices. All significant socio-economic undertakings, such as the establishment or expansion of large industries should be preceded by analysis of possible social, psychological, and ecological consequences and also by public discussion.” [Emphasis added by Y.B.] See Estam & Pennar, “Estonian intellectuals …,” p.5.Google Scholar

20. See the joint Baltic protest of August 23, 1979, as referred to in The New York Times, Aug. 25, 1979, p. 5. Full text in UBA Information Service, News Release no. 330/331 (Nov. 11, 1979). See the book by Romauld J. Misiunas and Rein Taagepera, The Baltic States: Years of Dependence (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1983), pp. 258-59.Google Scholar

21. Slovo natsii, in Samisdat-Archiv, Sobranie dokumentov samizdata [henceforth: SDS], Vol. 8, AS 590, pp. 16-17.Google Scholar

22. “The Soviet Union is not a mechanical conglomeration of nations of different kinds … but a MYSTICAL ORGANISM, composed of nations mutually supplementing each other and making up, under the leadership of the Russian people, a LITTLE MANKIND — the beginning and the spiritual detonator for the great mankind.” As quoted from Shimanov's “Kak ponimat' istoriiu,” p. 9, in Alexander Yanov, The Russian New Right: Right-Wing Ideologies in the Contemporary USSR (Berkeley: Institute of International Relations, Univ. of California, 1978), p. 123.Google Scholar

23. From Oct. 6, 1961 until about Oct. 6, 1968 he was held in a moderately strict regime labor camp (Lager mit Verschhärftem Regime) — Borys Lewytzkyj, Politische Opposition in der Sowjetunion: Analyse und dokumentation (Munich: Deutscher Taschenbuch Verlag, 1972), p. 294. In 1975 a Soviet court in Vladimir sentenced Osipov to eight years of strict regime labor camp — The New York Times, Sept. 28, 1975, p. 9.Google Scholar

24. “Russkoe reshenie natsional'nogo voprosa (K 50-letiiu SSSR),” Veche, no. 6 (19 October 1972), AS 1599, p. 7ff., quotation on pp. 7-8, in SDS, Vol. 21B.Google Scholar

25. Anonymous, “General M. D. Skobelev kak polkovodets i gosudarstvennyi deiatel'” Veche: no. 2 (May 19, 1971), AS 1020, pp. 48-66, in SDS, Vol. 21; no. 3 (Sept. 19, 1971), AS 1108, pp. 75-92 and no. 4 (Jan. 31, 1972), AS 1140, pp. 45-68, in SDS, Vol. 21A. Ivanov-“Skuratov” is identified as its author in Mario Conti, “Repressive Measures Against Two Russian Nationalitsts” RL 265/82 (June 30, 1982), p. 3, note 8, in RLRB 26/27 (July 7, 1982). On p. 2, note 7, Corti lists his signed works. Incidentally, August 11, 1981 Ivanov-“Skuratov” was arrested in Moscow and charged with anti-Soviet agitation. May 13, 1982 was arrested another Russian nationalist, Leonid I. Borodin (ibid., pp. 2, 3).Google Scholar

26. Roal'd Mukhamed'iarov, “Letter to the Editor,” Veche, no. 4, loc. cit., p. 152. Mukhamed'iarov had served a twelve years' sentence in prison camps and some three years in a psychiatric prison (1972-75). In November 1972 he appears to have talked too freely to a KGB investigator. See Viktor Nekipelov, “Komu otvoriaem dver'? (K odnoi ne sovsem obychnoi informatsii),” AS 4297, MS 18/81 (May 11, 1981).Google Scholar

27. Editorial reply, Veche, ibid., p. 156.Google Scholar

28. Ibid., p. 154.Google Scholar

29. Ibid., p. 155.Google Scholar

30. See Point 73 of “… The Social Christian Union for the Liberation of the People (The People's Revolutionary Charter)…,” in John B. Dunlop, The New Russian Revolutionaries (Belmont, MA: Nordland, 1976), p. 292.Google Scholar

31. Dunlop, The New Russian Revolutionaries, pp. 195, 214, 215. Also Roman Szporluk, “History and Russian Nationalism,” Survey, Vol. 24, no. 3 (Summer 1979), pp. 9-10.Google Scholar

32. Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn, “Open Letter to the [McMaster University] Conference on Russian-Ukrainian Relations,” of April 15, 1981 — printed in Novoe Russkoe Slovo (New York), June 21, 1981.Google Scholar

33. “If those whom we hurt have previously hurt us, our guilt feelings are not so hysterical, their guilt modifies and mutes our own. The memory of the Tatar yoke in Russia must always dull our possible sense of guilt toward the remnants of the Golden Horde.” — Solzhenitsyn, “Repentance and Self-Limitation in the Life of Nations,” in Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn et alii, From Under the Rubble (Boston: Little, Brown, 1975), p. 133.Google Scholar

34. The key sentence reads: “Nor can there be any question of any peripheral nation being forcibly kept within the bounds of our country.” See Solzhenitsyn, Pis'mo vozhdiam Sovetskogo Soiuza (Paris: YMCA Press, 1974), reprinted as AS 1600 in SDS, Vol. 28, p. 15 n.Google Scholar

35. As cited by Theodore Shabad, “Solzhenitsyn Asks Kremlin to Abandon Communism and Split Up Soviet Union,” New York Times, March 3, 1974, p. 26B.Google Scholar

36. Solzhenitsyn as per Montreal Star, May 5, 1975 and Dunlop, “Solzhenitsyn in Exile,” Survey, vol. 21, no. 3, pp. 139-40n.Google Scholar

