¹ Jeffery Reznick, Healing the Nation: Soldiers and the Culture of Caregiving in Britain During the Great War (Manchester: Manchester University Press). In Reznick's formulation, cultures of care consist of military hospitals and convalescent homes, but in my monograph Music, Healing and Memory in the English Country House, 1914–1919, I extend this framework to include some country houses that were not hospitals.

² Young, Allan, The Harmony of Illusions: Inventing Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1995): 4Google Scholar.

³ Costing sixpence, the magazine was printed by H.&J. Pillans & Wilson in Edinburgh, and it was sold at the hospital and at local newsstands, as well as by subscription. As with all of the hospital magazines (and soldier's press in general), patients often sent copies to family members throughout Britain and beyond and continued to subscribe after being discharged. For example, it is clear from Wilfred Owen's letters to his mother while he was a patient at Craiglockhart that she subscribed to and read The Hydra, for he often references and elaborates on material from it, assuming she had read the latest issue. See for example, Wilfred Owen to Susan Owen, 2 September 1917, Wilfred Owen Collected Letters, eds. Harold Owen and John Bell (London and New York: Oxford University Press, 1967): 490. For discussion of the large, global circulation of the soldier's press, see Amanda Laugesen, ‘Australian Soldiers and the World of Print’, in Publishing in the First World War: Essays in Book History, ed. Mary Hammond and Shafquat Towheed (London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2007): 106; and Graham Seal, in The Soldiers’ Press: Trench Journals in the First World War (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2013): 22.

⁴ Reznick, Healing the Nation, 65. Examples of hospital magazines are the First Eastern General Hospital Gazette (Cambridge), The Worsley Wail: Being the Unofficial Chronicle of the Worsley Red Cross Hospital, Lancashire (Manchester), and The Ration: The Magazine of the Reading War Hospitals. For a larger discussion of such hospital magazines and how they fall within the larger soldier's press during the war, see Seal, The Soldier's Press.

⁵ Reznick, Healing the Nation, 65. An exception is my ‘Tommy Music Critics, an Unlikely Community, and The Longleat Lyre during World War I’, in Over Here, Over There: Transatlantic Conversations on the Music of World War I, ed. Christina Bashford, William Brooks and Gayle Sherwood Magee (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 2019): 127–48.

⁶ A main reason only white soldiers wrote for these magazines was that soldiers of colour from dominion countries were housed and treated separately. For example, the Royal Pavilion in Brighton was a hospital for Indian soldiers during the war.

⁷ For example, Sassoon's and Owen's time at Craiglockhart is the subject of Pat Barker's 1991–1995 Booker Prize winning Regeneration Trilogy. A film adaptation of the novel followed in 1997.

⁸ Daughtry, J. Martin, Listening to War: Sound, Music, Trauma and Survival in Wartime Iraq (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2015): 24CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁹ Winter, Jay, Remembering War: The Great War Between Memory and History in the Twentieth Century (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2006): 52Google Scholar.

¹⁰ Young, The Harmony of Illusions, 5–6. Peter Leese also points to the social-constructedness of shell shock. See Leese, Peter, Shell Shock: Traumatic Neurosis and the British Soldiers of the First World War (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2002): 10CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹¹ Here I use R. Murray Schafer's conception of ‘soundscape’, in that it can be ‘any acoustic field of study’, including a ‘musical composition’, a ‘radio program’, or an acoustic environment’ but, unlike in studying landscape, studying a soundscape can only enable us to ‘sample details’. It ‘gives the close-up but nothing corresponding to aerial photography’. Schafer, The Soundscape: Our Sonic Environment and the Tuning of the World (Rochester: Destiny Books, 1994): 7.

¹² Young is not talking about Craiglockhart specifically. See Young, The Harmony of Illusions, 13.

¹³ Conceptions, classifications, diagnoses and treatments of shell shock in Britain depended by and large on the patient's social class. While the RAMC doctors often deemed non-ranking privates as ‘hysterical’, they diagnosed officers as ‘neurasthenic’. As Leese writes, ‘for many in the lower ranks it [shell shock] was a form of war-induced madness that led to the asylum, for officers it was seen more as a semi-legitimate war injury that might lead, often with genuine reluctance, to a safe haven away from the front line’. Leese, Shell Shock, 39. For further discussion of class-based diagnoses of shell shock in Britain, see Ben Shephard, A War of Nerves: Soldiers and Psychiatrists in the Twentieth Century (London: Jonathan Cape, 2000): 57–8. It should be acknowledged, though, that even at Craiglockhart, medical bias against psychological disorders existed. Based on his study of Craiglockhart's admission and discharge records – some of the hospitals’ few medical records that survive – Thomas Webb notes that while the register compilers at the hospital entered neurasthenia ‘almost routinely in the logbooks’, neurasthenia is always listed subordinately to ‘any physical complaint’ the patient had made, ‘however apparently insignificant’. ‘“Migraine”, “glycousuira”, “gas poisoning”, “compound fracture of toe”, and even “haemarrhoids” [were] not obvious reasons to be sent to a shell-shock hospital and surely reflect an unwillingness to ascribe sick leave to a psychological factor’. Webb, Thomas E. F., ‘“Dottyville” – Craiglockhart War Hospital and Shell Shock Treatment in the First World War’, Journal of the Royal Society of Medicine 99 (July 2006): 344Google Scholar.

