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A Byzantine(?) castle in the Val di Magra: Surianum—Filattiera

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  09 August 2013

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The steep-sloped, one-hundred-and-ninety-foot hill on the north crest of which lies the village of Filattiera dominates the valley of the Magra between Pontremoli and Aulla and provides a remarkable view of the mountain-ranges to the northeast, north and west. The village itself still has very much the appearance of a late-medieval community in which considerations of defence predominated over all others. First recorded in 1029 among lands sold to the Otbertings and subsequently an important ‘fief’ of the Malaspina, Filattiera's documented history is carried back another three centuries by a unique inscription of the reign of Aistulf (749–757) discovered in 1910 in the chapel of S. Giorgio. In spite of a puzzling reference to the destruction of idols, there seems no good reason for doubting the inscription's authenticity. It has been the starting-point of a number of local studies of great interest, coming in particular from the pen of Signor U. Formentini, which because of their publication in periodicals with a limited circulation have not attracted the attention they deserve.

My own interest in Filattiera was aroused by the statement of a guide-book that the chapel of S. Giorgio was associated with the remains of a ‘castle.’

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © British School at Rome 1956

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References

1 Muratori, L. A., Delle Antichità Estensi, Modena, 1717, i, p. 90Google Scholar.

2 Mazzini, U., ‘Un’epigrafe lunigianese del secolo VIII,’ Giornale storico della Lunigiana, ii, 1910, p. 153Google Scholar; Mon. Germ. Hist., Poetae, iv (2), p. 100 (Strecker).

3 It is unfortunately not discussed by Gray, N., ‘The Palaeography of Latin Inscriptions in Italy,’ Papers of the British School at Rome, xvi, 1948, p. 38 ffCrossRefGoogle Scholar.

4 Guida d'ltalia del Touring Club Italiano: Toscana, Milan, 1935, p. 170Google Scholar.

5 For which new evidence is given by Halkin, F. in Analecta Bollandiana, lxix, 1951, p. 68 ff.Google Scholar, 72.

6 1029: doc. cited in n. 1; 1276: doc. cited below, n. 29.

7 Recorded by that name in Anonymous Ravennas, Cosmographia, iv, 29 (ed. J. Schnetz, Leipzig, 1940) with the qualifying words que dicitur Lunensis et Vigintimilii et ceterarum civitatum. Luni had formerly been the most northerly civitas of Tuscia, the boundary of which was evidently the Magra.

8 Vita Hadriani, c. 41, in Liber Pontificals, ed. Duchesne, L., i, 498Google Scholar.

9 A theory first fully set out by Caspar, E., Pippin u. die Romische Kirche, Berlin, 1914, p. 132 ff.CrossRefGoogle Scholar, developing ideas of Schneider, F., Die Reichsverwaltung in Toscanen, Rome (Preuss. Hist. Inst.), 1914, p. 55 ffGoogle Scholar. The supposed treaty must certainly have put forward the later confinium as a road-corridor between the two halves of Byzantine North Italy and not as a ‘frontier,’ but it is difficult to believe that all the places named figured on a pre-existing ‘road-map.’ For the reference to Corsica see the comments of Caspar, p. 137, n. 1: ins[ula] Corsica is included in the Tabula Peutingeriana.

10 Banti, L., Luni, Florence, 1937Google Scholar.

11 Id est in Verceto an obvious gloss: Caspar, p. 133.

12 See the Vita S. Moderanni, ed. Plaine, F. B. in Stud. u. Mitt, aus dem Benedictiner- u. dem Cisterciensorden, viii, 1887, p. 193 ffGoogle Scholar, although it was not composed before the late ninth century; compare Schutte (below, n. 15) and Kehr, in Italia Pontificia, v, 434Google Scholar.

13 Reichsverwaltung, p. 55 ff.

14 For the Germanic root of this and similar place-names (a high proportion of them in border-regions) see Gamillscheg, E., Romania Germanica, Berlin, 1934 ff.Google Scholar, i, 174; ii, 87.

15 The main Roman crossing was further west. Signorina Banti has plausibly suggested that the Cisa began to take its place when the capital of the W. Empire was moved to Ravenna, : Atene e Roma, n.s., xiii, 1932, p. 107Google Scholar. For its later history see Schutte, L., Der Appenninenpass des Monte Bardone u. die deutschen Kaiser, Berlin, 1901Google Scholar.

16 Troya, C., Codice Diplomatico Longobardo, Naples, 1852 ff.Google Scholar, iv (5), p. 713, with the erroneous reading Sobianense (cf. the manuscript in Brescia, Bibl. Quiriniana).

