^{page 210 note 1} Old series XLVIII (1947), pp. 155f.Google Scholar

^{page 210 note 2} The Interpretation of the Fourth Gospel (1953), pp. 230–8;Google Scholar cf. J.T.S. old series xxxiv (1933, pp. 284f.Google Scholar

^{page 210 note 3} Spitta, F., Streitfragen der Geschichte Jesu (1907), pp. 172–224.Google Scholar

^{page 210 note 4} Some of the passages are given below, p. 216.Google Scholar

^{page 210 note 5} Dodd (Interpretation, p. 238) allows the possibility that ‘other ideas may be in some measure combined’ with that of the apocalyptic lamb, but regards it as very probable that ‘for the evangelist “Lamb” was a traditional messianic title’.Google Scholar

^{page 210 note 6} Interpretation, p. 237.Google Scholar

^{page 210 note 7} The verb is sometimes compounded with a preposition. As examples, see (for αλρελν) I Sam. xv. 25, xxv. 28 (); (for έαπελν) Exod. xxviii. 38, Micah vii. 18 (). άφαλρειν is also used (e.g. Exod. xxxiv. 7, Num. xiv. 18 ()), and, in the Psalms, άφλρειν (xxxii. 5, lxxxv.3 ).Google Scholar

^{page 211 note 1} Cf. Jeremias, J., Die Abendmahlsworte Jesu (2nd ed., 1949), 44–6.Google Scholar

^{page 211 note 2} Cf. also the reference to hyssop in John xix. 29.Google Scholar

^{page 211 note 3} E.g. Corpus Hermeticum i. 31 (λоγλκάς θυσιας), on which see Nock, A. D. and Festugière, A.J., Corpus Hermeticum (1945) I, 27f.Google Scholar

^{page 211 note 4} See especially Wenschkewitz, H., Die Spiritualisierung tier Kultusbegriffe (Angelos-Beiheft 4; 1932), 49–67.Google Scholar

^{page 211 note 5} See below, p. 213.Google Scholar

^{page 212 note 1} Zeitschrsft für systematische Theologie XXII (1953/1954), pp. 264–6.Google Scholar

^{page 212 note 2} I do not suggest that this aspect of the question has been overlooked; see e.g. Jeremias, J., Theologisches Wörterbuch zum Neuen Testament I, 344, lines 3–7;Google ScholarStauffer, E., Die Theologie des Neuen Testaments (1945), p. 113;Google ScholarBultmann, R., Das Evangeliun des Johannes (ed. II (2), 1950), p. 66.Google Scholar

^{page 212 note 3} The Holy Spirit and the Gospel Tradition (1947), pp. 26–34.Google Scholar

^{page 212 note 4} Antiquities, XVIII, 116–19.Google Scholar

^{page 212 note 5} Mark i. 5, vi. 14, xi. 32; Matt. iii. 7=Luke iii. 7; Luke iii. 15f.Google Scholar

^{page 213 note 1} Mark i. 8 (πνεύματ άγιψ); Matt. iii. II =Luke iii. 16 (έν πνεύματ άγιψ και πυρι). Cf. H.S.G.T. 125f.Google Scholar

^{page 213 note 2} See Mal. iii. 23 (iv. 4); for the post-biblical tradition, Strack-Billerbeck IV, 764–98; T.W.N.T.. II, 930–43 (J. Jeremias).Google Scholar

^{page 213 note 3} Luke omits the description of the Baptist's food and clothing (Mark i. 6 (si v.l.); Matt. iii. 4), and Mark ix. 11–13 (= Matt. xvii. 10–13 ). In i. 17 Luke alludes to the prophecy of Malachi, but his words (έν πνεύμαθ και δλιον) indicate that his meaning is that John will be, like Elijah, a powerful prophet.Google Scholar

^{page 213 note 4} Matt. iii. 14f. The Lucan infancy stories (especially Luke i. 43f.) are told so as to bring out the superiority of Jesus.Google Scholar

^{page 214 note 1} The Baptist does not, in the synoptic gospels, speak of the Messiah as the Lamb, but the fourth evangelist doubtless had at his disposal other traditional material, which may have contained the word. Dodd (Interpretation, p. 238) thinks it ‘by no means impossible’ that the Baptist used the word in its apocalyptic sense. We may note the fact that in John iii. 28f. the Baptist compares Jesus to a bridegroom; there is in Mark ii. 18–20 some ground for thinking that this comparison was based on a pre-Johannine tradition referring to the Baptist. See below, p. 215, n. 4.Google Scholar

^{page 214 note 2} The problem is stated perhaps most clearly by Jeremias, J. in Z.N. T. W. XXXIV (1935), p. 115: ‘(I) Dem Spätjudentum ist die Bezeichnung des Erlösers als Lamm unbekannt; (2) Die Genetivverbindung ό άμνός θμũ θεοũ ist völlig singulär; (3) die Bezeichnung Jesu als Lamm Gottes ist im Munde des Täufers nicht zu erwarten.’Google Scholar

