^{page 9 note 1} Müntz (l.c., I., 1) thus defines the term Renaissance: “II signifie ce rajeunissement de l'esprit humain, cet affranchissement de la pensée, cet essor des sciences et ce raffinement de la civilisation, cette pursuite de la distinction et de la beauté, qui se sont affirmés en Italie vers le quinzième siècle, sous l'influence des leçons de Pantiquité.” Taine says (Lect. on Art, Sec. Ser., p. 79Google Scholar): “The Renaissance is an unique moment, intermediate between the Middle Ages and modern times, between a lack of culture and over-culture, between the reign of crude instincts and the reign of ripe ideas.” The term Renaissance originated in the 15th century, and was first used in the theological sense of spiritual regeneration.

^{page 12 note 1} “Die Renaissance” says Gregorovius (VII., 509), “war die Reformation der Italiener. Sie machten die Wissenschaft von dogmatischen Fesseln frei; sie gaben den Menschen der Menscheit und der ganzen Cultur zurück, und sie erschufen so eine kosmische Bildung, in deren Process wir noch heute stehen, deren fernere Entwicklung und Ziel wir noch heute nicht ahnen können. Die Wiederbelebung der Wissenschaften war der erste grosse Act jener unermesslichen moralischen Revolution, worin Europa noch begriffen ist, und deren bisher offenbare Epochen sind: die italienische Renaissance, die deutsche Reformation, die französische Revolution. Mit Recht heisst jene erste Epoche die des Humanismus, denn mit ihr beginnt die moderne Menschlichkeit.”

^{page 13 note 1} “Die Komödie ist der Schwanengesang des Mittelalters, zugleick aber auch das begeisterte Lied, welches die Herankunft einer neuen Zeit einleitet.” Scartazzini, , Dante Alighieri. Seine Zeit, sein Leben und seine Werke (1869), p. 530Google Scholar. Geiger (Renaissance, p. II): “Dante ist ein Bürger zweier Welten; er steht noch mit einem Fusse in der alten Zeit und schreitet doch als Führer den Kindern einer neuen Zeit mächtig varan. Solches Doppelwesen führt leicht zur Halbheit; die Zeit ist wie die Geliebte, He verlangt den Menschen ganz oder will ihn gar nicht und wendet sic A darum unwillig von demjenigen ab, der sich ihr nicht völlig ergibt.”

^{page 14 note 1} “Allen Schmerz, den ich gesungen, all die Qualen, Greu'l und Wunden Hab' ich schon auf dieser Erden, hab' ich in Florenz gefunden.”

—From Geibel's Dante in Verona.

^{page 15 note 1} See the pictorial illustrations in my essays on Dante. It is impossible to understand his poem without a knowledge of the geography, astronomy, and astrology, as well as the exegesis, philosophy, and theology (scholastic and mystic) of the Middle Ages.

^{page 16 note 1} In the famous episode on Francesca da Rimini, he says (Inferno, T., 140, sqq.):

“The other one did weep so, that, for pity, I swooned away as if I had been dying, And fell, even as a dead body falls.”

^{page 17 note 1} Inferno, iii., 51:Google Scholar

“Non ragioniam di lor, ma guarda e passa”

^{page 18 note 1} His Tesoretto, however, which gives substantially the same contents in allegorical and poetic form and suggested to Dante some of the imagery in the beginning of the Commedia (the dark forest, the guide from antiquity, etc.) was written in Italian. Dante revered his teacher, and yet on account of his unnatural vice he puts him with stern impartiality into hell.

^{page 18 note 2} An English translation by Howell, A. G. Ferres, London, 1890.Google Scholar

^{page 22 note 1} Usually spelled Petrarch in English (from the Latin), with a change of the accent. I prefer the Italian original. His patronymic was Petracco, which he changed into Petrarca, for the sake of euphony.

^{page 24 note 1} Geiger applies to this Dialogue the words of Hettner: “Tagebücher und Selbstbekenntnisse werden, mit Stetigkeit fortgeseizt, immer den Fluch der Eitelkeit an sich tragen; man steht vor dem Spiegel, man stellt sich in künstliche Attituden, man denkt undgestaltet sich ah Romanheld.”

^{page 25 note 1} He calls her “mulier” (in a letter to Giacomo Colonna) and speaks of corpus illud egregium muitis partubus (not perturbationibus) exhaustum. Laura can therefore not have been a virgin, nor a mere allegory for air (l'aura), or laurel-tree (lauro, laurus), or poetry, or virtue, or philosophy, or all combined. Comp. the discussion of this question by Koerting, l. c., p. 686 sqq. Symonds says (Ital. Lit., I., 92Google Scholar): “That Laura was a real woman, and that Petrarch's worship of her was unfeigned; that he adored her with the senses and the heart as well as the head; but that this love was at the same time more a mood of the imagination, a delicate disease, a cherished wound, to which he constantly recurred as the most sensitive and lively wellspring of poetic fancy, than a downright and impulsive passion, may be clearly seen in the whole series of his poems and his autobiographical confessions. Laura appears to have treated him with the courtesy of a somewhat distant acquaintance, who was aware of his homage and was flattered by it. But her lover enjoyed no privileges of intimacy, and it may be questioned whether, if Petrarch could by any accident have made her his own, the fruition of her love would not have been a serious interruption to the happiness of his life.” Comp. Symonds, The Danlesque and Platonic Ideals of Love, in the “Contemporary Review” for Sept., 1890.

^{page 27 note 1} A small town or castle, twenty miles from Florence, where he was born, according to Filippo Villani; but Florence and Paris are also mentioned as the places of his birth. Petrarca calls him “Certaldese”; Koerting pleads for Florence; Ceiger for Paris, where Boccaccio's mother lived and became acquainted with his father on a commercial journey.

^{page 28 note 1} Geiger (p. 49): “In der Reihe der grossen italienischen Schriftsteller ist Boccaccio nicht blos zeitlich der letzte, sondern auch dem Charakter nach der schwächste, aber er ist ein Mensch von so glänzender Begabung, von so wunderbarer Vielseitigkeit, dass ihm auch heute noch der Ruhm gebührt, mit welchem die Zeitgenossenen verschwenderisch ihn überschütteten.”

^{page 28 note 2} The best edition of his La Vita di Dante, with a critical text and introduction of 174 pages by Francesco Marci-Leone, appeared at Florence, 1888.

^{page 28 note 3} What he says, perhaps unjustly, of Dante, that he was “molto dedito a lussuria” applies to him, and may be inferred from his Decamerone.

