^{Note 1 in page 254} Finnegans Wake, p. 57. Throughout, the following editions have been used for the page references in parentheses to the following works: the Modern Library editions of Dubliners, 1926, and of Ulysses, 1946 (New York: Random House); the Compass Press edition of A Portrait of the Artist as a Young Man (New York: Viking, 1956); the Viking Press edition of Finnegans Wake (New York, 1947), and the New Directions edition of Stephen Hero (New York, 1944). For the as yet unedited and unpublished papers of Joyce and of others, the references in parentheses are to MS page numbers where available and practicable; or, in the case of letters, to the date of composition provided by the text of the letter. I am grateful to the Librarians at Cornell University and the University of Buffalo, to the Executors of James Joyce's Estate and the Society of Authors for permission to quote from these papers, and to The Viking Press, which plans a forthcoming second volume of Joyce's letters.

^{Note 2 in page 254} Cf. Richard Ellmann, James Joyce (New York, 1959), p. 216. The original version of this essay was completed before the publication of Ellmann's biography. Page references are given to Ellmann's work at those points where Ellmann includes such hitherto unedited and unpublished materials as are made use of here. The author has preserved his own transcriptions of holographs; in almost all respects, these are identical with Ellmann's.

^{Note 3 in page 254} Ibid., p. 249.

^{Note 4 in page 254} Cf. Gustave Flaubert, to M“^e Leroyer de Chantepie, 18 March 1857, in Flaubert's Correspondance: troisème série (Paris, 1910), iii, 113: ”L'artiste doit être dans son œvre comme Dieu dans la Création, invisible et tout-puissant, qu'on le sentre partout, mais qu'on ne le voie pas.“

^{Note 5 in page 255} Another entry in the Commonplace Book (23), by its attribution to Thomas à Quinas [sic], suggests again that Joyce's early Irish familiarity with the Angelic Doctor is not nearly so scholarly and firsthand as that which many have assumed.

^{Note 6 in page 255} For the 14 September 1904 entry in his Diary, Stanislaus includes the following information: “On the 7^th, 8^th, and 9^th of July in [I?] went in [sic] for an exam—the Veterinary Prelim.—for a fellow named G…. Jim was to have gone in for it but he decided that he was too well known. He asked me to do it, instead, and at half past twelve the night before I said I would…. G… was to have given Jim 30/. He gave me 25/ out of which I shared up 14/6 to Jim” (115–116). Fragments of two (or three?) autograph letters of Stanislaus Joyce to his brother James (Joyce Paris Library Room, Lockwood Library, University of Buffalo) indicate that by 1922 Stanislaus had become much disenchanted with his brother's work. Acknowledging the receipt of a presentation copy of Ulysses, Stanislaus writes, in part, from Trieste, 26 February 1922: “I suppose ‘Circe’ will stand as the most horrible thing in literature, unless yon have something on your chest still worse…. Isn't your art in danger of becoming a sanitary science. [Sic]… I should think you would need something to restore your self-respect after this last inspection of the stinkpots. Everything dirty seems to have the ir-resistible attraction for you that cow-dung has for flies.” An entry in the Finnegans Wake workbooks, in the Lockwood Library, offers, it may be, a comment on these letters of Stanislaus, one which appears to be echoed in the Wake portrait of Shaun the Post (403–428): “Shaun lad: never in favour of disrespect for the dead / Issy grabbing / Irish Catholic / desk lady / work dodger / fish letter out with whalebone and gum / trap / letterbox.”

^{Note 7 in page 255} Ellmann, James Joyce, p. 205.

^{Note 8 in page 255} Ibid., p. 217.

^{Note 9 in page 255} This essay, according to Stanislaus' Diary, 29 March 1904, is the one which Joyce had submitted to W. K. Magee (“John Eglinton”) “for a new review to be called Dana”; it “was rejected,” continues Stanislaus. “Jim has turned the paper into a novel the title of which—‘Stephen Hero‘—I also suggested” (22). The essay is now available, as edited by Richard M. Kain and Robert E. Scholes, Yale Review, xlix (Spring 1960), 360–366.