^{page 214 note 3} Strack-Billerbeck, II, 369f.Google Scholar

^{page 214 note 4} Ball, C. J., Expository Times, XXI (1909/1910), pp. 92f.;Google ScholarBurney, C. F., The Aramaic Origin of the Fourth Gospel (1922), pp. 107f.;Google ScholarJeremias, J., T. W.N. T. I, 343,Google Scholar and Z.N T. W. XXXIV (1935), pp. 115–23.Google Scholar The suggestion is criticized by Dodd, C. H., J.T.S. old series XXXIV (1933), p. 285,Google Scholar and Interpretation, pp.235f.;Google ScholarBultmann, R., Das Ev. des Joh. p. 67.Google Scholar

^{page 214 note 5} It has often (e.g. Dalman, G., Words of Jesus (E.T., 1909), pp.276–80;Google ScholarAllen, W. C., The Gospel according to St Mark (1915), p. 56; O. Cullmann, Baptism in the New Testament (1950), pp.16–18;Google ScholarJeremias, J., T. W.N. T. v, 699)Google Scholar been maintained that in Mark i. II υλóς μου μιó υον derives from an original ó παιςμου The heavenly voice spoke in terms of Isa. xlii. I; Jesus was said to be the Servant, not the Son, of God. For criticism and other points of view see e.g. Jackson, F. J. F. and Lake, K., The Beginnings of Christianity, I, I (1920), pp. 397–400s;Google ScholarMontefiore, C. G., The Synoptic Gospels (2nd ed., 1927), I, pp. 10–19;Google ScholarTaylor, V., The Gospel according to St Mark (1952), pp. 119, 120–2, 161f.Google Scholar Even if this suggestion be correct, it gives no support to the argument that the Baptist spoke of Jesus in terms of Isa. liii, and it remains true that the words of Mark i. II were not spoken by or even to the Baptist. John i. 34, even if ó έκλεκτóς τοũθεοũ be read (so Harnack, A., Studien zur Geschichte des Neuen Testaments und tier alten Kirche, I (1931), pp. 127–32,Google ScholarJeremias, J., T.W.N.T. V, 687, note 260;Google Scholar against, Schrenk, G., T.W.N.T. IV, note 18,Google ScholarBultmann, R., Das Ev. des Joh. p. 64), is not a simple equivalent of i. 29 but a summary of all that the Baptist has said about Jesus.Google Scholar

^{page 215 note 1} ‘And I saw till all their generations were transformed, and they all became white bulls; and the first among them became a lamb, and that lamb became a great animal and had great black horns on its head; and the Lord of the sheep rejoiced over it and over all the oxen.’ Charles's, R. H. translation: Apocrypha and Pseudepigrapha, (1913), II, 260.Google Scholar

^{page 215 note 2} Greek text: ‘And I saw that [from Judah was born] a virgin [wearing a linen garment, and from her] was born a lamb, [without spot] and on his left hand there was as it were a lion; and all the beasts rushed against him, and the lamb overcame them, and destroyed them and trod them under foot.’ Armenian text: ‘And I saw in the midst of the horns a virgin [wearing a many-coloured garment, and from her] went forth a lamb; and on his right (was as it were a lion; and) all the beasts and all the reptiles rushed (against him), and the lamb overcame them and destroyed them.’ Charles's, R. H. translation; see Ap. and Ps. II, 353. Charles omits the words in square brackets as intrusions into the original text, and regards the word ‘virgin’ as corrupt. He thinks the original text ran, ‘And I saw that in the midst of the horns a bull-calf became a lamb’. Cf. Test. Benjamin iii. 8 (Greek text): ‘In thee shall be fulfilled the prophecy of heaven concerning the Lamb of God and Saviour of the world’–almost certainly a Christian interpolation.Google Scholar

^{page 215 note 3} See Charles, R. H., The Book of Enoch (2nd ed., 1912), p. 216.Google Scholar

^{page 215 note 4} The fourth evangelist's retention of the expression in the mouth of the Baptist counts for something; some one must have started the Christian use of the title, and the Baptist is at least as likely as Enoch—if the two are to be regarded as alternatives. See above, p. 214, n. I.Google Scholar

^{page 216 note 1} There are several parallels between Revelation and I Enoch; for example, Rev. i. 4, iv. 5, viii. 2 ∥ E. xc. 21; Rev. iii. 5 ∥ E. xc. 31; Rev. iii. 12 ∥ E. xc. 29; Rev. ix. I ∥ E. lxxxvi. 1; Rev. xx. 12 (and the sealed book of v. 6) ∥ E. xc. 20; Rev. XX. 15 ∥ E. XC. 26. See further R. H. Charles, Enoch, xcvi–xcix.Google Scholar

^{page 216 note 2} Strictly speaking, the evidence of Revelation is valid only for the province of Asia.Google Scholar