^{page 29 note 1} The best are: De Geneahgia Deorum, a compend of mythology; and De Claris Mulieribus, biographies of 104 distinguished women, beginning with Eve, including the fictitious popess Johanna, and concluding with a eulogy on Queen Johanna of Naples, who was then still living.

^{page 30 note 1} Baldelli mentions eleven editions before 1500. An English translation appeared in 1624 under the title, The Model of Mirth, Wit, Eloquence, and Conversation. There are several German translations, one by D. W. Soltau, 3d ed., Berlin, 1874. See Manni, , Storia del Decatnerone (1742)Google Scholar, and Landau on the sources of the Decameron (1869).

^{page 33 note 1} He was called Cosimo or Cosmo, after the saint, on whose day he was born (Cosmo and Damiano). The name had a classical and Christian sound.

^{page 34 note 1} A zecchino is a gold coin worth about 9 shillings or $2.20.

^{page 37 note 1} Woolsey, , in “The New Englander” for 01, 1865, p. 69sq.Google Scholar

^{page 39 note 1} Assemani and De Rossi date the Vatican Library from the Gospel of Mark, which was written in Rome for Romans, and from the parchments which Paul as a prisoner in Rome ordered Timothy to bring from Troas (2 Tim. iv: 13). This is certainly very far-fetched.

^{page 39 note 2} “Pro communi doctorum virorum commodo.” But this intention has only recently been carried out.

^{page 40 note 1} Giovanni Tortelli, the first librarian who made a catalogue (unfortunately lost), mentions 9,000 volumes (volumi), but Pius II. only 3,000, Manetti and Vespasiano 5,000. The last number is accepted as the most likely by Voigt (II., 207 sq.), Pastor (I. 417), and Geiger (p. 125).

^{page 40 note 2} The New Testament from Matthew to Hebrews ix: 14 (pp. 1235–1518 of the Codex) has been reproduced by photographic process at Rome in 1889: Η ΝΕΑ ΛΙΑΘΗΚΗ Novum Test, e Codice Vaticano 1209 nativi textus Grœci primo omnium photographice repraesentatum auspice Leone XIII. Pont. Max, curante Jos. Cozza-Luzi Abate Basitiano, S. Rom. Ecclesiœ Vicebibliothecario. Romœ e Bibl. Vatic, agente photographo Danesi. MDCCCLXXXIX. Only 100 copies were printed. The Old Testament will follow. This real facsimile reproduces not only the original text (B*, or manus prima), but also the corrections of the two later hands (B² and B³), and is altogether more trustworthy than the quasi-facsimile edition of Vercellone and Cozza, published in 1868 (which superseded the worthless print of Angelo Mai, 1857). I made a careful comparison of the original and the photograph, in May, 1890, in the Vatican Library, and communicated the results in an article in “The Sunday-School Times,” Philadelphia, May 17, 1890. Comp. the review of Dr. O. von Gebhardt in the “Theol. Literaturzeitung,” for August 9, 1890 (vol. xv., 16). On the value and history of the Vatican Codex, see Schaff, , Companion to the Greek Text, pp. 113Google Scholarsqq., 425 sqq., and Gregory, Prolegomena to Tischendorf's 8th ed. of the Greek Test., Pars I. (1884), pp. 358–366.

^{page 41 note 1} Calixtus III., according to Vespasiano, regarded the accumulation of books by his predecessor as a waste of the treasures of the Church of God, gave away a couple of hundred volumes to the old Cardinal Isidores of Kiew, and melted the silver ornaments of many manuscripts into coin for a war against the Turks. Voigt, II., 209. But this report seems to be at least exaggerated, and is doubted by Pastor, I., 505 sqq.

^{page 41 note 2} On the merits of Sixtus IV. for the library see Pastor, , II., 564–570.Google Scholar

^{page 44 note 1} For further details in this section I refer chiefly to Tiraboschi, Voigt, Gregorovius, and Geiger.

^{page 45 note 1} Istorie Fiorentine, in many editions, one of Milan, 1848, in seven volumes, another at Triest, 1858.

^{page 45 note 2} Leonardi Bruni Aretini Epistolœ, ed. Menus, Flor., 1742, 2 vols.Google Scholar

^{page 46 note 1} Opera Poggii, Basil., 1513, and other editions. Epistolœ Poggii Florentini, ed. Tonelli, Florence, 1832Google Scholar, '59, '61, 3 vols. Shepherd, 's Life of Poggio, Italian ed. enlarged by Tonelli, Florence, 1825, 2 vols.Google Scholar

^{page 47 note 1} Epistolœ Ambrogii Traversarii, ed. Mehus, Flor., 1749.Google Scholar

^{page 47 note 2} A monument was also erected to his honor in the same church which is the pantheon of Florentine geniuses. Geiger gives an illustration of it, p. 98.

^{page 48 note 1} He thus sounds his praise:

“Quod si Virgilius superat me carminis ullis Laudibus, orator illo ego sum melior. Sin Tulli eloquio prœstat facundia nostro, Versibus We meis cedit ubique minor. Adde quod et lingua possum hœe prœstare Pelasga, Et Latia. Talem quem mihi des alium ?”

^{page 48 note 2} His life has been written by Carlo de' Rosmini, Milan, 1808, 3 vols. Epistolœ Filelfi, Venet., 1502 fol.

^{page 49 note 1} Comp. on him Geiger, p. 171 sqq., and the third edition of Burckhardt, pp. 213 sq., of the English translation, where Vittorino is described as “one of those men who devote their whole life to an object for which their natural gifts constitute a special vocation. He wrote almost nothing, and finally destroyed the few poems of his youth which he had long kept by him. He studied with unwearied industry; he never sought after titles, which, like all outward distinctions, he scorned; and he lived on terms of the closest friendship with teachers, companions, and pupils, whose good-will he knew how to preserve. He excelled in bodily no less than in mental exercises, was an admirable rider, dancer, and fencer; wore the same clothes in winter as in summer; walked in nothing but sandals, even during the severest frost; and lived so that, till his old age, he was never ill. He so restrained his passions, his natural inclination to sensuality and anger, that he remained chaste his whole life through, and hardly ever hurt any one by a hard word.”

^{page 49 note 2} See my article on Laurentius Valla in the “Presbyterian and Reformed Review,” for Jan., 1891. The works of Valla were published at Basel, 1540, and three new works from Vatican MSS. by Vahlen, Vienna, 1869.