17 See the extracts printed in della Rena, Cosimo, Della serie degli antichi duchi e marchesi di Toscana, i, Florence, 1690, p. 119Google Scholar, from a copy independent of and superior to that used by Muratori, , Ant. Est., i, p. 210 ffGoogle Scholar.

18 For the details see Schneider, Reichsverwaltung, p. 48 ff., where its connection with the castellum de Carfaniana, first recorded in 798, is established. The castellum is now Piazza al Serchio, the plebs [S. Petri] de Castello of, for example, the Luni diocesan estimo of 1470–1471, published by Sforza, G., Giorn. stor. e lett. della Liguria, v, 1904, pp. 235, 240Google Scholar.

19 Schneider, F., Die Entstehung von Burg u. Landgemeinde in Italien, Berlin-Grunewald, 1924, ch. iGoogle Scholar.

20 Compare Schneider, Entstehung, p. 58, n. 1 with Honigmann, , Le Synekèmos d'Hiéroklès ( = Forma Imperii Byzantinii, i, Brussels, 1939), p. 51Google Scholar.

21 Göttingische gelehrte Anzeigen, 1895, p. 700, n. 1.

22 See for example the map in Banti, Luni, p. 86 and the text, p. 92 f.

23 Rav. iv. 32, v. 2, ed. Schnetz, pp. 70, 86, as interpreted by Cuntz, O. in Ost. Jahresheft, vii, 1904, p. 46 ffGoogle Scholar.

24 Memorials of St. Dunstan, ed. Stubbs, W., London (Rolls Series), 1874, p. 391 ffGoogle Scholar.

25 First made by U. Mazzini when he republished and discussed the Filattiera inscription as ‘L'epitaffio di Leodegar vescovo di Luni del sec. VIII’ [sic], Giorn. star. Lun., x, 1919, p. 81 ffGoogle Scholar. Before seeing this article (at a late stage in the present study) I had reached a similar conclusion independently from a part of the evidence quoted in the text.

26 Il Regesto del cod. Pelavicino, ed. Gentile, M. Lupo in Atti del Soc. Ligure di St. Pat., xliv, 1912, p. 4 ff.Google Scholar, no. 2; Kehr, , Italia Pontificia, vi (2), p. 379Google Scholar, no. 26.

27 Reg. Pel., p. 1 ff., no. 1; Kehr, op. cit., p. 378, no. 21. The reading Tarano has no manuscript authority and is taken over from Ughelli.

27 Reg. Pel., p. 6, ff., n. 3. Cf. ib., p. 248, n. 2: archipresbiter de Surano.

29 Ed. Mazzini, in G. S. Lun., vii, 1916, p. 205Google Scholar.

30 As in the estimo of 1470–1471, ed. Sforza, p. 253.

31 Gio. Rolando Villani, cit. Mazzini (above, n. 29).

32 For the loss of the medial -i- compare the development of Filattiera, Filaterra in the later Middle Ages and with a modern dialect form Faltéra (cited and discussed by Giuliani, M., Archivio storico per le provincie parmense, n.s., xxx, 1930, p. 72 ff.Google Scholar).

33 For supposedly fifth-sixth century buildings of a similar style of construction in the Gulf of La Spezia, see [Formentini], Storia di Genova, MilanGoogle Scholar (for the Istituto per la storia di Genova), ii, 1941, pl. fac. p. 114Google Scholar.

34 A De Capitani d'Arzago, Bognetti, G. P. and Chierici, G., Santa Maria di Castelseprio, Milan (Fondazione Treccani), 1948, pp. 302, 304Google Scholar.

35 A Tripolitanian example probably of much earlier date is illustrated in Journal of Roman Studies, xl, 1950, pl. IV, 3Google Scholar.

36 Monaco, G., Forma Italiae—Libarna, Rome, 1936, c. 114Google Scholar and pl. 27, fig. 27.

37 Another slight variant would be the fortifications ‘di pietre riquadrate senza molta cura di regolarità’ over a concrete ‘core’ (? unlined) at Campomarzio (Valle d'Argentina, prov. Imperia), castelo de Campomarzio in 972 and with a medieval chapel dedicated to St. George, plausibly identified as Byzantine by Prof.Lamboglia, N., Topografia storica dell'Ingaunia nell'Antichità = Collana storico-archaelogica della Liguria Occidentale, ii (4), 1933, p. 126, cf. pp. 84Google Scholar, n. 1, 111.