^{Note 10 in page 256} Stanislaus Joyce several times refers to “A Portrait of the Artist” simply as a “paper.” Perusal of the text suggests that only in a very broad sense might one call it a “story,” as does Arthur Mizener in his excellent monograph, “The Cornell Joyce Collection” (Ithaca, 1958), p. 7.

^{Note 11 in page 256} Portable James Joyce (New York, 1949), p. 659. Cf. Finnegans Wake, pp. 477, 525. Cf. Ellmann, James Joyce, p. 171.

^{Note 12 in page 256} “The Influence of Ibsen on Joyce: Addendum,” PMLA, lxii (June 1947), 573–580. Miss MacLeod shows, for example, that “flashing antlers” is a metaphor which “stems directly from Act i Scene 1 of Peer Gynt,” p. 580. Cf. Stephen Hero, p. 35.

^{Note 13 in page 256} Joyce writes to Stanislaus, from Pola, Austria, 19 January 1905: “I send you the fourth story of ‘Dubliners‘—Hallow Eve.”

^{Note 14 in page 257} “The Backgrounds of ‘The Dead’,” Kenyon Review, xx (Autumn 1958), 507–528. Cf. Ellmann, James Joyce, ch. xv pp. 252–263.

^{Note 15 in page 257} J A AC, xvi (March 1958), 307. Gordon N. Ray, in Thackeray: The Uses of Adversity (New York, 1955), well itemizes the price Joyce paid for his artistic autonomy, pp. 16–17.

^{Note 16 in page 257} On 26 July 1905, Grant Richards wrote from London to inform Joyce that the MS for Chamber Music, submitted the previous year, had been “unfortunately” mislaid, and he suggested that Joyce might “reconstruct it” ! [On 23 March 1914, he wrote to inform Joyce that four MS pages of his Dubliners story “The Sisters” had somehow been lost by the printers.

^{Note 17 in page 257} Fragment of autograph letter of Stanislaus to Joyce, at the Lockwood Library, University of Buffalo. The three long fragments at the Lockwood would seem to constitute portions of three separate letters of Stanislaus, rather than of two (as now arranged). The date, 26 February 1922, would seem most probably to apply to the fragment from which I have quoted here as well as in the text to my note 6.

^{Note 18 in page 258} See Mary Colum's account of the estrangement that came to exist between Joyce and Sylvia Beach, in Mary and Padraic Colum's Our Friend James Joyce (New York, 1958), pp. 191–194.

^{Note 19 in page 258} This interview (eighteen pages long in translation) was published in the Berlingske Tidende, Copenhagen. Since the first two pages are missing, I cannot supply the exact date. The translation from Danish is that provided by George C. Schoolfield. Ellmann, in James Joyce, discusses this newspaper interview, pp. 706–708; he identifies the journalist as Ole Vinding, and adds that Joyce absolutely refused to allow the publication of the interview, which “appeared, however, after Joyce's death” (p. 707).

^{Note 20 in page 258} Letters, ed. Stuart Gilbert (New York, 1957), pp. 63–64. Cf. Ellmann, James Joyce, p. 230.

^{Note 21 in page 259} The Vanishing Hero (London, 1956), p. 147.

^{Note 22 in page 259} “James Joyce,” The Bell, i (March 1941), 41.

^{Note 23 in page 259} Stanislaus Joyce, Recollections of James Joyce by his Brother, tr. Ellsworth Mason (New York, 1950), p 10. These recollections originally appeared in Italian, “Ricordi di James Joyce,” in Letteratura (Florence), v (July/Sept.; Oct./Dec, 1941), 25–35; 23–35.

^{Note 24 in page 260} Cf. Ellmann, James Joyce, p. 119.

^{Note 25 in page 260} This letter of Stanislaus, from Trieste, is undated. Earlier in the same letter, Stanislaus remarks, “Gorman's study of you is a very satisfactory performance.”

^{Note 26 in page 260} It should, perhaps, be noted here that the loose pages of Stanislaus Joyce's Diary are not, as numbered at Cornell, in the chronological order of composition.