^{page 50 note 1} Voigt, II., 124: “Es ging mit den Griechen in demselben Grade abwärts, in welchem die Kenntniss ihrer Sprache und Literatur unter den Italienern emporstieg. Als sie in immer grösseren Schaaren und meistens ah Bettler kamen, chlug die Ehr furcht, mit welcher man Anfangs diese Sprôsslinge der homerschen Heldengeschlechter und der alten Athener angestaunt, völlig um.”

^{page 51 note 1} He assumed this name in Italy for its affinity in sound to Plato.

^{page 51 note 2} W. Gass: Gennadius und Pletho, Aristotelismus und Platonismus in der griechischen Kirche, Breslau, 1844, in two parts. Schultze, Fritz: Georgius Gemisthos Plethon und seine reformatorischen Bestrebungen, Jena, 1874Google Scholar. Gennadius (Georgius Scholarius), who likewise attended the Union Council of Ferrara, at first favored the union, but on his return opposed it, as Patriarch of Constantinople, and prepared the orthodox confession of faith which bears his name. See Schaff, , Creeds of Christendom, I., 46sqq.Google Scholar

^{page 52 note 1} Pius II. professed not to know whether that bishopric was small, or merely a name.

^{page 52 note 2} When the College of Cardinals was on the point of electing him pope, the Cardinal of Avignon roused the jealousy of the West by asking: “Would ye have for a pope a Greek, a recent proselyte, a man with a beard? Is the Latin Church fallen so low, that it must have recourse to the Greeks?”

^{page 53 note 1} Bessarionis Opera omnia in Migne's Patrol. Grœca, Tom. CLXI. See the literature in Voigt, II., 125, who mentions also von Goethe, Wolfgang, Studien und Forschungen über das Leben und die Zeit des Cardinals Bessarion, 1871Google Scholar. Add Henri Vast, Le Cardinal Bessarion, étude sur la chr étienté et la renaissance vers le milieu du 15 siècle, Paris, 1878.Google Scholar

^{page 56 note 1} It is preserved in a manuscript at Prague, which Voigt has inspected. He says that this comedy “spielt unter Dirnen, Dirnenjägern und Kupplerinnen und überbietet weit an Unflath alle Leistungen seiner Vorgänger.” Wieder herstellung des class. Alterth., II., 413 (Enea Silvio, II., 269).Google Scholar

^{page 57 note 1} Voigt says (II., 237): “Er war selbst ein zu grosser Schriftsteller, um ein reckter Mäcen zu sein.”

^{page 58 note 1} This famous testimony against clerical celibacy was suggested by his own former experience, but was disregarded by his successors who preferred hierarchical power to clerical purity.

^{page 59 note 1} De Vitis ac Gestis summorum Pontificum ad Sixtum IV. deductum. An English translation was published in 1685, and republished by Rev. W. Bendham, London (n. d.). Platina wrote also a Historia urbis Mantua, from the origin of the town to 1464. It is very rare. On his quarrel with the Pope, see hoigt and Geiger (149 sqq.).

^{page 63 note 1} Villari (Savonarola, I., 136 and 154 sqq.) accepts the report of Pico and Burlamachi, but von Ranke and von Reumont (II., 417 and 442 sqq.) follow Poliziano.

^{page 64 note 1} Pomponatii liber de immortalitate animœ. Bonon., 1516.Google Scholar

^{page 65 note 1} De Religione Christiana, in thirty-eight chapters.

^{page 66 note 1} Theologia Platonica de immortalitate animarum, in 18 books. See Marsili. Ficini Florentini insignis Philosophi Platonici Opera. Basel, 1561, 2 vols., fol.Google Scholar

^{page 67 note 1} “Among all those who busied themselves with Hebrew in the fifteenth century, no one was of more importance than Pico della Mirandola. He was not satisfied with a knowledge of the Hebrew grammar and Scriptures, but penetrated into the Jewish Cabbalah, and even made himself familiar with the literature of the Talmud. That such pursuits, though they may not have gone very far, were at all possible to him, he owed to his Jewish teachers.” —Burckhardt, 3d ed., pp. 198 sq.

^{page 69 note 1} Comp. Ch. Siegwart, , Ulrich Zwingli: der Charakter seiner Theologie mit besonderer Rücksicht auf Picus von Mirandola (1855)Google Scholar. Siegwart maintains that Zwingli's doctrine of God in the first chapter of his tract, De Providentia, is in part literally borrowed from Pico's tract, De Ente et Uno, and that the fourth chapter is an abridged reproduction of the Oratio de hominis dignitate. We may add that Zwingli may have derived his figurative view of the words of the institution of the Lord's Supper from the same source. But Mörikofer, Ulrich Zwingli, II., 508Google Scholarsq., vindicates the originality of Zwingli.

^{page 71 note 1} “Er widmete seine Jugend der Liebe, die Zeit seiner männlichen Kraft den Musen, und sein Alter der Religion.”—Geiget, p. 224.

^{page 75 note 1} “Of all the fairest cities of the earth

None is so fair as Florence. 'T is a gem

Of purest ray; and what a light broke forth,

When it emerged from darkness! Search within,

Without; all is enchantment! 'T is the Past

Contending with the Present; and in turn

Each has the mastery.”—Rogers.

^{page 76 note 1} Taine (Lect. on Art, Second Series, p. II) calls Masaccio “an all but finished artist, a solitary originator who instinctively sees beyond his age, an unrecognized precursor who is without followers, whose sepulchre even bears no inscription, who lived poor and alone, and whose precocious greatness is to be comprehended only half a century later.”

^{page 77 note 1} Italy, Rome, and Naples (N. York, 1877), p. 186.Google Scholar

^{page 77 note 2} Lectures on Art, I., 16.—Lübke (Hist, of Art, II., 28sq.Google Scholar) says: “Leonardo da Vinci was one of those rare beings in whom Nature loves to unite all conceivable human perfections,—strikingly handsome, and at the same time of a dignified presence, and of an almost incredible degree of bodily strength; while mentally he possessed such various endowments as are hardly ever united in a single person,” etc.

^{page 79 note 1} Vasari says of Fra Giovanni that “he might have lived in the world with the utmost ease and comfort … but he chose, nevertheless, in the hope of ensuring the peace and quiet of his life and of promoting the salvation of his soul, to enter the order of the preaching friars [in 1407]; for although it is certain that we may serve God in all conditions, yet, to some, it appears that they can more effectually secure their salvation in the cloister than in the world; and this purpose is doubtless successful as regards a man of good and upright purpose; but the contrary as certainly happens to him who becomes a monk from less worthy motives, and who is sure to render himself truly miserable.” Pope Nicolas V. offered him the bishopric of Florence, but Fra Giovanni declined it, and recommended Fra Antonio, who was most eminent for learning and piety, and was canonized by Adrian VI.