¹⁴ Today the Craiglockhart building is part of Edinburgh Napier University.

¹⁵ Leese, Shell Shock, 104–5. See Shephard, A War of Nerves for a detailed history on the establishment of the term shell shock and changing views of it during the war.

¹⁶ The RAMC's main approach to treating shell shock cases in the general hospitals was the ‘disciplinary’, ‘moral’ or ‘quick cure’. Leed, No Man's Land: Combat and Identity in World War I (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1979): 170–73. As Leese explains, it was not specialized or psychological care, nor in them was shell shock (for much of the war) considered to be a genuine disease of war. Leese, Shell Shock, 35.

¹⁷ Young, Harmony of Illusions, 71. The treatments in these general hospitals included hot baths, rest, cheerful surroundings, sodium bromide, massages, and also more unpleasant and painful aspects, such as electric shock therapy and commands being shouted at patients, isolation and a restricted diet.

¹⁸ Besides Craiglockhart, another exception was at Maghull Hospital in Liverpool. As Leese writes, Maghull was a shell shock hospital for other ranks and emphasized in its treatment ‘re-education, persuasion and careful attention to the individual. The idea of the “therapeutic acts of kindness” towards the lower ranks, for example, is almost unimaginable anywhere else in the military medical treatment system.’ Leese, Shell Shock, 89.

¹⁹ Brock, ‘The Re-education of the Adult: The Neurasthenic in War and Peace’, Sociological Review 10 (1918): 40.

²⁰ Brock, ‘Re-education’; Notes on Craiglockhart Staff, Sassoon papers, Imperial War Museum, London.

²¹ Shephard, War of Nerves, 92.

²² Brock, ‘Evolving Edinburgh’, The Hydra, 2nd series, no. 7, May 1918, 6. Indeed, the patients did venture into Edinburgh and the surrounding area frequently, attending the theatre and concerts; dining, hiking and shopping; and socializing with locals. Many were introduced to Edinburgh families through mutual acquaintances, making close friends and even girlfriends in the community.

²³ Sassoon, Sherston's Progress, in The Complete Memoirs of George Sherston (London: Faber and Faber, 1937; 1972): 522.

²⁴ See for example, ‘General’ in ‘Notes and News: Craiglockhart War Hospital Officers’ Club’, The Hydra, 2nd series, no. 1, November 1917, 17; and ‘Badminton’, The Hydra, 1st series, no. 2, 12 May 1917, 9.

²⁵ Martin, Meredith, ‘Therapeutic Measures: The Hydra and Wilfred Owen at Craiglockhart War Hospital’, Modernism/ Modernity 14/1 (2007): 35–54Google Scholar.

²⁶ Cat Schaupp, ‘The Hydra: An Enthralling Record of Life at Craiglockhart War Hospital’, Presented at First World War: Past, Present, Future Conference, First World War Network, Edinburgh Napier University, Craiglockhart campus, 28 June 2019.

²⁷ ‘The Patchwork Quilt’, The Hydra, 1st series, no. 4, 9 June 1917, 9. The Hydra expands upon this analogy of fighting the Hydra with the cure-by-functioning approach to larger Greek mythology, linking the neurasthenic patient to Antaeus on a number of occasions. In other instances, the hydra beast is Craiglockhart itself, with the heads representing the many officers who come and go.

²⁸ Leed, No Man's Land. The term ‘talking cure’ of course emerged with Freud and Breur. Others writing on shell shock since Leed, such as Elaine Showalter, Leese and Young, have adopted this terminology. See Showalter, The Female Malady: Women, Madness, and English Culture, 1830–1980 (London: Virago, 1987); Leese, Shell Shock and Young, Harmony of Illusions.

