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The Spanish Pastoral Romances

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  02 December 2020

Extract

The introduction of the pastoral romance into Spain in the middle of the sixteenth century, and the extreme favor with which it was received, may, in view of the social condition of the country, seem at first sight paradoxical. At the time of the accession of Philip II, Spain was at the zenith of her military greatness: her possessions were scattered from the North Sea to the islands of the Pacific; and her conquests had been extended over both parts of the western world. The constant wars against the Moors, during a period of over seven hundred years, and the stirring ballads founded upon them, had fostered an adventurous and chivalric spirit,—a distinguishing trait of the Spanish character. Arms and the church were the only careers that offered any opportunity for distinction, and every Spanish gentleman was, first of all, a soldier.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © Modern Language Association of America, 1892

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References

page 1 note 1 The Spanish language was, for the greater part of Europe, what French is to-day, the chief medium of communication between nations. See Cervantes,‘’Persiles y Sigismunda.’ Vol. ii, Bk. iii.

page 1 note 2 ‘Amadis of Gaul’ had, doubtless, circulated in manuscript since the latter half of the xiv. century. It is mentioned in a poem by Pero Ferrus (born, probably, before 1325), in the ‘Cancionero’ of Baena, and by Pero Lopez de Ayala in his ‘Rimado de Palacio,’ written, probably, between 1398 and 1404. For a brief account of ‘Amadis,’ embracing the latest research upon the question, see the article by Prof. Baist in the last edition of Brockhaus‘’ Conversations Lexicon,’ now appearing (1891). The article has, however, undergone some changes at the hands of the editor.

Of the printed editions of ‘Amad's of Gaul,’ the earliest known, up to a few years ago, was that published at Rome in 1519. An edition of 1511 is mentioned by Fernando Colon, son of the great discoverer, in the catalogue of his library at Seville, numbered 4139. See Gallardo, ‘Ensayo,1 vol. ii, col. 553. Both of these Romances are expressly described as being in four books. As the fifth book of Amadis, “Las Sergas de Esplandian,1 ‘and the sixth book, “Florisandro,” appeared in 1510, the original ‘Amadis’ must be earlier. It, therefore, occasioned no little surprise when, a few years ago, a copy of the first edition of ‘Amadis,’ dated Caragoça, 1508 was discovered at Ferrara. This copy, which was in the Sellière collection, is now owned by Mr. Quaritch, who values it at £200. The following is from his catalogue, page 3854:

“The editor or renovator, Garci-Ordoñe?. de Montalvo, according to later editions, is in the rubricated heading of the princeps, described as Garcirodriguez de Montalvo, and his prologue makes the usual statement that he simply corrected the corrupted text of the three hooks of Amadis, that he had the good fortune to get hold of the original fourth book and the original Sergas de Esplandian (that is, the fifth book or first continuation), and that he translated the latter two so as to add them to the former three.”

page 2 note 3 ‘Libros de eaballerias, con nuniscurso oreliminar y yunatálogo oazonado’ por Don Pascual de Gayangos. Madrid, Ribadeneyra, 1857, p. xxxi.

It is not within the scope of this work to trace the beginnings of pastoral poetry in Spain. Nearly twenty years before the first appearance of Montemayor's ‘Diana,’ the influence of the Italian pastorals is clear, in the works of Garcilaso de la Vega, whose “Eclogues “first appeared in 1543, with the works of Boscan, another writer entirely under the influence of the Italians. That Garcilaso-was an imitator of Sannazaro,—even sometimes going to the extent, as in his second eclogue, of translating almost verbally whole passages of the 4 Arcadia,’ has been shown by Torraca, in his work “Gl'Imitatori Stranieri di Jacopo Sannazaro,’ Roma, 1882.

page 3 note 4 Gayangos Libros de Cab. xxxvi.

page 3 note 5 A mutilated edition of the ‘Arcadia’ appeared at Venice in 1502, but it was without the author's knowledge or consent, and while he was absent in France. See Michele Scherillo, ‘Arcadia di Jacobo Sannazaro Secondo I Manoscrittt E Le Prime Stamps, con note ed. Introduzione,’ 8vo, Torino, 1888, in which the ‘Arcadia’ and its sources are discussed with a thoroughness that leaves little to be said.

page 4 note 6 For the great favor with which the ‘Arcadia’ was received, various reasons have been assigned. Scherillo says:

“Se l'Arcadii fu accolta con tanto favore, ciò fu in gran parte perché reppresentava la comune tendenza del tempo a quel sentimentalismo compestre, che pullula come per reazione nei periodi piu agitati delle armi: ed anche perchè riecheggiava variamente le voci degli scrittori di quel mondo classico che tutti agognavano conoscere, in tanto fervore di rinascenza, come la più pura e pih invidiata delle nostre glorie.” P. ccxii.