^{Note 27 in page 260} Cf. Ellmann, James Joyce, p. 270.

^{Note 28 in page 261} In the clothbound, alphabetically tabbed workbook at Cornell, Joyce writes under “Giorgino”: “You were a few minutes old. While the doctor was drying his hands I walked up and down with you, humming to you. You were quite happy, happier than I. I held him in the sea at the baths of Fontana and felt with humble love the trembling of his frail shoulders: Asperge me, Domine, kyssopo et mundabor: lavabo me et super nivem dealbabor. Before he was born I had no fear of fortune.” Cf. Joyce's poem, “On the Beach at Fontana,” in Pomes Penyeach. Cf., also, Ellmann, James Joyce, p. 219, and for the earlier “epiphany” on the occasion of the death of Joyce's brother George, “the Cadet” of the family, see Ellmann, James Joyce, p. 98.

^{Note 29 in page 261} Letters, ed. Stuart Gilbert, p. 311. Cf. Ellmann, James Joyce, p. 656.

^{Note 30 in page 262} Cf. Ellmann, James Joyce, p. 205.

^{Note 31 in page 262} Herbert Gorman, James Joyce (New York, 1948), p. 144.

^{Note 32 in page 263} As it appears in the Finnegans Wake workbook at Buffalo, the Quinet quotation, in Joyce's hand, reads as follows: “Aujourd'hui comme au temps de Pline et de Columelle la jacinthe se plaît dans les Gaules, la Pervenche en Illyrie, la marguerite sur les ruines de Numance et pendant qu'autour d'elles les villes ont changé de maîtres et de noms, que plusieurs sont entrées dans le néant, que les civilisations se sont choquées et brisées, leur paisibles générations ont traversé les âges et se sont succédé jusqu'à nous, fraîches et riantes comme au jour des batailles.” Cf. Ellmann, James Joyce, p. 676. See, also, James S. Atherton's The Books at the Wake (New York, 1960), pp. 34, 63, 111. Except for the substitution arrivées for succédé Joyce incorporates Quinet's sentence unaltered into Finnegans Wake, p. 281.

^{Note 33 in page 263} For Joyce's mature evaluation of his earliest sustained exercise in one foreign language, see the Danish newspaper interview (n. 19) : “I wrote a letter for his [Ibsen's] birthday, which must have made him fall under the table with laughter; it was in Swedish! My Swedish! But the article [”Ibsen's New Drama,“ in The Fortnightly Review, 1 April 1900] became my debut in literature—I began at the top” (p. 12). Ellmann records, in James Joyce, a similar conversation of Joyce's with the German critic Alfred Kerr, p. 701.

^{Note 34 in page 263} Information in a letter to the author from Sister Mary Gertrude of Loreto College (Christchurch, New Zealand), 20 June 1958. See Epiphany xv, in James Joyce's Epiphanies, ed. O. A. Silverman (Univ. of Buffalo, 1956), p. 15; and, also, the Portrait, ch. iii, p. 105,

^{Note 35 in page 264} Cf. Ellmann, James Joyce, p. 175.

^{Note 36 in page 264} Information in a letter to the author from Albert O. Wlecke, the Writing Seminars, Johns Hopkins University, 2 June 1958. Cf. Sean O'FaoIain, The Irish: A Character Study (New York, 1949), pp. 116–118, 146, 151 n: “In 1795, the year of Maynooth's foundation, there were a great many French refugee professors and teachers to whom any haven, the most frugal pension, would have been welcome…. It [Maynooth] gave posts to several of these distinguished men, such as Delahogue and Anglade for moral and dogmatic theology thereby importing a French school of thought whose teachings so carefully, indeed fanatically, cultivated the spirit of Gallicanism among the Irish clergy that the Irish Church soon became Gallican to the core, and remained so for nearly half a century” (p. 117).

^{Note 37 in page 265} Joyce among the Jesuits (New York, 1958), pp. 92, 227.

^{Note 38 in page 266} My Brother's Keeper, ed. Richard Ellmann (New York, 1958), p. 52.