²⁹ For detailed histories on the changing views of the causes of shell shock during the war, see Leese, Shell Shock; Shephard, A War of Nerves; and Fiona Reid Broken Men: Shell Shock, Treatment and Recovery in Britain, 1914–30 (London: Bloomsbury, 2010). Rivers, like the majority of RAMC doctors, distinguished between hysteria and neurasthenia along class lines. See Young, Harmony of Illusions, 64–5; Reid, Broken Men, 16–23.

³⁰ Rivers followed Freud's ideas up through 1914, and Freud did eventually revise his theories (somewhat) based on soldiers’ accounts and studies of war neuroses during the war. He himself did not treat afflicted soldiers, but he closely followed the work of doctors who were. For more on Freud's ideas about First World War traumatic neuroses in soldiers, see Young, Harmony of Illusions, 78–81.

³¹ Young, Harmony of Illusions, 83.

³² Rivers, Psychology of the Unconscious (London: Cambridge University Press, 1920): 167.

³³ Young, Harmony of Illusions, 77.

³⁴ Sassoon's descriptions of Rivers in letters and in Sherston's Progress are highly favourable and admirable; he even refers to Rivers as his saviour. The two remained lifelong friends, continuing to correspond after they had both left Craiglockhart, and it is clear Sassoon was interested in Rivers's ideas about shell shock, avidly reading and commenting on the latter's publications as they appeared. Sassoon's poem ‘Repression of War Experience’ is a nod to Rivers's ‘An Address on the Repression of War Experience’ in The Lancet in February 1918. The question of whether Sassoon was neurasthenic is debatable, and Rivers never diagnosed him as such. Rather, Graves had pulled strings to get Sassoon sent to Craiglockhart to avoid court tribunal for denouncing the war publicly in writing (which caused quite a scandal in the press). Nevertheless, we owe a lot of what we know about the hospital and its treatment regime and atmosphere to him and Wilfrid Owen.

³⁵ Maureen Huws, ‘Oral History’, Catalogue No. 20684, Imperial War Museum, London. My transcription of the interview.

³⁶ Sassoon, Sherston's Progress, 522.

³⁷ Editorial Preface to ‘Concerts’, The Hydra, 1st series, no. 2, 12 May 1917, 15. Of ‘Peas-Blossom’, the magazine's first editor wrote, ‘we are fortunate in having procured, at great cost, the services of such a clever critic. We hope you will like his breezy style, and that his expert views will meet with approval’. During his editorship of the magazine, Owen expressed frustration with ‘Peas-Blossom’ for innuendo made in the column which insulted a guest performer, which he did not have time to read and edit out because Peas-Blossom ‘handed [the column] to me just as I was dashing away “to Press”. . . [and] thus I learn[ed] the awful finality of a corrected proof’. See Wilfred Owen to Susan Owen, 3 August 1917, in Wilfred Owen Collected Letters, 480.

³⁸ Peas-Blossom, ‘Concerts’, The Hydra, 1st series, no. 1, 28 April 1917, 12. The orchestra had several conductors over the run of The Hydra. During the first series, it is clear that it was first led by Captain Bates, then Mr Lidbury regularly until June 1917 when the latter was sent back to the war front, then Bates again with Captain Williams substituting at times, then Williams taking over permanently in July 1917 after Bates left Craiglockhart.

³⁹ ‘Concerts’, The Hydra, 2nd series, no. 2, December 1917, 20.

⁴⁰ It seems there was a whole group of Edinburgh ladies who interested themselves in the rehabilitation of Brock's patients. Owen referred to them as ‘Dr Brock's ladies’. Wilfred Owen to Susan Owen, [no day] July 1917, in Wilfred Owen Collected Letters, 476.

⁴¹ For example, in addition to a violin solo played by Grieve, the 28 April 1917 entertainment also included songs by a ‘Miss Scott’ and a ‘Miss Thompson’. The same review also mentions that though Grieve has ‘left Hospital work’, indicating she must have been a on the nursing staff at Craiglockhart up until recently, significantly, she continued to come back to lead and play music – making her ‘still one of us regards the Concerts’. Peas-Blossom, ‘Concerts’, The Hydra, 1st series, no. 2, 12 May 1917, 15. Unfortunately, at time of writing I have not yet found any more information about Ella Moore Grieve, or any of the other women mentioned in the ‘Concerts’ columns, although the role of women in organizing and leading entertainments for wounded and traumatized men throughout Britain, is of great interest to me. See my ‘Music, Work and the First World War “Angel in the House”’, in A Great Divide? Music, Britain and the First World War, ed. Michelle Meinhart (Abingdon: Routledge, forthcoming).

⁴² ‘Peas-Blossom’, ‘Concerts’, The Hydra, 1st series, no. 2, 12 May 1917, 15.

