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Published online by Cambridge University Press: 02 December 2020
Four recent articles have presented two contradictory opinions concerning Johnson's sources for the Ethiopian background of Rasselas. The contention that his inspiration for the Happy Valley came from a wide variety of readings on Ethiopia is counter-balanced by an equal insistence on the importance of his debt to Lobo's Relation d'Abissinie. The student of Johnson remains unenlightened by this series of articles, not only because the relative merits of their arguments are never discussed but also because none of them has been based on a comprehensive study of the Ethiopian materials available to Johnson. In an effort to bring the problem closer to its definitive solution, I propose to examine a largely neglected body of material on Ethiopia, identify specific sources for Ethiopian features of Rasselas and Rambler essays 204–205, and suggest that the circumstances of the composition of Rasselas were significantly different from those generally imagined.
1 The Portuguese Jesuit Father Jeronymo Lobo (1595–1678) wrote an extensive account of Ethiopia and of the Jesuit missionary activity while he was there (1625–34). The Portuguese original, mentioned by several writers of the time and by later commentators, was never published and was presumably destroyed in Lisbon's earthquake of 1755. The French scholar Joachim Le Grand (1673–1733), however, gained access to it in Lisbon in the 1690's and published a French translation of it in Paris in 1728. This book, consisting of Le Grand's preface, his translation, his continuation of the narrative beyond the point to which Lobo had carried it, his sixteen dissertations, and a collection of miscellaneous documents concerning Ethiopia, was widely disseminated. The earliest of several translations into still other languages was that of Samuel Johnson: .4 Voyage to Abyssinia, by Father Jerome Lobo …, London, 1735.
2 In ascribing the essentials of Rasselas' background to Lobo, the following articles have more than exhausted the possibilities of a remark of Boswell's in The Life of Samuel Johnson (2 vols., London, 1791), I, 41: Harold D. Jenkins, “Some Aspects of the Background of Rasselas,” Humanistic Studies of the Univ. of Kansas, VI (Lawrence, 1940), 8–14; Ellen Douglass Leyburn, “ ‘No Romantick Absurdities or Incredible Fictions': The Relation of Johnson's Rasselas to Lobo's Voyage to Abyssinia,” PMLA, LXX (December 1955), 1059–67. For a different emphasis, see John Robert Moore, “Rasselas and the Early Travelers to Abyssinia,” MLQ, xv (March 1954), 36–41; Gwin J. Kolb, “The ‘Paradise’ in Abyssinia and the ‘Happy Valley’ in Rasselas,” Modern Philology, LVI (August 1958), 10–16; and Oliver Farrar Emerson, ed. History of Rasselas, Prince of Abyssinia, by Samuel Johnson (New York, 1895), pp. xxii–xxxi. Their comments indicate that Johnson was less indebted to Lobo and Le Grand than to other accounts of Ethiopia. They do not, however, attempt to be comprehensive, nor do they contain positive identification of sources. See also Thomas Pakenham, The Mountains of Rasselas (London, 1959), a popular travel account of some relevance.
3 Samuel Purchas, Pvrchas His Pilgrimes (London, 1625), iii, 89, 100.
4 Ibid., p. 72. The italics are mine. If this story of Marco Polo's entered into Johnson's conception of the Happy Valley, we are presented with one of the strangest coincidences in literature. Samuel Johnson and Samuel Taylor Coleridge, so different in most respects, apparently each made the association between Ethiopia and the enchanted paradise of the Old Man of the Mountain in Tartary and merged them into one conception—Johnson in the conscious formulation of the background for his philosophical tale, Coleridge in the sleeping images that became the most remarkable dream-poem in the English language. See John Livingston Lowes, The Road to Xanadu (Boston, 1927), pp. 356–364.
5 Paradise Lost (London, 1667), iv. 280–284.
6 Times Literary Supplement, 29 August 1935, p. 534.
7 See William Prideaux Courtney and David Nichol Smith, A Bibliography of Samuel Johnson, a Reissue of the Edition of 1915 (Oxford, 1925), p. 85. Their unqualified statement that Rasselas “was taken from ‘Rassela’ in Lobo'sVoyage” is echoed by Jenkins (p. 8), Leyburn (pp. 1062–63), and in countless works where commentary on Rasselas is provided.
