Hostname: page-component-5c6d5d7d68-tdptf Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-08-15T11:16:26.794Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false

Social Change in the Polish National Movement in Prussia Before World War I

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  20 November 2018

John J. Kulczycki*
Affiliation:
Institute on East Central Europe Columbia University

Extract

In the eighteenth century, prior to the partitioning of the Polish Commonwealth by its neighbors, the Polish szlachta or gentry constituted the Polish “nation.” Then, of course, the term did not have an ethnic connotation but rather a political one: the gentry alone had all the rights that came with full citizenship in the Polish state. The existence of such a privileged ruling class or estate was not uncommon in Europe. The szlachta, however, differed in two important respects from the gentry of most other European states. First of all, the Polish gentry included an unusually large portion of the total population: 9–10 per cent (25 per cent of the Polish-speaking population). Secondly, in theory all members of the szlachta had equal political rights whether they were magnates or completely landless. Consequently, when in the nineteenth century economic forces gradually transformed Polish society from a feudal social structure into a more modern one, individuals of gentry origin acted as a leaven bringing their consciousness of membership in the nation to the new classes of society that they joined. Some of the szlachta, influenced by the Enlightenment and the “Democratic Revolution” as well as by the obvious need for internal reform, sought to broaden the concept of the nation to include the other social classes even before Poland lost its independence. They, however, still conceived of the nation in terms of citizenship in the state. It is therefore ironic that this social broadening of the concept of the Polish nation actually occurred in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries when the Polish state did not exist.

Type
Articles
Copyright
Copyright © 1976 Association for the Study of Nationalities 

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

Notes

1. Tadeusz Łepkowski, Polska–Narodziny nowoczesnego narodu, 1764–1870 (Warszawa: Państwowe Wydawnictwo Naukowe, 1967), pp. 138, 139.Google Scholar

2. Ibid., p. 449; John H. Kautsky, ed., Political Change in Underdeveloped Countries: Nationalism and Communism (New York: John Wiley and Sons, Inc., 1962), pp. 39, 53. The parallels between the rise of nationalism in Eastern Europe–the “underdeveloped” part of Europe–and in the underdeveloped countries of the world seem to have been little noted.Google Scholar

3. Stefan Kieniewicz, “Rozwój polskiej świadomości narodowej w XIX wieku,” Kultura i Społeczeństwo, XIV, No. 1 (1970), 51.Google Scholar

4. Franciszek Paprocki, “W okresie Powstania Listopadowego,” in Dzieje Wielkopolski, Vol. II, ed. by Witold Jakóbczyk (Poznań: Wydawnictwo Poznańskie, 1973), p. 161.Google Scholar

5. Witold Jakóbczyk, Studia nad dziejami Wielkopolski (3 vols.; Poznań: Poznańskie Towarzystwo Przyjaciół Nauk, 1951–67), I, 65.Google Scholar

6. Ibid., p. 67.Google Scholar

7. Ibid., p. 81.Google Scholar

8. Ibid., p. 85.Google Scholar

9. Ibid., II, 28, 29; III, 38.Google Scholar

10. Ibid.Google Scholar

11. Ibid., II, 29, 33; III, 37, 39–41.Google Scholar

12. Even the Słownik historii Polski (5th ed.; Warszawa: Wiedza Powszechna, 1969), pp. 313, 314, makes no mention of this social aspect of organic work.Google Scholar

13. The implication made by Kieniewicz, p. 51, that the means chosen by a Pole, or even his immediate goal, indicates his level of national consciousness does not seem warranted.Google Scholar

14. Franciszek Paprocki, “Walenty Stefański,” in Wielkopolanie XIX wieku, ed. by Witold Jakóbczyk (2 vols.; Poznań: Wydawnictwo Poznańskie, 1966–69), I, 263–88.Google Scholar

15. Franciszek Paprocki, “W kręgu konspiracji w latach czterdziestych,” in Polityczna działalność rzemiosła wielkopolskiego w okresie zaborów (1793–1918), ed. by Zdzisław Grot (Poznań: Polskie Towarzystwo Historyczne, 1963), p. 266.Google Scholar

16. Stefan Kieniewicz, Społeczeństwo polskie w powstaniu poznańskim 1848r. (Rev. ed.; Warszawa: Państwowe Wydawnictwo Naukowe, 1960), pp. 114, 115.Google Scholar