^{page 79 note 2} Hawthorne, in his Marble Faun (or Transformation), which contains some choice descriptions of Rome and Roman art. See Vol. II., Ch. XII.

^{page 82 note 1} “Seine Geschichte ist in den vier Begriffen enthalten: leben, lieben, arbeiten und jung sterben.”—Grimm, p. 87.Google Scholar

^{page 82 note 2} Vasari calls him la gentilezza stessa, which Grimm translates in half-English: “durch und durch ein Gentleman.”

^{page 83 note 1} Like other artists in a corrupt age, he deemed it no sin to keep a mistress. This is the only dark spot on his character. The fact rests on the contemporary testimony of his admirer, Vasari. He says (in his Vita di Raffaello, chapter 24) that Raphael was a “persona mollo amorosa e affezionata alle donne, e di continuo presto ai servigi loro,” and intimates (chapter 27) that sensual indulgence was the cause of his last sickness. When Raphael felt death approaching he “as a good Christian dismissed his beloved from his house (come cristiano, mandò l'amata sua fuor di casa), and made a decent provision for her support…. Then, after humbly confessing his sins, he finished the course of his life on the same day on which he was born, which was Good Friday, 37 years of age. His soul, we may believe, as it beautified the world with art, adorned heaven with itself…. O happy and blessed soul, everybody loves to speak of thee, praises thy achievements, and admires every one of thy drawings.” The “Forarina,” so-called, in the Barberini palace in Rome, bears Raphael's own name on the bracelet. We have from him four erotic sonnets which describe “the enchanting deception of love.” Grimm gives them at the end of his Raphael (pp. 500 sqq.), and says of them in his work on Michelangelo (I., 367 sq.): “Es steckt ein ganzer Roman darin. Alle vier haben denselben Inhalt: leidenschaftliche Erinnerung an das Glück, das in den Armen einer Frau gefunden ward, zu der die Rückkehr unmöglich ist. Die Resignation, die Sehnsucht die ihn erfüllt, die Wonne, mit der er dann wieder die Stunden sich zurückruft, als sie kam, tief in der Nacht, und sein war, sind in seine Verse hineingeflossen…. Kein einziges der Gedichte Michelangelo's enthält so glühende Leidenschaft…. Es isl von vielen Frauen die Rede, die Raphael liebte, aber von allen wird nichts weiter gesagt, als dass sie lebten, und dass sie seine Geliebte waren.”

^{page 84 note 1} See Grimm's admirable description of Raphael's Madonnas, pp. 414 sqq., and Gruyer, , Les vierges de Raphaël, Paris, 1869, 3 vols.Google Scholar

^{page 87 note 1} With these well-known lines of Byron may be coupled those of Schiller:

“Und ein zweiter Himmel in den Himmel

Steigt Sanct Peter's wundersamer Dom.”

^{page 87 note 2} Comp. Grimm's admirable description of the Pieta, I., 186 sqq.

^{page 87 note 3} MrsJameson, (The History of our Lord as exemplified in Works of Art, II., 408)Google Scholar, says: “Michael Angelo's conception of the Divine Judge may be considered the ne plus ultra of all that is most opposed to the Christian's idea, for even the dignity of a pagan deity is lost in the muscular vehemence of the figure.” Grimm (II., 224) judges almost as severely. “Unbeschreiblich befremdend ist der Anblick, den der Christus des jüngsten Gerichis bietet…. Doch, wenn cin jüngstes Gericht gemalt werden sollte mil ewiger Verdammniss, und Christus als der Richter, der sie ausspricht, wie konnte er anders erscheinen als in solcher Furchtbarkeit ?”

^{page 88 note 1} See his sonnets Signor, se vero è, and Qua si fa elmi, translated by Symonds, , in The Fine Arts, p. 516.Google Scholar

^{page 89 note 1} Grimm says of Vittoria Colonna (II., 310): “Sie stand mit an der Spitze der Partei, der die Zukunft zu gehören schien. Hätten ihre Freunde den Erfolg für sich gehabt, Vittoria's Name würde von noch grösserem Glanze heute umgeben sein. Sie, Renata von Ferrara und Margareta von Navarra, alle drei durch Freundschaft verbunden und in fortwährendem Verkehr, bildeten das Triumvirat von Frauen, unter dessen Anführung das ganze gebildete Italien damals in den Kampfging. Polo oder Contarini hätten nur, wozu sie beide Aussie At hatten, nach Paul's Tode zut höchsten Würde gelangen dürfen, und der Sieg wäre errungen gewesen.”

^{page 89 note 2} The following passages may serve as specimens: “O great unkindness! O thing abominable! that we, who profess ourselves Christians, and hear that the Son of God hath taken all our sins upon him, and washed them out with his precious blood, suffering himself to be fastened to the cross for oursakes, should nevertheless act as though we would justify ourselves, and purchase forgiveness of our sins by our own works; as if the deserts, righteousness, and bloodshed of Jesus Christ were not enough to do it, unless we came to add our works and righteousness; which are altogether denied and spotted with self-love, selfliking, self-profit, and a thousand other vanities, for which we have need to crave pardon at God's hand, rather than reward. Neither do we think of the threatenings which St. Paul useth to the Galatians who, having been deceived by false preachers, believed not that the justification by faith was sufficient of itself, but went about still to be made righteous by the law. Unto whom St. Paul saith, ‘Jesus Christ will profit you nothing that justify yourselves by the law; ye are fallen away from grace; for we through the Spirit by faith wait for the hope of righteousness.” The writer, however, insists on the inseparable connection between faith and good works. “Now are we come to the end of our purpose, wherein our chief intent hath been (according to our small power) to magnify the wonderful benefit which the Christian man hath received by Jesus Christ crucified, and to show that faith of herself alone justifieth, that is to wit, that God receiveth and holdeth them for righteous who believe steadfastly that Christ hath made full amends for their sins; howbeit, that, as light cannot be separated from fire, which of itself burneth and devoureth all things, even so good works cannot be separated from faith, which alone by itself justifieth. And this holy doctrine (which exalteth Jesus Christ, and represseth, abateth the pride of man) hath been and always will be rejected, and fought against by such Christians as have Jewish minds. But happy is he who, following the example of St. Paul, spoileth himself of his own righteousness, and would have none other righteousness than that which is of Jesus Christ, wherewith if he be clothed and apparelled, he may most assuredly appear before God, and shall receive his blessing and the heritage of heaven and earth with his only Son Jesus Christ our Lord; to whom be all honor, praise, and glory, from this time forth for evermore. Amen.”