38 Codice Diplomatico di Bobbio, ed. Cipolla, C., Rome, 1918, i, p. 140Google Scholar.

39 Ravennas, iv. 32, identified with Borgotaro by Cuntz, art. cit. (n. 23), p. 53.

40 Monaco, , Libarna, c. 112Google Scholar, n. 5.

41 First recorded in 880 in connection with a royal index whose recorded activity is connected particularly with the territory of Asti: Le piùantiche carte dell'Archivio Capitolare di Asti, ed. Gabotto, F. (Bib. Soc. Stor. Subalp., xxviii, no. 14Google Scholar; I placiti del ‘Regnum Italiae,’ ed. Manaresi, C., i, Rome, 1955, no. 88Google Scholar.

42 Böhmer-Mühlbacher (2nd ed.), no. 1241; Codice Diplomatico Parmense, ed. Benassi, U., Parma, 1910, i (3)Google Scholar, no. 12; and subsequently in ibid., no. 37 (890). The names of the other places figuring in the diploma argue that the comitatus was somewhere in the western Apennines or Ligurian Alps. Formentini, U., ‘Turris, il comitato torresano e la contea di Lavagna dai Bisantini ai Franchi,’ AS. Parm., n.s., xxix, 1929, p. 7 ff.Google Scholar, using only the document of 890, argued that it was the territory of Turris— Borgotaro; but his arguments are very weak and the theory is difficult to reconcile with the evidence for the course of the Lombard occupation of this area or with the evidence of the Aulla foundation-charter that Albareto di Borgotaro was in the territory of Surianum.

43 Compare my remarks in Papers of the British School at Rome, xxiii, 1955, p. 158 fGoogle Scholar. The reference to Filattiera as a supposed analogy is quite erroneous and must be struck out: but there are comparable examples from the eastern frontiers (see, e.g. Mouterde, R., Poidebard, A., Le limes de Chalcis, Paris, 1945, esp. i, p. 237 f.Google Scholar).

44 As Bell. Goth., iii, 18. It would be interesting to know what kinds of fortifications were covered by the specially-devised term, Πνρϒοκάστϵλλον (see Procopius, , Buildings, ii, 5, 8Google Scholar).

45 The best account of which is still that of Hartmann, L. M., Untersuch. z. Gesch. der Byz. Verwaltung in Italien, Leipzig, 1889Google Scholar, passim, although it needs to be corrected and amplified at many points.

46 Particularly those of southern Tuscia which became the frontier-territories of the later ducatus Romae and of Lombard Tuscany (on which see Schneider, Reichsverwaltung, pp. 10 ff., 112 ff.).

47 Cf. Schneider, Burg u. Landgemeinde, ch. i, passim. In Reichsverwaltung, p. 48 f., Schneider had shown himself inclined to accept a Lombard origin of Carfaniana and of its associated fines and by implication, therefore, of Castronovo and its fines.

48 Coniunx Tzittani com. et trib. at Albenga (Liguria), CIL, v, 7793, ILS, no. 8258; the tribunus normally commanded a numerus. For counts of castles, cf. Reg. Greg. I., ix, 71 of 598 and Hartmann, Untersuchungen, pp. 58, 155. Compare also the comes Langobardorum de Lagare of Paul the Deacon, , Hist. Lang., iii, 9Google Scholar, perhaps imitating Byzantine or earlier precedents: Lagare (from which the modern Valle Lagarina), Ligeris in Rav. iv, 30, is perhaps Gothic (see Gamillscheg, ii, 70) for ‘camp.’

49 For the inclusion of S. Benedetto see the diploma of 772, the identification being established by a diploma of 851 for the same recipient (S. Giulia, Brescia), Böhmer-Muhlbacher, 1147. For Albareto see the Aulla charter of 884.

50 Formentini, U., ‘Scavi e ricerche sul limes bisantino nell'Appennino lunese-parmense,’ AS. Parm., n.s., xxx, 1930, p. 39 ffGoogle Scholar.

51 Böhmer-Mühlbacher, no. 1243 (of 870). Pietra Bismantova is Κάστρον Βισμαντῶ in George of Cyprus (n. 623; ed. Honigmann, p. 53). It is just possible that a gastald of Surianum is the man commemorated in the Filattiera inscription: but there is no real evidence for this.

52 So Formentini in Bolletino Storico Piacentino, xxv, 1930, p. 3 ff.Google Scholar; Banti, op. cit., p. 86.

53 But if the eastern boundary of the Fines Carfanienses had once been the Byzantine-Lombard frontier this would make the change even more explicable.

54 I would like to thank Mr. Martin Fredriksen and Miss Joyce Reynolds for their criticisms and suggestions; and also Mr. Richard Goodchild, former librarian of the British School, who first encouraged me to look for archaeological remains of the Byzantine limes in Italy.