^{Note 39 in page 266} Ibid., pp. 130–131.

^{Note 40 in page 266} According to the autograph numbering of Stanislaus' Diary, at Cornell, this citation is found on page 127. This numbering would appear to be a mistake here for 227, for the immediately preceding and following pages are in the 220's.

^{Note 41 in page 266} PMLA, lxxii (December 1957), 1018. Except for the silent correction of several notable mistranslations of Jesuit documents in Latin, this article (1018–35) appears unaltered in The Sympathetic Alien: Joyce and Catholicism (New York, 1959), pp. 68–89. Mr. Morse notes in his Preface, p. x, “The Rev. Walter J. Ong, S.J., and the Rev. William T. Noon, S.J., pointed out some stupid errors in Chapter vi.” This good-natured acknowledgment might suggest to readers that the “errors,” as Father Ong and I, at least, conceive of them, had been corrected or the original statements modified. This does not appear to be the case. This writer, and presumably Father Ong, do not consider the “errors” in any sense “stupid”—nor committed in bad will. The unhappy consequences of Mr. Morse's mistranslations of the Jesuit Constitutions (in their somewhat murky Latin version, without consultation of the autograph Spanish originals of Saint Ignatius, where the sense might have been more clearly seen), have, it seems, been sufficiently noted in America, xcviii (8 February 1958, 8 March 1958), 533, 662–666; and in the “Correction” published in “For Members Only” of PMLA, lxxiii (March 1958), i. Though no Jesuit would agree that “suppression of the will” or “abdication of the mind” defines (or comes near to defining) Saint Ignatius of Loyola's concept of obedience, as Mr. Morse asserts of Ignatian obedience in his PMLA article, 1020, the point may seem debatable in the minds of some who have a different religious commitment from that of the Jesuits, or, perhaps, none at all. As Mr. Morse, with great personal integrity, has already admitted, however, his view that the Jesuit may be obliged in virtue of his vow of obedience “to commit any sin” whatever, 1019, is in no way based upon a correct translation even of the Latin text of the Jesuit Constitutions. In fact, such a mistranslation contradicts the explicit declarations of these Constitutions, which at several points explicitly exempt the religious subject from obeying the orders of his religious superior (s) if he should discern that the action commanded seems sinful. See, for example, Pars in, cap. 1, n. 23: “… conenlur interius resignationem et veram abnegationem propriae voluntatis et indicii habere, voluntatem ac indicium suum, cum eo quod Superior vult et sentit, in omnibus rebus (ubi peccatum non cerneretur) omnino conformantes…” Textus Latinus, Monumenta Historica Societatis Jesu, lxv (Rome, 1938), 90: “Let them [Jesuits] try interiorly to have submission and genuine self-denial, each one of his own self-will and judgment, [so that] they will in every way harmonize, each one, his own will and appraisal of a situation with that which the Superior wills and thinks, in all matters (where tliere is no question of sin)”… emphasis added. (The so-called “Autograph,” in Spanish, of the Jesuit Constitutions, partly in Saint Ignatius' own handwriting, is readily available in photostatic reproduction, Constituciones de la Campania de Jésus y sus Declaraciones, Rome, 1908.) Nowhere in the Joycean text is there a fictional situation in which a Jesuit is ordered by his Superior to commit a sin.

^{Note 42 in page 267} Gorman, James Joyce, p. 47.

^{Note 43 in page 267} Masters of British Literature, ed. Gordon Ray, ii (Boston, 1958), 701. In his James Joyce, Ellmann states the matter somewhat less strongly, and, as is customary, “according to Stanislaus Joyce”: “The last appealing voice was that of the director of studies who suggested to Joyce, in a solemn interview… that he consider becoming a priest” (p. 56).

^{Note 44 in page 267} “Masters of the Modern Short Story (New York, 1955), p. 119.

^{Note 45 in page 267} Recollections, p. 7.

^{Note 46 in page 267} Ibid., p. 9.

^{Note 47 in page 267} My Brotlier's Keeper, p. 187.