^{page 90 note 1} Leopold von Ranke traced the tract in the Acts of the Inquisition to a monk of San Severino, in Naples, a pupil of Valde's. Die römischen Päpste, I., 91Google Scholarsq. (8th ed.) Benrath discovered the name, Don Benedetto of Mantova. Flaminio of Imola, a friend of Valdés and Vermigli, gave the book its final shape. See Benrath in Brieger's “Zeitschrift der Kirchengeschichte,” Leipzig, 1, 575–596 (1877); an article of Ed. Böhmer on Valdés in Herzog², XVI., 276–291, and his book Spanish Reformers, Strassburg and London (1874), Vol IGoogle Scholar., 63 sqq. Böhmer states that there are in the imperial library of Vienna two Italian copies (one of 1546, another without date) of the Trattato utilissimo del beneficio di Giesu Christo crocifisso, verso i Christiani. The English edition, which was republished by the London Religious Tract Society, and by Gould and Lincoln in Boston (1860), was copied from a French version, 4th ed., London, 1638.

^{page 91 note 1} “Unico maestro Michelangelo e mio singularissimo amico.”

^{page 92 note 1} See the sonnets, translated by Symonds, , The Fine Arts, p. 527sq.Google Scholar

^{page 95 note 1} Voigt (II., 213): “Keiner der Humanisten hat sich offen und prindpiell gegen Christenthum oder Kirche zu erklären gewagt. Auch vor dogmatischen Abweichungen schützte sie ihre Gleichgültigkeit gegen alle Kirchenlehre und Theologie. Selbst Valla stellte seine ver ketzenten Behauptungen mehr nur auf, um seine pfäffischen Feinde zu ärgern, nicht um ihrer sebst willen. Auch waren diese literarischen Helden viel zu sehr Höflinge, um gegen die conventionellen Formen der Kirche Stellung zu nehmen. Aber trotz dent war der Kreis ihrer Gedanken und Ideale ein gründlich anderer als der kirchliche und christliche. Im Stillen und im Verkehr mit einander toucherte das heidnische Wesen, und im besten Fall ersetzte eine stoische Etkik die Gebote der Religion…. Im Ganzen war der Humanismus zweifellos ein geborener Feind der Kirche, der ihre Grundlagen unterhöhlte, den Papstthum und Prälatur als eine gefährliche Schlange am Busen hegten.”

^{page 96 note 1} The principles of his Principe are fully discussed by Villari in his Machiavelli, II., 403–473Google Scholar, and by Symonds, , Age of the Despots, Ch. VI. (p. 306 sqq.).Google Scholar

^{page 96 note 2} Burckhardt says (p. 273): “Poggio's works contain dirt enough to create a prejudice against the whole class—and these ‘Opera Poggii’ were just those most frequently printed on the north, as well as the south, side of the Alps.”

^{page 97 note 1} He published lascivious Sonetti lussuriosi and pornographic Ragionamenti, but also pious romances. He furnished the text to a series of obscene pictures of Giulio Romano. See Mazzuchelli, , Vita di Pietro Aretino, Padua, 1741Google Scholar, and Symonds, , Ital. Lit., II., 383Google Scholarsqq. Reumont (Hist, of Rome, III., Part II., 367) calls Aretino “die Schandsäule der Literatur.”Google Scholar

^{page 97 note 2} Voigt, II., 471: “Es ist kein Ztaeifel, dass auch jene geschlechtliche Verirrung, zu deren Bezeichnung das Volk der Griechen seinen Namen leiht, in Italien während des 15. Jahrh. nicht nur in einzelnen Fällen und im scheuen Dunkel sich regte, sondern hier und dort wie cine moralische Pest herrschte, … Neapel, Florenz und Siena werden als die Hauptsitze aller Schwelgerei und der unnatürlichen Laster bezeichnet.”

^{page 97 note 3} Speaking of the Italian artists of that period, Mrs. Jameson says: “There prevailed with this pagan taste in literature and art a general laxity of morals, a license of conduct, and a disregard of all sacred things such as had never, even in the darkest ages of barbarism, been known in Italy. The papal chair was during that period filled by two popes, the perfidious and cruel Sixtus IV., and the more detestable Alexander VI. (the infamous Borgia). Florence, meantime, under the sway of Lorenzo and his sons, became one of the most magnificent, but also one of the most dissolute of cities.”—Memoirs of Early Italian Painters, new ed., London (J. Murray) 1868, p. 154Google Scholar. Gomp. Grimm, 's Michelangelo, I., 114 sqq.Google Scholar

^{page 98 note 1} Infessura, in Eccard, Scriplores, II., 1997, quoted by Burckhardt, Die Cultur der Renaissance, p. 316 (p. 400 of the English translation). He adds: “The public women only, not the kept women are meant.”

^{page 99 note 1} Von Reumont, Gesch. der Stadt Rom., III., P. II., 461 sqq. Aretino who was at home in this company, embellished it with consummate poetic skill. Symonds remarks (Revival of Learning, p. 406Google Scholar): “At Rome virtuous women had no place; but Phryne lived again in the person of Imperia.”

^{page 99 note 2} “Octo Nocens genuit pueros totidemque puellas,

Nunc merito poterit dicere Roma patrem.”

^{page 99 note 3} Symonds, , Age of the Despots, p. 403Google Scholarsq. A Roman who had killed two of his own daughters bought pardon for 800 ducats.

^{page 100 note 1} Lucrezia bore a good character after her third marriage to Alfonso d'Este, Crown Prince of Ferrara, and gave herself much to acts of devotion and charity, as well as to the patronage of letters. She wore a Spanish costume and was saluted by Spanish buffoons at her entrance to Ferrara. Her first marriage was dissolved by the pope; the second ended with the murder of her husband by her brother Cesare, who was also charged with incest. See Gregorovius, , Lucrezia Borgia, Stuttgart, 3d ed., 1876, 2 vols.Google Scholar

^{page 100 note 2} Epitome Pontificum, p. 359Google Scholar, quoted by Burckhardt, 116, note.