17. Ibid., p. 175.Google Scholar

18. Ibid., pp. 211, 227. Concerning 1848, a publicist wrote in 1861: “The lower bourgeoisie, the artisans of the small towns, squeezed by German and Jewish competition, constitute precisely that social stratum in which hatred of the enemy takes the place of a more positive or idealistic patriotism, although the net results are the same. For, not having much to lose and everything to gain, the readiness for insurrection is natural among them,” Jackóbczyk, Studia, I, 102.Google Scholar

19. Franciszek Paprocki, “Na polach bitew Wiosny Ludów,” in Grot, p. 316.Google Scholar

20. Jakóbczyk, Studia, I, 130.Google Scholar

21. Ibid., p. 141.Google Scholar

22. Zdzisław Grot, Rok 1863 w zaborze pruskim (Poznań: Wydawnictwo Poznańskie, 1963), pp. 148–52.Google Scholar

23. Jakóbczyk, Studia, II, 91, 92.Google Scholar

24. Ibid., p. 94.Google Scholar

25. Just prior to 1914 the Polish-speaking population was over 99 per cent Roman Catholic and comprised almost 90 per cent of the Roman Catholics of the province, Statistisches Jahrbuch für den preussischen Staat, 11. Jahrgang 1913 (Berlin: Herausgegeben vom Königlichen Statistischen Landesamt, 1914), p. 21; moreover, the overwhelming majority of Catholic priests were Polish while the overwhelming majority of Prussian officials were Protestant.Google Scholar

26. Lech Trzeciakowski, Pod pruskim zaborem 1850–1918 (Warszawa: Wiedza Powszechna, 1973), p. 300.Google Scholar

27. Józef Buzek, Historia polityki narodowościowej rządu pruskiego wobec Polaków od traktatów wiedeńskich do ustaw wyjątkowych 1908 r. (Lwów: H. Altenberg, 1909), p. 319.Google Scholar

28. Ibid., p. 399.Google Scholar

29. Lech Trzeciakowski, Walka o polskość miast Poznańskiego na przełomie XIX i XX w. (Poznań: Wydawnictwo Poznańskie, 1964), p. 49.Google Scholar

30. Jakóbczyk, Studia, III, 46; William Walter Hagen, “Poles, Germans and Jews: The Nationality Conflict in Prussian Poland in the Nineteenth and Early Twentieth Century” (unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, University of Chicago, 1971), p. 470, reports that in 1914 the patron of the agricultural circles claimed that they included roughly 63 per cent of the self-sufficient peasantry.Google Scholar

31. Jakóbczyk, Studia, II, 121.Google Scholar

32. Ibid., III, 94, 95; according to Hagen, p. 473, half of the Polish artisans belonged.Google Scholar

33. Hagen, p. 473.Google Scholar

34. Jakóbczyk, Studia, II, 129.Google Scholar

35. Hagen, p. 474; Jakóbczyk, Studia, III, 119, gives a higher estimate of over half the Polish commercial employees being included.Google Scholar

36. Hagen, p. 474; Jakóbczyk, Studia, III, 117, nevertheless suggests that 27 per cent of all Polish merchants belonged.Google Scholar

37. These and the following statistics are given by Trzeciakowski, Walka, pp. 120–22.Google Scholar

38. Hagen, p. 487.Google Scholar

39. These and the following statistics are given by Jakóbczyk, Studia, III.Google Scholar

40. Ibid., III, 136.Google Scholar

41. Lech Trzeciakowski, “Rzemieślnicy w walce z germanizacją,” in Grot, Polityczna działalność, p. 222.Google Scholar

42. Wolfgang Zorn, “Sozialgeschichtliche Probleme der nationalen Bewegung in Deutschland,” in Sozialstruktur und Organisation europäischer Nationalbewegungen, ed. by Theodor Schieder (München: R. Oldenbourg, 1971), p. 109, speaks of Turnenvereine, gun clubs, and choral societies as a substitute for a unified political life in the early 1860s in what was to become Germany.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

43. Jakóbczyk, Studia, III, 106, 107.Google Scholar

44. Ibid., p. 108.Google Scholar

45. Witold Jakóbczyk, ed., Wielkopolska (1851–1914): Wybór źródeł (Wrocław: Zakład Imienia Ossolińskich, 1954), p. LV.Google Scholar