37. Roy A. Medvedev, “What Awaits Us in the Future? (Regarding A.I. Solzhenitsyn's letter [to the Soviet leaders]),” in Michael Meerson-Aksenov and Boris Shragin (eds.), The Political, Social and Religious Thought of Russian “Samizdat”: An Anthology (Belmont, MA: Nordland, 1977), p. 77. In Solzhenitsyn's letter Belorussia is never mentioned as a candidate for independence. Solzhenitsyn also keeps confusing events in the history of the Ukraine with events in Russian history — see his “Repentance …,” p. 139.Google Scholar

38. Andrei Amalrik, Will the Soviet Union Survive Until 1984? (New York: Harper & Row, 1970), pp. 63-64. In exile Amalrik has somewhat modified his prediction of imminent dissolution — see his “The Soviet Union — Approaching 1984,” in Robert Wesson (ed.), The Soviet Union: Looking to the 1980s (Stanford: Hoover Institution Press, 1980), p. 254.Google Scholar

39. “One thing only is important; neither in the past nor in the present has the tragic opposition of two principles, of Russia and empire, been comprehended with sufficient clarity and depth. To do so today — that is the first and foremost task of our national consciousness. The collapse of the Soviet empire will not be humiliating or unnatural for Russia. Deprived of her colonies Russia will not become economically impoverished. Likewise, it will not lose its political importance. Freed from the yearnings for occupation and coercion, it will confront its true problems: the building of a free democratic society, religious renaissance, and the creation of a national culture.” — “V. Gorskii,” (pseud.), “Russian Messianism and the New National Consciousness,” in Meerson-Aksenov and Shragin (eds.), The Political …, pp. 385, 393.Google Scholar

40. For details on early evolution of his ideas see Bilinsky, “Russian Dissenters and the Nationality Question,” in Kamenetsky (ed.), Nationalism and Human Rights, pp. 80-81.Google Scholar

41. Andrei D. Sakharov, “Memorandum,” of March 5, 1971, in Sakharov, Sakharov Speaks (New York: Vintage, 1974), p. 149.Google Scholar

42. Sakharov, “Trevozhnoe vremia,” May 4, 1980, AS 4000, p. 11, in MS 23/80 (June 20, 1980).Google Scholar

43. I have touched on the Moscow Helsinki Group in Bilinsky and Parming, “Helsinki Watch Committees …,” (note 8, above).Google Scholar

44. Lyudmilla Alexeyeva, “V chomu vyiavliaiet'sia rusyfikatsiia Ukraïny?,” Suchasnist' (Munich), Vol. 22, no. 3 (March 1982), pp. 78-81. See also note 51, below.Google Scholar

45. Programma Demokraticheskogo Dvizheniia Sovetskogo Soiuza (SSSR, 1969 god), in SDS, Vol. 5, AS 340, p. 28ff.Google Scholar

46. SDS, Vol. 30 (1978), p. 219.Google Scholar

47. He is known to have shown his writings to Soviet officials before circulating them in samizdat — David K. Shipler, “A Wary Soviet Dissident Irritates Friend and Foe,” New York Times, Feb. 23, 1979.Google Scholar

48. See the following works by Roy A. Medvedev: “Blizhnevostochnyi konflikt i evreiskii vopros v SSSR,” May 1970, AS 496, pp 28-31, in SDS, Vol. 7 (a long excerpt has been translated as “Samizdat: Jews in the USSR: Document: Soviet Union,” Survey, vol. 17, no. 2 [Spring 1971]); On Socialist Democracy (New York: Knopf, 1975), pp. 85, 87, 280 (latter on compulsory referenda); and On Soviet Dissent: Interviews with Piero Ostellino (New York: Columbia University Press, 1980), p. 47. See also the vigorously argued article by Alexander J. Motyl, “Roy Medvedev: Dissident or Conformist?,” Survey, Vol. 25, no. 3 (Summer 1980), pp. 79-84.Google Scholar

49. Aleksei Kosterin, “Letter to Literaturnaia Gazeta,” AS 114, pp. 10-11, in SDS, Vol. 2. Letter was written in mid-1968.Google Scholar

50. S. Tsvigun, “O proiskakh imperialisticheskikh razvedok,” Kommunist, 1981 no. 14 (September), p. 95ff., esp. p. 98.Google Scholar

51. See Serge Schmemann, “Harried Soviet Rights Unit Disbands,” N.Y. Times, Sept. 9, 1982. p. A3 and Dusko Doder, “Moscow's Helsinki Watch Disbands After Arrests Reduce Members to 3, Washington Post, Sept. 9, 1982. p. A22. (Incidentally, the reference to the Helsinki Groups in the other republics as ”satellites“ [by Schmemann] or ”branches“ [by Doder] is most uncharacteristic of the terminology of the Moscow group's documents and should be considered an interpolation by the two Western reporters.) A knowledgeable source in Washington explained the action of the Moscow Group as a suspension of their activity in return for the regime not arresting 75-year-old member Sofia Kalistratova who is gravely ill and requires daily medical attention. I believe this to be a very plausible interpretation.Google Scholar

∗. After the article had gone to press Andropov became Brezhnev's successor as CPSU Secretary General (November 10, 1982) and Fedorchuk gave up the Chairmanship of the KGB in favor of Col. Gen. Viktor Chebrikov (December 17, 1982). Fedorchuk was given the Ministry of Internal Affairs, taking over from disgraced Brezhnev crony Nikolay Shchelokov. Andropov's health being not the best I have seen no reason to make changes in the last paragraph. — Y.B.Google Scholar