^{page 100 note 3} Contin. Platintz, p. 341Google Scholar. Burckhardt adds to this quotation (p. 117): “And what might not Cæsar have achieved if, at the moment when his father died, he had not himself been laid upon a sick-bed! What a conclave would that have been, in which, armed with all his weapons, he had extorted his election from a college whose numbers he had judiciously reduced by poison—and this at a time when there was no French army at hand! In pursuing such an hypothesis the imagination loses itself in an abyss.”

^{page 101 note 1} Much has been written of late on this pope, partly with the apologetic aim of denying or whitewashing his almost incredible crimes, by Cerri(1878), Ollivier (1870), Nemec (1879), Leonetti (1880), Clément (1882), Höfler (1888), Yriarte (1889), and others. I add the description of the nearly contemporary Italian historian, Guicciardini (Storia Fiorentina, ch. 27, as translated by Symonds, p. 603 sq.): “So died Pope Alexander, at the height of glory and prosperity; about whom it must be known that he was a man of the utmost power and of great judgment and spirit, as his actions and behavior showed. But as his first accession to the papacy was foul and shameful, seeing he had bought with gold so high a station, in like manner his government disagreed not with this base foundation. There were in him, and in full measure, all vices both of flesh and spirit; nor could there be imagined in the ordering of the Church a rule so bad but that he put it into working. He was most sensual toward both sexes, keeping publicly women and boys, but more especially toward women (fu lussuriosissimo nell' uno e nell' altro sesso, tenendo publicamente femine e garzoni, ma più ancora nelle femine); and so far did he exceed all measure that public opinion judged he knew Madonna Lucrezia, his own daughter, toward whom he bore a most tender and boundless love. He was exceedingly avaricious, not in keeping what he had acquired, but in getting new wealth: and where he saw a way toward drawing money, he had no respect whatever; in his days were sold as at auction all benefices, dispensations, pardons, bishoprics, cardinalships, and all court dignities: unto which matters he had appointed two or three men privy to his thought, exceeding prudent, who let them out to the highest bidder. He caused the death by poison of many cardinals and prelates, even among his intimates, those namely whom he noted to be rich in benefices and understood to have hoarded much, with the view of seizing on their wealth. His cruelty was great, seeing that by his directions many were put to violent death; nor was the ingratitude less with which he caused the ruin of the Sforzeschi and Colonnesi, by whose favor he acquired the papacy. There was in him no religion, no keeping of his troth: he promised all things liberally, but stood to nought but what was useful to himself: no care for justice, since in his days Rome was like a den of thieves and murderers: his ambition was boundless, and such that it grew in the same measure as his state increased: nevertheless, his sins meeting with no due punishment in this world, he was to the last of his days most prosperous. While young and still almost a boy, having Calixtus for his uncle, he was made cardinal and then vicechancellor: in which high place he continued till his papacy, with great revenue, good fame, and peace. Having become pope, he made Cesare, his bastard son and bishop of Pampeluna, a cardinal, against the ordinances and decrees of the Church, which forbid the making of a bastard cardinal even with the pope's dispensation, wherefore he brought proof by false witnesses that he was born in wedlock. Afterwards he made him a layman and took away the cardinal's dignity from him, and turned his mind to making a realm; wherein he fared far better than he purposed, and, beginning with Rome, after undoing the Orsini, Colonnesi, Savelli, and those barons who were wont to be held in fear by former popes, he was more full master of Rome than ever had been any pope before. With the greatest ease he got the lordships of Romagna, the March, and the Duchy; and having made a most fair and powerful state, the Florentines held him in much fear, the Venetians in jealousy, and the king of France in esteem. Then having got together a fine army, he showed how great was the might of a pontiff when he hath a valiant general and one in whom he can place faith. At last he grew to that point that he was counted the balance in the war of France and Spain. In one word he was more evil and more lucky than ever for many ages peradventure had been any pope before.”

^{page 103 note 1} Burckhardt (p. 443) quotes from Bandello, the novelist, who died 1506: “Nowadays we see a woman poison her husband to gratify her lusts, thinking that a widow may do whatever she desires. Another, fearing the discovery of an illicit amour, has her husband murdered by her lover. And though fathers, brothers, and husbands arise to extirpate the shame with poison, with the sword, and by every other means, women still continue to follow their passions, careless of their honor and their lives.” Another time, in a milder strain, he exclaims:

“Would that we were not daily forced to hear that one man has murdered his wife because he suspected her of infidelity; that another has killed his daughter, on account of a secret marriage; that a third has caused his sister to be murdered, because she would not marry as he wished! It is great cruelty that we claim the right to do whatever we list, and will not suffer women to do the same.”

^{page 103 note 2} This was the case also in other Italian cities at that time. “The Sforzas, the Aragonese monarchs, the Republic of Venice, and, later on, the agents of Charles V., resorted to murder as one of the instruments of their power whenever it suited their purpose. The imagination of the people at last became so accustomed to facts of this kind, that the death of any powerful man was seldom or never attributed to natural causes.… There may be some truth in the story of that terrible white powder used by the Borgias, which did its work at the end of a definite period.”—Burckhardt, p. 451. Grimm makes the same remark (Mich. Ang., I., 114Google Scholar): “Kein bedeutender Mann [starb] damals, dessen Tod nicht zu dem Gerüchte einer Vergi ftung Anlass gab.”

^{page 103 note 3} Burckhardt relates his story, p. 449 (from the Diario Ferrarese in Murat., XXIV., 312Google Scholar): “On August 12, 1495, the priest Don Niccoló de' Pelegati of Figarolo was shut up in an iron cage outside the tower of San Giuliano at Ferrara. He had twice celebrated mass; the first time he had the same day committed murder, but afterwards received absolution at Rome; he then killed four people and married two wives, with whom he travelled about. He afterwards took part in many assassinations, violated women, carried others away by force, plundered far and wide, and infested the territory of Ferrara with a band of followers in uniform, extorting food and shelter by every sort of violence. When we think of what all this implies, the mass of guilt on the head of this one man is something tremendous.”

^{page 104 note 1} His master of ceremonies assigns as the reason (as quoted by Roscoe), “quia totus erat ex morbo Gallico alterosus.”

^{page 104 note 2} “Godiamoci il papato, poichè Dio ce l' ha dato,” he said to his brother Giuliano after his election.

^{page 105 note 1} Discorsi, Lib. I., cap. 12. Comp. cap. 55: “Italy is more corrupt than all other countries; then come the French and the Spaniards.”