46. Tadeusz Filipiak, “Udział rzemiosła w związkach zawodowych,” in Grot, Polityczna działalność, p. 169.Google Scholar

47. These and the following statistics are given by Jakóbczyk, Studia, III, 122, 123, 132.Google Scholar

48. Trzeciakowski, “Rzemieślnicy,” p. 229.Google Scholar

49. Jakóbczyk, Studia, III, 238.Google Scholar

50. Lech Trzeciakowski, “Roman Szymański,” in Jakóbczyk, Wielkopolanie, II, 341–61; Lech Trzeciakowski, “Rola rzemieślników w zyciu politycznym,” in Grot, Polityczna działalność, pp. 203–15.Google Scholar

51. Lech Trzeciakowski, Kulturkampf w zaborze pruskim (Poznań: Wydawnictwo Poznańskie, 1970), p. 220.Google Scholar

52. Ibid., p. 229.Google Scholar

53. Lech Trzeciakowski, Polityka polskich klas posiadających w Wielkopolsce w erze Capriviego (1890–1894) (Poznań: Państwowe Wydawnictwo Naukowe, 1960), pp. 20, 21.Google Scholar

54. On the election results, see Trzeciakowski, “Rola rzemieślników,” pp. 210, 212.Google Scholar

55. Jakóbczyk, Wielkopolska, pp. 233, 234. It was the National Democrats who organized the Polish Trade Union in 1902; since, however, Poznania's economy was based on agriculture, they did not advocate a lowering of the tariffs on imported grain.Google Scholar

56. Jerzy Marczewski, Narodowa demokracja w Poznanskiem 1900–1914 (Warszawa: Państwowe Wydawnictwo Naukowe, 1967), p. 151.Google Scholar

57. Ibid., p. 175.Google Scholar

58. John J. Kulczycki, “The School Strike of 1906–1907 in the Province of Poznań, in American Contributions to the Seventh International Congress of Slavists, Vol. III: History, ed. by Anna Cienciala (The Hague: Mouton, 1973), p. 175.Google Scholar

59. Jakóbczyk, Studia, III, 190.Google Scholar

60. Hagen, p. 565.Google Scholar

61. Trzeciakowski, “Rola rzemieślników,” p. 214; Jakóbczyk, Studia, III, 206.Google Scholar

62. Dziennik Poznański, Jan. 6, 1907, No. 5; Jan. 16, 1907, No. 13.Google Scholar

63. Zygmunt Hemmerling, Posłowie polscy w parlamencie Rzeszy niemieckiej i sejmie pruskim 1907–1914 (Warszawa: Ludowa Spółdzielnia Wydawnicza, 1968), p. 54.Google Scholar

64. Marczewski, pp. 275, 276, 363.Google Scholar

65. Jakóbczyk, Studia, III, 23.Google Scholar

66. Trzeciakowski, Walka, pp. 180, 181.Google Scholar

67. These and the following statistics are given by Hemmerling, pp. 83, 98.Google Scholar

68. Marczewski, p. 276.Google Scholar

69. Stanisław Borowski, “Rozwój rolnictwa,” in Jakóbczyk, Dzieje, p. 383.Google Scholar

70. Stanisław Borowski, Rozwarstwienie wsi wielkopolskiej w latach 1807–1914 (Poznań: Państwowe Wydawnictwo Naukowe, 1962), pp. 310, 311.Google Scholar

71. Ibid., p. 343.Google Scholar

72. Hagen, p. 68.Google Scholar

73. Borowski, Rozwarstwienie wsi, p. 269.Google Scholar

74. Ibid., p. 339.Google Scholar

75. Buzek, p. 297.Google Scholar

76. Hagen, pp. 152–55.Google Scholar

77. Ibid., pp. 128, 157, 158.Google Scholar

78. Borowski, Rozwarstwienie wsi, p. 75.Google Scholar

79. Ibid., p. 342.Google Scholar

80. Czesław Łuczak, Przemysł wielkopolski w latach 1871–1914 (Poznań: Wydawnictwo Poznańskie, 1960), p. 102.Google Scholar