⁴³ For a discussion of this debate as played out among critics and the national press, see Jane Angell, ‘Art Music in British Public Discourse During the First World War’ (PhD diss., Royal Holloway University of London, 2013), 47–95; and Glenn Watkins, Proof Through the Night: Music and the Great War (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2003): 33–7. For discussion of the wartime performer Lena Ashwell's advocation of classical music (rather than other kinds of music, like ragtime) for fighting men, see Williams, Vanessa, ‘“Near to Reality, But Not Quite”: Lena Ashwell's Concerts at the Front’, Women &Music: A Journal of Gender and Culture 23 (2019): 188–211; 201–6Google Scholar.

⁴⁴ For example, the 4 August 1917 review records that excerpts from Verdi's Rigoletto were performed the previous Saturday. In the December 1917 issue, we learn that ‘Miss Mabel Mann, the well-known Albert Hall and Queen's Hall contralto, and Miss Daisy Wood, whose style is too well known to require comment’ both recently performed, ‘receiving a double encore’. ‘Concerts’, The Hydra, 2nd series, no. 2, December 1917, 20. The review also tells us that woodwinds had been added to the orchestra for the 3 November concert, enabling it ‘to perform such selections as Auber's “Overture to Masaniello”, Brahms's Hungarian Dances and popular music from “The Merry Widow”’.

⁴⁵ ‘Concerts’, The Hydra, 1st series, no. 9, 18 August 1917, 15. In these columns, ‘modern music’ does indeed refer to popular, revue music rather than modern art music.

⁴⁶ Seventy-Seven, ‘An Open Letter to Sonia Worst’, The Hydra, 2nd series, no. 9, July 1917, 13–14.

⁴⁷ ‘Notes from Bowhill: Concerts’, The Hydra, 1st series, no. 9, 18 August 1917, 13. As ‘Bois Epais’ is by Lully, it seems the term ‘medieval’ was used to apply loosely to early music – or at any rate perceived to be very old.

⁴⁸ Mustard Seed, ‘Concerts’, The Hydra, 1st series, no. 11, 29 September 1917, 22.

⁴⁹ ‘Editorial’, The Hydra, 2nd series, no. 8, June 1918, 3. ‘Les Bérets Nois’ was a singing group comprised of eight female students from the College of Art, Edinburgh. They performed numerous times at Craiglockhart concerts.

⁵⁰ Such language as ‘swing’, ‘ebb’ and ‘flow’ are used in reviews of musical entertainments at Longleat Hospital. See A G. Barrett, “Entertainments”, The Longleat Lyre, 1 March 1918, 15.

⁵¹ For discussion of these class-based diagnoses of war-induced trauma, see Leese, Shell Shock. For more on hysteria's historical association with women, see Showalter, The Female Malady.

⁵² ‘Our Policy’, The Hydra, 1st series, no. 1, 28 April 1917, 5.

⁵³ ‘Arras and Captain Satan’, The Hydra, 2nd series, no. 1, November 1917, 3. This article was an example of the ‘historical’ kind of article the editor encouraged. Arras is a town in northern France, and the site of battles in 1914 and 1917. Indeed, many of the Craiglockhart patients were all too familiar with this place, including Butlin who describes the experience in letters to his mother, and even more vividly in letters to his father and best friend, Basil G. Burnett Hall, in April 1917. His experience at Arras resulted in his neurasthenia diagnosis and subsequent three months at Craiglockhart. See Butlin to his mother, 16 April 1917 and Butlin to Basil G. Burnett Hall, 16 April 1917, Private Papers of J. H. Butlin, Documents 7915, Imperial War Museum, London.

⁵⁴ ‘Editorial’, The Hydra, 2nd series, no. 8, June 1918, 3. The review of this concert did not appear in the regular ‘Concerts’ column since it was a special event (not in the usual Saturday night slot), put on by performers external to the hospital. To my knowledge, the score for this composition does not survive.

⁵⁵ Peas-Blossom, ‘Concert’, The Hydra, 1st series, no. 1, 28 April 1917, 12.

⁵⁶ Examples of such literary creations are the short stories ‘Elise’ (8, 4 August 1917, 10–12), the poems ‘Why Worry’ (8, 4 August 1917, 10), and Sassoon's ‘Dreamers’ (no. 10, 1 September 1917, 10) and ‘Break of Day’ (2nd series, no. 2. December 1917, 6), and the ongoing serial novel in the first series, ‘The Chronicles of a V. O. S. (Very old Subaltern)’.

⁵⁷ ‘Correspondence’, The Hydra, 1st series, no. 7, 21 July 1917, 15–16.