^{page 106 note 1} Opere inedite, Vol. I.Google Scholar; Ricordi, No. 28. Quoted by Burckhardt, p. 464, and by Symonds, , Age of the Despots, 452Google Scholarsq. Symonds adds: “These utterances are all the more remarkable, because they do not proceed from the deep sense of holiness which animated reformers like Savonarola.”

^{page 106 note 2} Raynaldus, ad ann., 1522 (Annal., Tom. XI., 363Google Scholar); Schaff, , Church History, VI., 393sq.Google Scholar

^{page 106 note 3} Geschichte der Stadt Rom, VIII., 282Google Scholar: “Das reichste geistige Leben blühte hier [in Rome] im Sumpf der Laster.” In Vol. VII., 411, he says: “Begier nach Macht und Genuss war der Tried jener Zeit, wo die Lehre Epicur's das Christenthum bezwungen hatte. Die wollüstige Natur erscheint fast in jedem hervorragenden Menschen jener Epoche, und Alexander VI. über Kam Rom als einen moralischen Sumpf.… Jene Zeit ertrug und verübte das Furchtbare als wäre es Natur. Wir Menschen von heute fassen das Kaum. Die Borgia stellten die Renaissance des Verbrechens dar, wie es die Zeit des Tiberius und anderer Kaiser gesehen hatte. Sie besassen den kühnsten Muth dazu, aber das Verbrechen selbst wurde unter ihren Händen zum Kunstwerk. Diesist es, warum Machiavelli, der politische Naturforscher seiner Zeit, einen Cœsar Borgia bewundert hat. Gold war das Idol, vor dem sich alles beugte. Durch Gold stieg Alexander VI. auf den Thron, mit ihm behauptete er ihn, und gewann er für Cœsar Länder. Er that auch nur was seine Vorgänger gethan, wenn er jedes Amt, jede Gunst, jedes Recht und Unrecht feil bot. Nur that er diess in grösseren Dimensionen.”

^{page 107 note 1} See his chapter on the fall of the humanists in the sixteenth century, pp. 272 sqq.; and on their morality, 431 sqq.

^{page 107 note 2} Revival of Learning, p. 406.Google Scholar

^{page 107 note 3} Age of ihe Despots, p. 447.Google Scholar

^{page 107 note 4} On the Revival of letters, in the “New Englander” for 1865, p. 669.Google Scholar

^{page 108 note 1} Epist. ad Augustinum Eugubinum (Opera, ed. Cleric. III., II., p. 1382Google Scholar): “At ego Romœ his auribus audivi quosdam abominandis blasphemiis debacchantes in Christum et in illius Apostolos, idque multis mecum audientibus, et quidem impune. Ibidem multos novi, qui commemorabant, se dicta horrenda audisse a quibusdam sacerdotibus, aulae Pontificiœ ministris, idque in ipsa Missa, tam clare, ut ea vox ad multorum aures pervenerit.” In another letter he expresses the fear that the revival of classical literature might lead to a revival of heathenism, and a revival of Hebrew learning to a revival of Judaism (III., 1, p. 189).

^{page 108 note 2} He heard that priests said over the bread and wine in the mass: “Panis es, panis manebis; vinum es, vinum manebis.” A priest near him dispatched his own mass in the most hurried manner, and told him, “passa, passa, have done, send her Son soon home again to our Lady.” Walch, Luther's Werke, XIV., 1509Google Scholar; Mathesius, , Life of Luther, p. 6Google Scholar. This agrees well with the admission of Erasmus quoted in the preceding note.

^{page 110 note 1} Quoted by Voigt, l.c., I., 404 sqq., from Poggio, Filelfo, etc.

^{page 110 note 2} The controversy about the person and nationality of the inventor and the place of invention resembles the rival claims of seven cities to be the birthplace of Homer. Mainz, Strassburg, Bamberg, Feltre, and Haarlem contend for the honor. The writer in the “Enc. Brit.,” decides with Dutch authorities in favor of Laurens Janszoon Coster at Haarlem, 1445. But his claim has been effectually disproved by A. von der Linde (Die Haarlemsche Coster-Legende, 1870Google Scholar, and Gutenberg, : Geschichte undErdichtung aus den Quellen nachgewiesen, Stuttgart, 1878Google Scholar), who shows that Coster was a tallow chandler and innkeeper and left Haarlem 1483, and that the first book of Haarlem, entitled “Datleiden Jesu,” dates from 1485, and was printed by Jacob Bellaert. The best authorities agree on Gutenberg. Jacob Wimpheling wrote in 1507 (as quoted by Janssen, I., 9): “Of no art can we Germans be more proud than of the art of printing, which made us the intellectual bearers of the doctrines of Christianity, of all divine and earthly sciences, and thus benefactors of the whole race.”

^{page 111 note 1} The first date is said to occur in the letters of indulgence issued in 1454 by Nicolas V. in behalf of the kingdom of Cyprus; but these letters seem to have been printed at Frankfort and Lübeck. See “Enc. Brit.,” XXIII., 684.Google Scholar

^{page 111 note 2} Reuss (Geschichte der heil. Schriften N. Ts., 6th ed. 1887, p. 545Google Scholar) says: “Kein Buch ist in der Zeit unmittelbar nach des Erfindung des Bücherdrucks häufiger gedruckt worden als die lateinische Bibel, bis 1520 über 100 Mal… Gewiss ist, dass mehrere undatirte Ausgaben den Anfang machen.… Die ältesten Drucke sind ausserdem [i. e. ausser von Mainz] van Strassburg, Köln Basel. Erst 1471 auch ausser Deutschland.”

^{page 111 note 3} See Schaff, , Church Hist., VI., 343, 351.Google Scholar

^{page 111 note 4} Falkenstein gives a list of them, l.c., 383–393.

^{page 117 note 1} Voigt (II., 317): “Der deutsche Humanismus und der italienische haben vieles gemeinsam, aber in einem Punkte weichen sie auffällig aus einander: die Frucht der klassischen Studien war in Italien ein religiöser Indifferentismus, ja ein heimlicher Krieg der Ungläubigkeit gegen Glauben und Kirche; in Deutschland dagegen erweckten sie gerade eine neue Regsamkeit auf den Gebieten der Theohgie und des kirchlichen Lebens.”

^{page 120 note 1} From χάпνιον (i.e., little smoke), the Greek equivalent for Reuchlin (the diminutive of Rauch, smoke). Hermolaus Barbaras thus hellenized him.