^{Note 48 in page 268} Ibid., Preface, p. ix.

^{Note 49 in page 268} Ibid., p. 11.

^{Note 50 in page 268} Comment in a letter to the author from Patrick Burke-Gaffney, Winnipeg, Canada, 31 March 1958.

^{Note 51 in page 268} Ibid.

^{Note 52 in page 269} Comment in a letter to the author from Father J. C. Kelly, S J., Dublin, 30 March 1960. Father Kelly notes in a subsequent letter, 4 May 1960, that the Provincial of the Irish Province, 1895–1900, was Father Patrick Keating: “The folklore here is that—not surprisingly seeing that he had come from Australia—he knew very little about the Irish Province and apparently had a somewhat lighthearted attitude to some of his duties.”

^{Note 53 in page 269} The Silent Years: An Autobiography with Memoirs of James Joyce and Our Ireland (New York, 1953), pp. 31–32.

^{Note 54 in page 269} See, for example, the specific questions which must be put to each candidate for admission into the Society of Jesus by four Fathers of the Society, in separate interviews. Any suspicion of heresy or any matrimonial promise on the part of the candidate would automatically disqualify him for admission. If the candidate indicates that he has been persuaded to enter the Order by some present member, his application is to be deferred until such time as it is clear that his desire is not motivated by the pressures of such persuasion. See “Primum ac Générale Examen lis Omnibus qui in Societatem Jesu Admilti Petent Proponendum,” Conslitutiones Societatis Jesu, tomus tertius (textus Latinus), in Monumenta Historica, lxv (Rome, 1938), cap. II and cap. in, 1–38. Patrick Burke-Gaffney points out, the “commission to foster latent vocations… is surely the prerogative of any member of a religious order dedicated to the education of youth” (Letter to the author, 31 March 1958).

^{Note 55 in page 269} Comment in a letter to the author from Father J. C. Kelly, S.J., Dublin, 30 March 1960.

^{Note 56 in page 269} The Silent Years, pp. 33–38. Cf. Ellmann, James Joyce, p. 308 n.

^{Note 57 in page 269} Our Friend James Joyce, p. 206. Cf. Gorman, James Joyce, p. 47.

^{Note 58 in page 269} Cited by Kevin Sullivan, Joyce among the Jesuits, p. 2. Harriet Shaw Weaver, guardian of Joyce's daughter, Lucia, notes, in a letter to the author of the present article, 18 August 1960: “I think that this bitterness of his later years may be largely accounted for by the extremely overwrought state of mind he was in on account, chiefly, of his daughter's illness and his grief and worries over this. In earlier years he once said to me that he could talk more freely to a Jesuit than to other people.”

^{Note 59 in page 270} Comment in a letter to the author from Walter J. Ong, S J., from Paris, 10 April 1953.

^{Note 60 in page 270} Joyce among the Jesuits, pp. 197–203.

^{Note 61 in page 270} Centenary History of the Literary and Historical Society of University College, Dublin, 1855–1955, ed. James Meenan (Tralee, County Kerry, 1957), pp. 60–61, 85. This history speaks, however, of “the excitement of the threatened censorship of Joyce's paper on Drama and Life” (p. 60).

^{Note 62 in page 270} Ibid., p. 85.

^{Note 63 in page 270} Two Essays: “A Forgotten Aspect of the University Question,” by F. J. C. Skeffington, and “The Day of the Rabblement,” by James A. Joyce (a reprint of the original 1901 Dublin edition, Minneapolis, 1957), p. 1.

^{Note 64 in page 271} Comment in a letter to the author from Patrick Burke-Gaffney, 14 April 1958.

^{Note 66 in page 271} Centenary History, p. 62. Ellmann, in James Joyce, states that it was Father Browne who “rejected Joyce's work,” p. 92. He notes, however, “The word ‘Censor’ was chosen with some sarcasm, since Father Browne was merely the adviser,” p. 92 n.

^{Note 66 in page 271} Recollections, p. 8.

^{Note 67 in page 271} Gorman, James Joyce, p. 60.