⁵⁸ For summary discussion of these turn-of-the-century French theories of hysteria, trauma and recovery, see Shephard, War of Nerves, Chapter 1 and Rogers, Jillian C., Resonant Recoveries: French Music and Trauma Between the Wars (New York: Oxford University Press, 2021)CrossRefGoogle Scholar: introduction. For modern re-interpretations of this emphasis of the body over the mind, see Bessel Van der Kolk, The Body Keeps the Score (London: Penguin 2015); Peter A. Levine, In an Unspoken Voice: How the Body Releases Trauma and Restores Goodness (Berkeley: North Atlantic Books, 2010); Peter A. Levine, Trauma and Memory: Brain and Body in a Search for the Living Past: A Practical Guide for Understanding and Working With Traumatic Memory (Berkeley: North Atlantic Books, 2015). I thank Jillian Rogers for making these sources known to me.

⁵⁹ Rogers, Resonant Recoveries.

⁶⁰ Shephard, War of Nerves, 17. As Shephard notes, the RAMC was a ‘caste, inadaptable and conservative establishment’. Doctors like Myers and Rivers were exceptions to the norm in Britain, which was to view psychiatry from the continent with suspicion, in large part due to its association with Freud and his emphasis on childhood sexuality.

⁶¹ Shephard, War of Nerves, especially Chapter 2.

⁶² Winter, Remembering War, 56–7.

⁶³ ‘Advertisers’ Plan’ and ‘Editorial’, The Hydra, 1st series, no. 2, 12 May 1917, 6, 7.

⁶⁴ Martin, ‘Therapeutic Measures’, 37.

⁶⁵ Peas-Blossom, ‘Concerts’, The Hydra, 1st series, no. 3, 26 May 1917, 15. Writers use ‘orgies of amusement’ sarcastically elsewhere in the magazine, suggesting it was a commonly used phrase at the hospital, and implying again that, for some, these endless activities are extreme. See for example, K., ‘Edinburgh: A Vindication’, The Hydra, 1st series, no. 2, 12 May 1917, 13.

⁶⁶ Sassoon, ‘Secret Music’, 1917.

⁶⁷ For explications of testimony as a healing process, see Herman, Trauma and Recovery, 175, 38; Caruth, ‘Introduction’ to part 2, ‘Recapturing the Past’, in Trauma: Explorations in Memory, ed. Cathy Caruth (Baltimore: The John Hopkins University Press, 1995): 153; Ruth Leys, Trauma: A Genealogy, 2; and Dori Laub, ‘Truth and Testimony: The Process and the Struggle’, in Trauma: Explorations in Memory, 64. Some theorists have moved away from this focus on testimony as healing, believing not only are there alternative ways to heal from trauma, but that narrating can also be retraumatizing for some people. See Wheatcroft, Jacquleine M., ‘Revicitimizing the Victim? How Rape Victims Experience the UK Legal System’, Victims and Offenders 4/3 (2001): 265–284Google Scholar; Maier, Shana L., ‘“I Have Heard Horrible Stories …”: Rape Victim Advocates’ Perceptions of the Revictimization of Rape Victims by the Police and Medical System’, Violence Against Women 14/7 (2008): 786–808CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed; Herman, Judith Lewis, ‘The Mental Health of Crime Victims: Impact of Legal Intervention’, Journal of Traumatic Stress 16/2 (April 2003): 159–66CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed; Campbell, Rebecca, Sefl, Tracy, Barnes, Holly E., Ahrens, Courtney E., Wasco, Sharon M., and Zaragoza-Diesfeld, Yogland, ‘Community Servies for Rape Survivors: Enhancing Psychological Well-Being or Increasing Trauma’, Journal of Consulting and Clinical Psychology 67/6 (1999): 847–58CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed. In his discussion of EMDR (eye movement desensitivization and reprocessing), Bessel Van der Kolk notes the helpfulness of this particular mode of therapy for patients who find narrating their experiences to be retraumatizing. See Van der Kolk, The Body Keeps the Score, 248–62.

⁶⁸ Felman, ‘Education and Crisis, or the Vicissitudes of Teaching’, in Trauma: Explorations in Memory, 17–18.

⁶⁹ Laub, ‘Bearing Witness or the Vicissitudes of Listening’, in Testimony: Crises of Witnessing in Literature, Psychoanalysis, and History (London: Routledge, 2002), 57–74, 71.

⁷⁰ Felman, ‘Education and Crisis, 17. Here Felman is following Elie Wiesel's contention that ‘If the Greeks invented tragedy, the Romans the epistle, and the Renaissance the sonnet, our generation invented a new literature, that of testimony’. Wiesel, Dimensions of the Holocaust (Evanston: Northwestern University Press, 1977): 9.