81. Czesław Łuczak, “Przemysł i rzemiosło,” in Jakóbczyk, Dzieje, p. 391.Google Scholar

82. Ibid., p. 387.Google Scholar

83. Łuczak, Przemysł wielkopolski, p. 28.Google Scholar

84. Hagen, pp. 707, 708.Google Scholar

85. Trzeciakowski, Walka, p. 217.Google Scholar

86. Hagen, pp. 706–08.Google Scholar

87. Trzeciakowski, Walka, p. 142.Google Scholar

88. Łuczak, Przemysł wielkopolski, p. 72.Google Scholar

89. In a study of the national movements of seven small nations, mostly in Eastern Europe, Miroslav Hroch, “Das Erwachen kleiner Nationen als Problem der komparativen sozialgeschichtlichen Forschung,” in Schieder, p. 133, found that each movement had its greatest success in the area most affected by social transformation; for similar cases in Asia and Africa, see R. Emerson, “Paradoxes of Asian Nationalism,” in Social Change: The Colonial Situation, ed. by Immanuel Wallerstein (New York: John Wiley & Sons, Inc., 1966), p. 525, and S. Eisenstadt, “Sociological Aspects of Political Development in Underdeveloped Countries,” ibid., p. 578.Google Scholar

90. Ted Robert Gurr, Why Men Rebel (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1970), p. 24. See also Gary K. Bertsch, “The Revival of Nationalisms,” Problems of Communism, XXII, No. 6 (1973), 1–15, on the national conflict in contemporary Yugoslavia in what is apparently the only attempt to apply this concept to Eastern Europe.Google Scholar

91. Tamotsu Shibutani and Kian M. Kwan, Ethnic Stratification: A Comparative Approach (New York: Macmillan, 1965), p. 53.Google Scholar

92. Ibid., p. 362.Google Scholar

93. Gurr, p. 105.Google Scholar

94. Ibid., p. 110.Google Scholar

95. Ibid., p. 113.Google Scholar

96. Shibutani and Kwan, pp. 383, 384, 576.Google Scholar

97. Gurr, pp. 105, 353, 354.Google Scholar

98. Ibid., pp. 179, 180; Shibutani and Kwan, pp. 103, 437.Google Scholar

99. Karl W. Deutsch, Nationalism and Social Communication: An Inquiry into the Foundations of Nationality (2nd ed.; Cambridge, Massachusetts: M.I.T. Press, 1966), p. 2.Google Scholar

100. C. E. Black, The Dynamics of Modernization: A Study in Comparative History (New York: Harper & Row, 1966), pp. 77, 78, 87; Gurr, p. 180.Google Scholar

101. Ernest Gellner, Thought and Change (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1964), pp. 154, 155.Google Scholar

102. Ibid., pp. 157, 172; Deutsch, p. 2.Google Scholar

103. Deutsch, p. 101.Google Scholar

104. Ibid. See also Shibutani and Kwan, pp. 59, 573.Google Scholar

105. Deutsch, p. 101. See also Shibutani and Kwan, p. 58.Google Scholar

106. Łepkowski, pp. 223, 224.Google Scholar

107. Shibutani and Kwan, pp. 41, 42; Deutsch, p. 181.Google Scholar

108. Deutsch, p. 181; Shibutani and Kwan, pp. 382, 383.Google Scholar

109. Shibutani and Kwan, p. 5.Google Scholar

110. Ibid., pp. 199, 208–10, 220. See also Robert F. Hill and Howard F. Stein, “Ethnic Stratification and Social Unrest in Contemporary Eastern Europe and America,” Nationalities Papers, I, No. 1 (1972) pp. 15, 23.Google Scholar

111. On dissident organizations, see Gurr, pp. 296–300, 304, 305, 356, 357.Google Scholar

112. On the role of such symbols, see ibid., p. 208; Shibutani and Kwan, p. 80; Deutsch, p. 178.Google Scholar

113. Deutsch, p. 99.Google Scholar

114. Shibutani and Kwan, pp. 42, 51, 572–74.Google Scholar

115. Hroch, p. 129, found that this was true of seven other nations. See also Deutsch, p. 154; Shibutani and Kwan, p. 524; Gellner, p. 167.Google Scholar

116. Shibutani and Kwan, pp. 209, 332.Google Scholar

117. Deutsch, p. 146.Google Scholar

118. Edward Shils, “The Intellectuals in the Political Development of the New States,” in Kautsky, pp. 207–10.Google Scholar

119. Ibid., pp. 221–23.Google Scholar

120. Kevin B. Nowlan, “Problems of Organization and Social Questions in the Irish National Movement,” in Schieder, p. 62; Mirjana Gross, “Einfluss der sozialen Struktur auf den Charakter der National-bewegugng in den kroatischen Ländern im 19. Jahrhundert,” ibid., p. 73.Google Scholar

122. Black, pp. 71-5. See also Kautsky, p. 24.Google Scholar

123. Kautsky, pp. 39, 53, 54.Google Scholar