^{Note 68 in page 271} Masters of British Literature, ii, 701.

^{Note 69 in page 271} Joyce among the Jesuits, p. 196.

^{Note 70 in page 272} Centenary History, pp. 57–58. Cf. Eugene Sheehy, May It Please the Court (Dublin, 1951), ch. 4, “Francis Sheehy, Skeffmgton, James Joyce, and Tom Kettle,” pp. 30–41. It is not clear to this writer what Ellmann means, in James Joyce, when he says that “only Joyce made not signing it [the student manifesto] a public gesture,” p. 69 n. How did Joyce's not signing differ from the others'?

^{Note 71 in page 272} Father Bernard Vaughan, A Memoir (London, 1923), pp. 147–148.

^{Note 72 in page 272} My Brother's Keeper, pp. 227–228.

^{Note 73 in page 273} Notes of Retreats Given by Father Bernard Vaughan, S.J., ed. Caroline Lady Paget (London, 1928), p. 127.

^{Note 74 in page 273} Kevin Sullivan, in Joyce among the Jesuits, pp. 128–129, notes that Father Arnall, Stephen's former master at Clongowes Wood, is usually identified as Father William Power, S.J.—an identification which does not well “fit” the Father Arnall of the Belvedere College retreat of the Portrait. Sullivan seems sensible in following here the tradition of the Irish Jesuits, who “identify” the Father Arnall of the Portrait with Father James A. Cullen, S.J. All these “identifications,” from the point of view of Joyce's fiction, are irrelevant so long as commentators do not insist upon taking the fiction as a more or less accurate autobiography, or as an emotionally unaffected, neutral historical reconstruction of the Dublin facts. Cf. Ellmann, James Joyce, p. 49 n.

^{Note 76 in page 273} America, xvi (3 February 1917), 406. Kristian Smidt makes better sense (to this author) when he writes, in James Joyce and the Cultic Use of Fiction, Oslo Studies in English, revised ed. (Oslo, 1959), “It would be wrong to suppose that Joyce [himself] was scared into belief by sermons on hell and the fear of eternal torment,” p. 16.

^{Note 76 in page 273} James Joyce Review, I (December 1957), 3–17.

^{Note 77 in page 273} “All Hail, Great Master,” Irish Times, 10 May 1958, p. 6.

^{Note 78 in page 273} Modern Philology, lvii (February 1960), 172–198. Thrane does not view the Portrait sermon as in any important sense distorted.

^{Note 79 in page 274} In this Copenhagen interview (see my note 19), Joyce is quoted as announcing, “In September Ulysses is going to be published in England,” p. 10. He is also reported as answering the question, “Do you place Ibsen higher than Shakespeare?” as follows: “He towers above him with both shoulders and head as far as drama is concerned. No one reaches him!” (p. 12). Possibly, Joyce was being polite, possibly ironic. Possibly, too, he meant what he said. Cf. Ellmann, James Joyce, pp. 410, 707.

^{Note 80 in page 274} Twentieth Century Literature, ii (October 1956), 115–139.

^{Note 81 in page 274} Ibid., 118.

^{Note 82 in page 274} Cf. A Page of Irish History: Story of University College, Dublin, 1883–1909, Compiled by Fathers of the Society of Jesus (Dublin, 1930), especially chap. 13, part 2, “The Gaelic League,” pp. 477–482, and part 3, “The Irish Ireland Movement,” pp. 482487.

^{Note 83 in page 275} Ibid., p. 496.

^{Note 84 in page 275} Ibid.

^{Note 85 in page 275} Centenary History, pp. 72–78.

^{Note 86 in page 275} Clerical Influences, ed. W. E. G. Lloyd and F. Cruise O'Brien (Dublin, 1911), p. 53. See, also, Helen Mulvey, “The Historian Lecky: Opponent of Irish Home Rule,” Victorian Studies, i (June 1958), 337–351.

^{Note 87 in page 275} Clerical Influences, pp. 47–8, 52. See, also, The Leaders of Public Opinion in Ireland (New York, 1872), p. 295.