⁷¹ The upper classes in Britain had not served in the military much before the First World War. Indeed, the army and navy were associated with the lower walks of society and low moral standards prior to the late Victorian era.

⁷² For more on the literariness and phenomenon of mass writing during the First World War, see Samuel Hynes, The Soldier's Tale: Bearing Witness to Modern War (New York: Penguin, 1998), and Jessica Meyer, Men of War: Masculinity and the First World in Britain, ed. John Arnold, Joanna Bourke and Sean Brady (London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2009).

⁷³ Dominick LaCapra, Writing History, Writing Trauma (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 2001); Katherine Astbury, Narrative Responses to the Trauma of the French Revolution (London: Legenda, 2012).

⁷⁴ Suzette A. Henke, Virginia Woolf and Madness: Trauma Narrative in Mrs. Dalloway (London: South Place Ethical Society, 2010).

⁷⁵ For examples of British women's responses to wartime trauma see Michael Roper, The Secret Battle: Emotional Survival in the Great War (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2010); Jane Potter, Boys in Khaki, Girls in Print: Women's Literary Responses to the Great War, 1914–1918 (Oxford: Clarendon, 2005); Angela K. Smith, The Second Battlefield: Women, Modernism and The First World War (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2000). Although they all focus on aspects of disillusionment, grief and mourning, none of these monographs utilize trauma theory.

⁷⁶ Meinhart, , ‘Memory, Music, and Private Mourning in an English Country House during the First World War: Lady Alda Hoare's Musical Shrine to a Lost Son’, Journal of Musicological Research 31/1–3 (2014): 39–95Google Scholar; and Music, Healing and Memory in the English Country House, 1914–1919, in progress.

⁷⁷ Maria Cizmic, Performing Pain: Music and Trauma in Eastern Europe (Oxford: Oxford University Pres, 2012), 26.

⁷⁸ ‘Editorial’, The Hydra, 1st series, no. 2, 12 May 1917, 7.

⁷⁹ Rogers shows this to be the case with men in wartime and post-war France as well. See her Resonant Recoveries and ‘Musical “Magic Words”: Trauma and the Politics of Mourning in Ravel's Le Tombeau de Couperin, Frontispice and La Valse’, in this issue.

⁸⁰ Winter, Remembering War, 71; and Herman, Trauma and Recovery, 176.

⁸¹ Herman, Trauma and Recovery, 176.

⁸² Astbury, Narrative Responses, 11.

⁸³ Sassoon, Memoirs of a Fox Hunting Man, in The Complete Memoirs of George Sherston; Paul Fussell, The Great War and Modern Memory (New York: Oxford University Press, 1975, reprint 2013): 255–60; Hynes, A War Imagined, and Winter, Sites of Memory. For a detailed interpretation of the connection of the pastoral trope in music with ideas of pre-war England and composers’ responses to the war, see Eric Saylor, English Pastoral Music: From Arcadia to Utopia, 1900–1955 (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 2017), particularly Chapters 1 and 3, and Matthew Riley, ‘Landscape and Commemoration in British Art Music, 1898–1926: Continuity and Contexts’, in A Great Divide.

⁸⁴ This sense of loneliness and ostracization that Craiglockhart patients felt in relation to Edinburgh, and that many shell-shocked soldiers and officers in general felt in relation to larger British society, will be addressed in the next section.

⁸⁵ J. W. O'C. W., ‘Waiting’, The Hydra, 1st series, no. 1, 28 April 1917, 10.

⁸⁶ ‘Song of Songs’, The Hydra, 1st series, no. 10, 1 September 1917, 13.

⁸⁷ The accent grave on ‘Armentières’ is left off in the title and throughout the poem.

⁸⁸ ‘The Road to Armentieres’, The Hydra, 1st series, no. 9, 18 August 1917, 15.

⁸⁹ ‘The Next War’, The Hydra, 1st series, no. 11, 29 September, 1917, 21. British soldiers making music together while at the fronts, waiting in the trenches, marching and at relaxing at canteens and YMCA huts was indeed common, as Glenn Watkins, Emma Hanna and Helen Barlow have shown. Regina Sweeney has explored this kind of singing in relation to French troops during the war. See Watkins, Proof Through the Night, chapter 3; Hanna, , ‘“Say It With Music”: Combat, Courage and Identity in the Songs of the RFC/RAF, 1914–1918’, British Journal for the Military History 4/2 (February 2018): 91–120Google Scholar and Sounds of War: Music in the British Armed Forces During the Great War (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2020); Barlow, ‘A Vital Necessity’: Musical Experiences in the Life Writing of British Military Personnel at the Western Front’, in A Great Divide; and Regina Sweeney, Singing Our Way to Victory: French Cultural Politics and Music During the Great War (Middletown: Wesleyan University Press, 2001).