8 James Christie, A Catalogue of the valuable Library of Books, Of the late learned Samuel Johnson, Esq; LL.D. deceased; Which will be Sold by Auction … On Wednesday, February 16, 1785, and three following days. A fac-simile of this catalogue was published by A. Edward Newton: Sale Catalogue of Dr. Johnson's Library, with an essay by A. Edward Newton, Philadelphia, 1925. The presence of Ludolf's work in Johnson's library has been pointed out, in another connection, in Donald J. Greene, The Politics of Samuel Johnson (New Haven, 1960), p. 72.
9 Historia Aethiopica, Frankfurt, 1681. A New History of Ethiopia, trans. J. P. Gent, London, 1682. The importance of this work as a source for Johnson has not been recognized by either Jenkins or Kolb, the two commentators on this subject who have mentioned it.
10 Samuel Johnson, The Prince of Abissinia. A Tale, in two volumes (London, 1759), I, 2.
11 Afonso Mendes, Carta do Patriarcha de Ethiopia … (Lisbon, 1631), fols. 20r, 21r, 22v 25r, 34v, 35v 36r, and 36v .
12 Jeronymo Lobo, Relation hislorique d'Abissinie (Paris, 1728), p. 109.
13 Ibid., pp. 150, 153, 299, 300, and 502.
14 Balthazar Telles, Historia geral da Ethiopia a alta(Coimbra, 1660), pp. 51, 178, 182, 189, 208, 222, 223, 237, 239, and 241.
15 Johnson, I, 2, 4, 38, 47, 99, 156–157; ii, 30, 87–88, 105–106.
16 Francisco Alvares, The Voyage of Sir Francis Alvarez, a Portugall Priest, made unlo the Court of Prete Ianni, the great Christian Emperour of Ethiopia, in Purchas (1625), ii, 1066, 1064–65, 1066–67.
17 See Pero Paez, Ilisloria da Ethiopia, in Camillo Beccari, ed. Rerum Aethiopicarum Scriptores Occidentales inediti a saeculo XVI ad XIX, II (Rome, 1905), 85. See also Manoel de Almeida, Ilistoria de Ethiopia a alia ou Abassia, in Beccari, v (Rome, 1907), 257–258.
18 Gaspar Correa, Lendas da India (4 vols., Lisbon, 1858–64).
19 Luis de Urreta, Ilistoria ccclesiastica, politica, natural y moral de los grandes y remotos Reynos de la Etiopia (Valencia, 1610), p. 92. “At the summit of that extensive wall of hewn rock, the stones and rocks protrude, jutting out beyond the wall for a space of more than a thousand paces, and form a lip like that of a candlestick socket-pan, exactly in the shape of a mushroom. It is a rare work of nature, so strange that another like it is not to be found in the world, by which ascent from the outside is rendered impossible.”
20 Urreta, p. 132. “… but the Abyssinians of the Kingdom of Ethiopia surpass them all [other nations]. The sons of the Emperors of Ethiopia are kept on Mount Amara (of which we have spoken in all these chapters). They are taken to this mountain at the age of eight, and they cannot leave it except when chosen as emperor. This custom is so ancient that it was inaugurated by King Joshua, grandson of Solomon and son of Melilec, in order to eliminate causes of ambition, claims to the throne, factions, and civil wars, which are every-day occurrences among the princes who are heirs to the throne. And one of the reasons that the Empire of Ethiopia has continued in the line of David is the retention of the princes on this mountain.”
21 Urreta, pp. 92, 94, 96, 100. “The ground at the summi of this mountain is all very level and even; that whole area is embellished by a hill which gently rises toward the north… From that hill flows a perpetual spring, very abundant and clear, with so much water that it runs through the whole area in various canals, watering the gardens and fertilizing the ground… . many large and small ponds, most abundant in a thousand varieties of fish… . and finally flinging itself down a precipice from the top of the mountain, it forms a small lake and lagoon at the foot of it, which is the source of a river that empties into the Nile. … On this mountain there are many beautiful gardens, very pleasant and interesting orchards of luxuriant foliage, filled with every variety of fruit-trees, both native to the land and brought from Europe … finally one sees in these gardens a mixture and riot of all kinds of flowers. … all year long, in December, in March, in June, in September, there is fruit on the trees, new branches and new fruit constantly replacing the old… . much livestock of every variety … many beasts of chase of every variety… . the area has a circumference and circuit of twenty leagues. There are no venomous animals or wild, savage, uncouth beasts of prey, but only beasts of chase, for sport and recreation. There are also many grazing grounds, woodlands and fields, meadows, pastures, and herbages, where much livestock [flocks and herds] of every variety, large and small, grazes; and on the uncultivated, mountainous land roam many beasts of chase of all kinds: bucks, roes, stags, mountain goats, wild boars… . from which it results that to this mountain, because of its fertility and pleasantness, we could give the name of Paradise.”