^{page 216 note 3} See Dan vii. 3–8, viii. 3–10.Google Scholar

^{page 216 note 4} For example, I Enoch lxxxix, xc; Test. Joseph xix. It is on the widespread use of lamb (sheep) imagery in I Enoch, rather than on xc. 38, that Dodd relies, regarding xc. 9 as relevant for his purpose whether it refers to Judas Maccabaeus or the Messiah.Google Scholar

^{page 216 note 5} Cf. the sacrifice of Christ offered in the heavenly sanctuary according to Hebrews. The Apoéalypse and this ‘Platonic’ epistle are not so remote from each other as is sometimes supposed.Google Scholar

^{page 217 note 1} Cf. his use of the temple, which, already an apocalyptic symbol (Rev. xxi. a2; I Enoch xc. 29), becomes ά ναάς τοũ αώματος αύτοũ (John ii. 21); and of the manna, which is also an apocalyptic symbol (Rev. ii. 17; II Baruch xxix. 8) but in John (in a eucharistic context) leads up to one of the Christologicals (vi. 31, θά μάννα… ά άρũ θοũ θεοũ (33); (35)) Incidentally, we have here, without reference to the Servant of God, an explanation of the difficult genitive, ό άμνός θεοũ (cf. p. 214, n. 2). Jesus is the Lamb of Godn the sense in which he is the bread of God—that is, he is the lamb supplied by God (cf. Gen. xxii. 8, 13f.; otherwise, Bultmann, op. cit. p. 67).Google Scholar

^{page 217 note 2} For example Bauer, W., Das Johannes.Euangelium (3rd ed., 1933), p. 36;Google ScholarStrachan, R. H., The Fourth Gospel (3rd ed., 1941), p. 113.Google ScholarCf. Bultmann, op. cit. pp. 66f.Google Scholar

^{page 217 note 3} For this reference see for example Hort, F. J. A., The First Epistle of St Peter i. i–ii. 17 (1898), p. 79;Google ScholarSelwyn, E. G., The First Epistle of St Peter (1946), p. 146;Google ScholarBeare, F. W., The First Epistle of Peter (1947), p. 80;Google ScholarWindisch, H., Die Katholischen Briefe (3rd ed. by Preisker, H., 1951), p. 57.Google Scholar

^{page 217 note 4} See for example J.T.S. old series XLVIII (1947), pp. 155f.;Google ScholarStrachan, R. H., loc. cit.;Google ScholarStrathmann, H., Das Evangelium nach Johannes (1951), pp. 47f.Google Scholar

^{page 217 note 5} Cullmann, O. (Les Sacrements dans l'Evangile johannique (1951), pp. 34f.;Google Scholarcf. Baptism, pp. 20f.) finds a connexion between John i. 29 (and therefore also between the death of Christ) and baptism.Google Scholar This connexion is criticized with justice by Michaelis, W., Die Sakramente im Johannesevangelium (1946), p. 4.Google Scholar

^{page 217 note 6} Commonly in the second century; thus Justin, Trypho III: (Isa. liii. 7);Google Scholar Meito, Homily on he Passion (Bonner, Campbell, Studies and Documents XII (1940)),Google Scholar many passages, especially the quotation of isa. liii. 7 in Hom. 64; Apollinaris of Hierapolis, Liber de Paschate (Routh, Ret. Sac. I, p. 160)… ό άντί τοũάμνοũ παũς θεοũ ό δεθεíς…; Tertullian, adv. Marcionem IV, 40: Nam et tot festis Iudaeorum Paschae diem egit…qui tanquam ovis ad victimam adduci habens… Behind so many allusions there is doubtless a very old tradition. Whether the use of Isa. liii is already implied in the New Testament words (Mark xiv. 24; ci. Matt. xxvi. 28, Luke xxii. 20), and whether these words go back to Jesus, are questions which cannot be discussed here.

^{page 218 note 1} In I Cor. v. 7 Paul is probably using a Christian haggadah for the passover; see Jeremias, Abendrnahlsworte, pp. 32 f. The essence of Christianity lies in partaking in the eschatological feast inaugurated by the death of Jesus, and leaven–the impurity of the old age—must be removed. The parallel n Ignatius (Magnesians x. 2—see the whole of ixf.) suggests the Christian Sunday feast. The cultic background of I Peter has often been emphasized; most recently perhaps by H. Preisker, op. cit.;Google Scholar and Cross, F. L., I Peter, A Pashal Liturgy 1954).Google Scholar

^{page 218 note 2} For the Jewish hope, see Jeremias, Abendmaizlsworte, p. 101; for the Christian, Jeremias, T.W.N.T. v, 901.Google Scholar

^{page 218 note 3} See for example Leg. Alleg. III, 165;Google Scholar and further Knox, W. L., St Paul and the Church of the Gentiles (1939), pp. 29ff.Google Scholar

^{page 218 note 4} Cf. John iii. 5, where the rite of initiation itself is referred to. For sacrificial rites of this kind see e.g. the Messeniorurn lex de Mysteriis Andaniae faciendis (Dittenberger, Syll. (3rd ed.),736:(lines 67f.); Apuleius, Metamorphoses XI, 22, matutino peracto sacrificio.Google Scholar