⁹⁰ H. M. P., ‘Song of the Turk’, The Hydra, 2nd series, no. 3, January 1918, 11.

⁹¹ William R. Lambert Patterson, ‘The Drum of Fate’, The Hydra, 2nd series, no. 8, June 1918, 17. This idea of being bewitched by music, pulled to movement, recalls Erin Johnson-Williams's article in this issue, in which she discusses the British press's depiction of a Boer soldier being tempted out of the trenches by the sounds of the concertina.

⁹² ‘S’, ‘Ballades of France, no. 3: “Sick in Billets”’, The Hydra, 2nd series, no. 2, December 1917, 18.

⁹³ Sassoon, Sherston's Progress, 556.

⁹⁴ Philip Macee-Wright, ‘Panics in the Night’, The Hydra, 2nd series, no. 2, December 1917, 11.

⁹⁵ Shephard, War of Nerves, 92.

⁹⁶ ‘Windup’, ‘The Counter Attack – A Story Full of Morals’, The Hydra, 1st series, no. 7, 21 July 1917, 10.

⁹⁷ ‘Phantasmagoria’, The Hydra, 1st series, no. 1 April 28, 1917, 10.

⁹⁸ Santanu Das, Touch and Intimacy in First World War Literature, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005), 30, 24.

⁹⁹ More recently, disability studies have problematized this overcoming narrative. For discussion related to music, see Cheng, William, ‘Staging Overcoming: Narratives of Disability and Meritocracy in Reality Singing Competitions’, Journal of the Society for American Music 11/2 (2017): 184–214CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Cameron, Colin Alasdair, ‘Does Disability Studies Have Anything to Say to Music Therapy? And Would Music Therapy Listen If It Did?’ Voices: A World Forum for Music Therapy 14/3 (2014)Google Scholar: https://doi.org/10.15845/voices.v14i3.794; Blake Howe, Stephanie Jensen-Moulton, Neil Lerner and Joseph Straus, ‘Introduction: Disability Studies in Music, Music in Disability Studies’, in The Oxford Handbook of Music and Disability Studies, ed. Howe, Jensen-Moulton, Lerner and Straus (New York: Oxford University Press, 2016); and Straus, Josef, ‘Normalizing the Abnormal: Disability in Music and Music Theory’, Journal of the American Musicological Society 59/1 (2006): 113–84CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹⁰⁰ Drawing upon religious and spiritual imagery and language in artistic and cultural statements of mourning and remembrance was common during and after the war, as Winter demonstrates. See Winter, Sites of Memory, chapters 3, 4 and 8. Herman also discusses how people often turn to religion and spirituality in the wake of trauma. Herman, Trauma and Recovery, 52.

¹⁰¹ ‘A Christmas Message’, The Hydra, 2nd series, no. 2, December 1917, 9.

¹⁰² Sassoon, Sherston's Progress, 549.

¹⁰³ Caruth, ‘Introduction’, 156.

¹⁰⁴ Kai Erikson, ‘Notes on Trauma and Community’, in Trauma: Explorations in Memory, 184–185.

¹⁰⁵ Erikson, ‘Notes on Trauma and Community’, 185, 186. Roger Luckhurst problematizes this way of thinking about trauma that has been dominant in the cultural humanities, similar to how disability studies scholars have problematized overcoming narratives. Luckhurst, The Trauma Question (Abingdon: Routledge, 2008), 209–14.

¹⁰⁶ Erikson, ‘Notes on Trauma and Community’, 190.

¹⁰⁷ Alexander, Trauma, 2. For another application of Alexander to music, but in the context of sheet music during the Mexican–American War, see Elizabeth Morgan, ‘Music Making as Witness in the Mexican–American War: Testimony, Embodiment and Trauma’, this issue.

¹⁰⁸ For more on how class and rank impacted male bonding and comradery, including alienating groups of fighting men from each other, see Joanna Bourke, Dismembering the Male: Men's Bodies, Britain and the Great War (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1996): 124–70. See also Sarah Cole, Modernism, Male Friendship, and the First World War (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2009).

¹⁰⁹ For a theory of music making's role in community formation, see Shelemay, Kay Kaufman, “Musical Communities: Rethinking the Collective in Music”, Journal of the American Musicological Society 64/2 (2011): 349–90CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹¹⁰ Alexander, Trauma, 3

¹¹¹ Butlin to Basil G Burnett Hall, 5 May 1917, Private Papers of J. H. Butlin.