22 Urreta, pp. 95–96. “… sparkling streams … whose waters come to rest in many lakes … very abundant in a thousand varieties of fish, for the pleasure and entertainment of those illustrious Princes. A thousand kinds and varieties of beautiful little birds fly among those trees … where, with their sweet singing and melodious tongues, they provideamusement and pleasure.” (See also above from “There are also” through “beasts of chase of all kinds.”)
23 See n. 17 above.
24 The Poetical Works of John Milton (London, 1809), p. 102.
25 “The Abyssinian Paradise in Coleridge and Milton,” Modern Philology, iii (January 1906), 329–330.
26 See Pvrchas his Pilgrimage (London, 1613), pp. 565–568; (London, 1617), pp. 843–850.
27 Moore, p. 40.
28 See the Catalogue already mentioned.
29 De Abassinorvm rebvs (Lyons, 1615).
30 Nuevo atlas, o teatro de todo el mvndo de Juan Janssonio … (4 vols., Amsterdam, 1653), Vol. II.
31 Charles Jacques Poncet, A succinct Account of the Travels of Charles-James Poncet, a French Physician, into Ethiopia, in 1698, 1699, and 1700, in John Lockman, ed. Travels of the Jesuits into Various Parts of the World (London, 1743), i, 211–212, 218.
32 Jenkins, p. 12.
33 Poncet, pp. 249–250.
34 Joachim Le Grand ed. and trans. Relation historique d'Abissinie, by Jeronymo Lobo (Paris, 1728), two sentences on p. 202 (not included in Johnson's translation), one sentence on pp. 205–206 (Johnson's translation [London, 1735], p. 204), and one sentence on p. 252 (Johnson's translation, p. 252).
35 The reasons for Johnson's interest in Lobo's Relation are discussed in an article which I am preparing for publication. My belief that the Lobo translation is closely linked to Johnson's religious views is shared by Greene, who treats the problem briefly but cogently (pp. 69–72).
36 Alvares, pp. 1064–65 and 1066–67; Urreta, p. 132; Godinho, pp. 40–41; Telles, pp. 45–47; Baratti, pp. 33–34; Ludolf, pp. 195–196; Le Grand, pp. 202, 205–206, and 252.
37 Alvares, pp. 82–83; Ludolf, p. 196.
38 Alvares, p. 80.
39 Urreta, p. 92; Godinho, p. 38.
40 Urreta, p. 92; Godinho, p. 38; Baratti, pp. 118–119.
41 Urreta, p. 92; Godinho, p. 38.
42 Ludolf, p. 33.
43 Telles, pp. 17–18.
44 Urreta, p. 96.
45 Urreta, p. 96; Godinho, p. 40.
46 Urreta, pp. 93–94, 112–118, and 132; Godinho, pp. 39–40; Baratti, pp. 33–34; Poncet, pp. 211–212, 218, and 237.
47 Alvares, pp. 1112–13.
48 Urreta, pp. 132, 139; Godinho, p. 41; Poncet, pp. 214 and 249–250.
49 Baratti, p. 36.
50 Alvares, p. 48; Urreta, p. 102; Godinho, p. 39.
51 Lobo, p. 105.
52 Urreta, pp. 298–307; Telles, pp. 12–20; Ludolf, pp. 34–43, especially p. 39; Poncet, pp. 226–227; Lobo, pp. 105–113; Le Grand, pp. 207–219.
53 Telles, p. 15.
54 Ludolf, between pp. 192 and 193; also p. 195.
55 Boswell, i, 185.
56 I am grateful to Professor Francis M. Rogers, who introduced me to the literature of Western travelers to the East. His encouragement of my work in that field is largely responsible for the research on which this article is based.
