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“Resistance everywhere”: The Gezi revolt in global perspective

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  05 March 2015

Cihan Tuğal*
Affiliation:
Department, Sociology, University of California, Berkeley, USA, ctugal@berkeley.edu

Abstract

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Type
Commentary
Copyright
Copyright © New Perspectives on Turkey 2013

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References

Cihan Tuğal, Department, Sociology, University of California, Berkeley, USA, ctugal@berkeley.edu. I would like to thank Aynur Sadet and özgür Sadet for their comments and contributions.

1 For the links between the crisis of capitalism and the Gezi revolt, see Wallerstein, ImmanuelUprisings Here, There, and Everywhere,” Femand Braudel Center: Commentaries 356, July 1, 2013, http://www2.binghamton.edu/fbc/commentaries/archive-2013/356en.htm/ Google Scholar and Žižek, SlavojTrouble in Paradise,” London Review of Books 35, no. 14: 1112.Google Scholar

2 Polanyi, Karl The Great Transformation (Boston, MA: Beacon Press, 2001).Google Scholar

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5 Only positivistic formalism chooses to ignore how police violence is tightly connected to broader issues in such revolts, especially those that are connected to class and capitalism. For an example, see Could, Roger V. Insurgent Identities: Class, Community, and Protest in Paris from 1848 to the Commune (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1995)Google Scholar and critical responses by Margadant, Ted The Journal of Modern History 70, no. 3 (1998): 710–12CrossRefGoogle Scholar and Voss, Kim International Labor and Working-Class History 52 (1997): 186–88.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

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12 Taibo, Carlos 2013, “The Spanish Indignados: A Movement with Two Souls,” European Urban and Regional Studies 20: 155–58.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

13 Charnock, et al., “Indignate!,” 4.Google Scholar

15 On the need to analyze specific countries with a structural logic as “links” in a “chain,” see Pou-lantzas, Nicos Fascism and Dictatorship: The Third International and the Problem of Fascism (London: Verso, 1974).Google Scholar

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19 It should also be noted that cuts to education spending did not become an issue in Turkey, though the cuts became a major point of contention in Brazil. In Turkey, education is a highly politicized issue, with secular nationalists on one end of the spectrum and conservatives on the other, and it is difficult to re-politicize this issue in terms of redistribution.

20 See Tuğal, Cihan Passive Revolution: Absorbing the Islamic Challenge to Capitalism (Redwood City, CA: Stanford University Press, 2009);Google Scholar and Yörük, ErdemBrazil, Turkey: Emerging Markets, Emerging Riots,” jadiliyya.com, July 21, 2013, http://www.jadaliyya.com/pages/contributors/147368.Google Scholar

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22 The game of articulation might have different leading actors on different scales. For the national scale, see De Leon, Cedric, Desai, Manali and Tuğal, CihanPolitical Articulation: Parties and the Constitution of Cleavages in the United States, India, and Turkey,” Sociological Theory 27, no. 3 (2009): 193219.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

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24 See Tuğal, CihanFight or Acquiesce? Religion and Political Process in Turkey’s and Egypt’s Neoliber-alizations,” Development and Change 43, no. 1 (2012): 2351.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

26 Poulantzas, NicosThe New Petty Bourgeoisie,” Critical Sociology 9 (1979): 5660.Google Scholar

27 On a related note, Syriza’s defeat in the elections is a good warning to those who expect too much from elections in Turkey, where the socialists and communists are not as strong.

28 Hughes, Young People Took to the Streets,” 411.Google Scholar

29 Ayan, AbdullahIspanya Öfkeliler hareketinden çıkarılacak dersler,” ufukturu.net, June 10, 2013, http://www.ufukturu.net/haberler/28767/ispanya-ofkeliler-hareketinden-cikarilacak-dersler.Google Scholar

30 Swyngedouw, ErikEvery Revolution Has Its Square,” cities@manchester (blog), March 18, 2011, http://citiesmcr.wordpress.com/2011/03/18/every-revolution-has-its-square/;Google Scholar Yildirim, YavuzKent Aracılığı ile Ortak Olanı Kurmak: ‘Öfkeliler’ ve ‘işgal Et’ Hareketleri,” Mülkiye Dergisi 37, no. 1 (2013): 143–62.Google Scholar