¹¹² For more on the stigma and emasculation associated with wearing the hospital blues uniform, see Ana Carden-Coyne, The Politics of Wounds, 215; and Reznick, Healing the Nation, 100–103.

¹¹³ Specialist hospitals elsewhere bred similar feelings of ostracization among its patients, such as St Dunstan's Hospital for Blind Soldiers and Sailors in London. But the situation with Craiglockhart was different and more pronounced, as neurasthenia did not always bear physical markers, and the public and many doctors viewed shell shock with suspicion, associating it with malingering and even femininity. Nevertheless, in other hospitals, shared physical ailments or disfigurements did engender a sense of community. For discussion of this phenomena in Britain, Germany and France, see Deborah Cohen, The War Come Home: Disabled Veterans in Britain and Germany, 1914–1939 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2001); and Marjorie Gehrhardt, The Men with Broken Faces: Gueules Cassées of the First World War (Bern: Peter Lang, 2015).

¹¹⁴ ‘An Inmate’, ‘Stared At’, The Hydra, 2nd series, no. 8, June 1918, 12.

¹¹⁵ Owen, The Hydra, 1st series, no. 10, 1 September 1917, 7.

¹¹⁶ Wilfred Owen to Susan Owen, in Wilfred Owen Collected Letters, 505–6.

¹¹⁷ Erikson, ‘Notes on Trauma and Community’, 195.

¹¹⁸ Sassoon to Lady Ottoline Morrell, 17 October 1917, Siegfried Sassoon Diaries, 1915–1918 (London: Faber and Faber, 1983), 190.

¹¹⁹ Editorial’, The Hydra, 1st series, no. 10, 1 September 1917, 8. 522. ‘V.A.D's’ here refer to ‘Voluntary Aid Detachment’ nurses, or voluntary unit of civilians (almost always women) who provided nursing care to military personnel in Britain and to British units overseas.

¹²⁰ Peas-Blossom, ‘Concerts’, The Hydra, 1st series, no. 2, 12 May 1917, 15

¹²¹ Butlin to Basil G Burnett Hall, 5 May 1917, Private Papers of J. H. Butlin.

¹²² See my ‘Tommy Music Critics; Hospital Magazines, Transnational Communities, and Music Therapy on the British Home Front During the First World War’, 54th Royal Musical Association Annual Conference, University of Liverpool, 7–9 September 2017; and Music, Healing and Memory in the English Country House, especially chapter 4.

¹²³ Similarly, Rogers points to collective grief and kinship during and after the war in a homemade French music journal. See Rogers, ‘Ties That Bind: Music, Mourning, and the Development of Intimacy and Alternative Kinship Networks in World War I-Era France’, in Music and War from Napoleon to World War I, ed. Etienne Jardin (Turnhout: Brepols, 2016): 415–43.

¹²⁴ Sassoon, Sherston's Progress, 540.

¹²⁵ Butlin to Basil G Burnett Hall, 5 May 1917, Private Papers of J. H. Butlin.

¹²⁶ Leed, No Man's Land, xi.

¹²⁷ Only recently have the war experiences of others besides white male British soldiers started to be recognized in public representations in the war, although this work amongst cultural historians began much earlier. The centenary of the war prompted a host of public funding initiatives in Britain devoted to educating the public about the experiences of women and colonial soldiers. For more on music's role in some of these projects, see Laura Seddon, ‘Contemporary Musical Responses to the Centenary of the First World War: Reframing War Memory’, in A Great Divide.

¹²⁸ Alexander, Trauma, 2–3.

¹²⁹ Winter, Remembering War, 43.

¹³⁰ Heather Wiebe, ‘Ghosts in the Ruins: The War Requiem at Coventry’, in Britten's Unquiet Pasts: Sound and Memory in Postwar Reconstruction (New York: Cambridge University Press), 191–225.

¹³¹ Shephard, War of Nerves, xxii. As Joanna Bourke writes, ‘the disillusionment thesis sits too heavily on a small number of writers and artists such as Siegfried Sassoon, Wilfred Owen, Edmund Blunden, Robert Graves, Wyndham Lewis and Paul Nash. These were self-proclaimed truth-tellers who may or may not be regarded as representative’. Bourke, Dismembering the Male, 29

¹³² Winter, Remembering War, 76.

¹³³ Winter, Remembering War, 43–4.

¹³⁴ 1917, cinema, directed by Sam Mendes (Los Angeles: Dreamworks, 2019).