^{page 121 note 1} Rudimenta lingua Hebraicœ. It is based upon David Kimchi, but is the first Hebrew grammar written by a Christian. He proudly concluded the work with the words of Horace: “Stat [Exegiœre perennius.” He introduced many technical terms which are still in use. He also explained the difficult theory of Hebrew accentuation, in De accentibus et orthographia linguœ Hebraicœ, 1518. Comp. Geiger, Das Studium der hebräischen Sprache in Deutschland vom Ende des 15ten bis zur Mitte des 16ten Jahrh., Breslau, 1870.

^{page 123 note 1} In books entitled: Judenspiegel; Judenbeichte; Osternbuch; Judenfeind, 1507–'09.

^{page 123 note 2} “Rathschlag, ob man den Juden alle ihre Bücher nehmen, abihun und verbrennen soll” Stuttgart, 11 6, 1510.Google Scholar

^{page 124 note 1} He called Reuchlin a Judengönner, Ohrenbläser, Stubenstencker, Beutelfeger, Hinterschützen, Seitenstecher, etc., and charged him with having taken bribes from the Jews.

^{page 125 note 1} Clarorum [in the second edition, Illustrium] Virorum—Epistolœ hebraicœ, grœcœ et latinœ ad Io. Reuchlinum, etc., 1514; new ed. 1519.

^{page 126 note 1} The first series was printed at Hagenau (in Alsace), 1515, the second (in opposition to Pfefferkorn's Defensio) at Basel, 1517. Modern ed. by Münch, Lips., 1827, and the best by Böcking in the 6th and 7th vols. of his Opera Hutteni (Lips., 1869). Böcking gives also a historico-philological commentary and the Defensio of Pfefferkorn. A German translation by Dr. Wilhelrr. Binder: Briefe von Dunkelmännern an Magister Gralius aus Deventer, Professor der schönen Wissenschaften in Cöln, Stuttgart, 1876. For a good analysis, see Hagen, l.c., I., 440 sqq.; Strauss, l.c., 165 sqq.; and Geiger, , p. 518Google Scholarsqq. It is impossible to appreciate the humor and irony of these Epistles without a knowledge of German. Strauss does them too much honor when he compares them to Don Quixote. The language reminds me of the German-English jargon of the ballads of Hans Breitmann. The names of the correspondents and their friends are ludicrous, as Langschneider; Dollkopf, Hafenmus, Scheerschleifer, Federleser, Federfuchser, Kannegiesser, Kachelofen, Kalb, Löffelhoh, Kuckuck, Schaafmaul, Schweinfurth, Wurst. The definite article is rendered by hic, the indefinite by unus; every sentence is thought in German, and literally turned or upset into outlandish Latin. The amorous propensities of the pious monks are not spared. The whole tone is vulgar. Take the following specimen from Schlauraff's rhymed description of a journey to the humanists of Germany, and to the learned printer Wolfgang Angst in Hagenau, who handled him very roughly:

“Et ivi hinc ad Hagenau; do boarden mir die Angen blan,

Per te Wolfgange Angst,Gott gib, dass du bangst,

Quia me cum baculo percusseras in oculo.”

^{page 127 note 1} Eleutherii Byzeni Triumphus Doctoris Reuchlini, 1518, probably printed at Hagenau. The supposed author is Ulrich von Hutten, or Busch, probably the former. See Strauss, l.c., p. 155 sqq. Geiger gives a fac-simile of the picture, p. 522 sq.

^{page 128 note 1} See an account of his works in Schaff, 's Church History, Vol. VI., 415–431.Google Scholar

^{page 129 note 1} His will is preserved in the University Library of Basel, and has been published by Dr. Sieber, the librarian (Das Testament des Erasmus vom 22 Januar, 1527); together with the Inventarium über die Hinter lassenschaft des Erasmus vom 22 Juli, 1536 (Basel, 1889)Google Scholar. The inventory contains a list of his furniture, wardrobe, napkins, nightcaps, cushions, goblets, silver vessels, gold rings, and money (722 gold guilders, 900 gold crowns, etc.). His library is conditionally offered to “Herr von Lasko,” the nobleman and Reformer of Poland, for 200 guilders (“soverr er die will haben”). Erasmus left three wills, 1527, 1535, and 1536; the last is dated five months before his death and superseded the others. In the will of 1527 he had made provision for a complete edition of his works by Froben and directed that 1500 copies be printed, and that twenty, as “author's copies,” be sent to the Archbishop of Canterbury, the Bishops of London, Lincoln, and Rochester, Sir Thomas More, and other friends.

^{page 130 note 1} See a fac-simile of the first and last pages in Schaff's Companion to the Greek Testament, third edition (1888), pp. 532 and 533.

^{page 130 note 2} “Prœcipitatum fuit verius quam editum,” says Erasmus himself in the Preface. The second edition also contains several pages of errors, some of which have affected Luther's version. The third edition first inserts the spurious passage of the three heavenly witnesses (1 John 5: 7) from the Codex Montfortianus of the sixteenth century.

^{page 131 note 1} Marked “Quatuor Evangelia Grœce, Sec. XII. Cod. Praedicatorum (Græc. 7).”

^{page 131 note 2} Marked “Acta et Epistolœ Catholicœ et Paulina, Sec. XII. Codex Amerbach (Greece 9).” These two codices were rebound, and, in the process, some marginal corrections were cut off.

^{page 131 note 3} See Franz Delitzsch, Handschriftliche Funde, Heft. I. Die Entstellungen des Textes des Apokalypse, nachgewiesen aus dem verloren geglaubten Codex Reuchlins. Leipzig, 1861.Google Scholar

^{page 131 note 4} The last is the conjecture of the present librarian, Dr. Sieber, who kindly showed me again all three MSS. on my last visit to Basel in July, 1890. The Codex Basileensis was compared by Mill, Wetstein, Tischendorf (1843), Müller, Tregelles (1846), and Gregory (1882). See Gregory's Prolegomena N. T. Gr., I., 372 sqq.

^{page 132 note 1} Erasmus published in all five editions of the Greek Testament—1516, 1519, 1522, 1527, and 1535. Besides, more than thirty unauthorized reprints appeared in Venice, Strassburg, Basel, Paris, etc. He made several improvements, but his entire apparatus never exceeded eight MSS. The fourth and the fifth editions are the basis of the texlus receptus, which ruled supreme till the time of Lachmann and Tregelles. See Schaff, , l.c., p. 231sq.Google Scholar