A Spanish translation of the ‘Arcadia’ appeared at Toledo in 1547, followed by a second, likewise at Toledo, in 1549: Nic. Antonio mentions one at Toledo in 1554. Editions appeared at Salamanca 1569; Madrid in 1569; Salamanca in 1578; and Madrid 19, 1620.

page 4 note 7 See Torraca, ‘Gl'Imitatori Stranieri di Jacopo Sannazaro.’ Roma, 1882, pp. 18 and 19.

page 5 note 8 See the introduction to the Spanish Academy's edition of Valbuena's ‘Sigio de Oro.’ Madrid, 1821.

page 5 note 9 Ruth's judgment of Sannazzaro is very severe. He says:

“Dieser Mann, welchem die sogenannte petrarchische Liebe, die Andacht und ein ungestörter Friede drei Lebensbedürfnisse waren, trieb sich fast sein ganzes Leben in sanften Empfindungen herum; so lange seine Geliebte noch lebte, feierte er sie in Elegien und Eklogen; nach ihrem Tod trauerte er in Eklogen, schrieb ein religiöses Gedicht De partu Virginis, über die Mysterien der Incarnation, in 3 Gesängen, und brachte die letzten Jahre seines Lebens in beständigen Andachtsübungen in einer Kapelle zu, die er auf seinem eigenen Gut der Jungfrau Maria zu Ehren erbaute und wo er sich begraben liesz. Ein solcher Geist war freilich zur Idylle sehr glücklich gestimmt, etc.” ‘Geschichte der italienischer Poesie.’ Vol. ii, p. 598.

The ‘Arcadia’ still remains the best work of its kind in any modern language.

page 5 note 10 Also in England, among others by Spenser, in his “Colin Clout's Come Home Again.”

page 6 note 11 See “The Galatea” of Cervantes.

page 6 note 12 The Spanish Romance of Chivalry was also long supposed to be of Portuguese origin: “Es notable que, como los romances de caballeria, el Romance pastoral fué introducido en Espa a por un portugucs.”

MS. note by Gayangos in Montemayor's ‘Diana,’ ed. of 1614. in the Ticknor library. Upon Amadis of Gaul see preceding note, p. 1, Baret: ‘De l'Amadis de Gaule’(Paris, 1878) who says there was a Spanish version ‘antérieure de près d'un siècle à la rédaction de Vasco de Lobeira.‘Also Braunfels,’ Kritischer versuch über den roman Amadis von Gallien ‘(Leipzig, 1876, sm. 8vo) where the Portuguese origin of the Amadis is disproved conclusively: and Gayangos, in his introduction to the ‘Libros de Caballeria's,’ cited above.

page 6 note 13 The ‘Diana’ was imitated not only in Spain, but also in other countries. To discuss these imitations, however, would lead me beyond the scope of the present essay. It will suffice to mention two of the most famous ones: the ‘Arcadia’ of Sir Philip Sidney (1590), in England; and the ‘Astree’ of D'Urfd (1610), in France.—In both these romances, all the defects of the ‘Diana,’ which will be found characterized farther on, appear in an exaggerated degree; and however dull some of the Spanish romances may be, they all possess, in comparison with the two volumes of the ‘Arcadia,’ and the five thick tomes of the ‘Astree,’ at least the merit of brevity. See the remarkable introduction to the ‘Poetical works of Sidney’ (London, 1877) by the editor, A. B. Grosart, who says:

“As a whole—but only as a whole—the poems of ‘Arcadia’ are not up to the high intellectual level of ‘Astrophel and Stella,’ etc. (p. lxxi). Mr. Grosart also speaks of the ‘wit’ of Milton and Dante, George Herbert and Cowper, p. lxxv; and says “the ‘Stella’ of Sidney holds a place beside the Laura of Petrarch, the Beatrice of Dante, and the Castara of Habington“(p. lxi).

For the ‘Astrée’ and its sources, see Heinrich Körting, ‘Gesch. des Franz. Romans im xvii. Jahrhundert.’ Leipzig, 1885, p. 113.

page 7 note 14 Ticknor, ‘History of Spanish Literature.’ Boston, 1888. Vol. iii, p. 92.

page 7 note 15 See also the note in the Ticknor Catalogue, where the opinion is expressed that “this date was foisted into the title-page when it was sold.” P. 234.

page 7 note 16 ‘Catálogo,’ Vol. ii, p. 168. Ticknor's citation of an edition of 1545 is a mistake. See Ticknor Catalogue, p. 234. It may be stated here that most of the material for this essay, excepting such Spanish books as are in my own possession, was collected in the Ticknor library in Boston, during the summer of 1890; and I take this occasion to thank Mr. A. P. C. Griffin and Mr. Edward B. Hunt of the Boston Public Library, for many kindnesses shown me while working there. The library of the University of Göttingen—rich in rare works of every kind—furnished much useful matter, and Professor Baist has kindly loaned me some books from his own collection.

page 7 note 17 “Carta de Jorge de Montemayor,” in 4 Poesias de Francisco de Sa de Miranda.’ Ed. Carolina Michaelis de Vasconcellos. Halle, Niemeyer, 1885, p. 665. See Appendix.

page 7 note 18 By the waters of this historic stream, Camoens also passed his early years. See his one hundred and eleventh Sonnet, beginning “Doces e claras aguas do Mondego.” He was born at Lisbon in 1524.

page 8 note 19 In the ‘Cancionero del excellentissimo poeta, George de Monte Mayor.’ Alcald, 1563, fol. 56.

page 8 note 20 Exposicion moral sobre el psalmo lxxxvi del real propheta David, dirigido a la muy alta y muy poderosa señora la infanta dofia Maria por George, de monte mayor, cantor de la capilla de su alteza. Alcald, mdxlviii.

page 8 note 21 Las obras de George de Monte mayor, repartidas en dos libros, y dirigidas a los muy poderosos señores don Iuã, y doña Iuana, Principes de Portogal. En Anvers, mdliiii. In the subsequent editions the ‘Obras’ are divided into two parts, and entitled ‘Segundo Cancionero de Monte mayor,‘and’ Segundo cancionero espiritual.’ An edition of this first part, dated Antwerp, 1558, is given by Salvá: Catálogo, Vol, i, 137 (No. 296). The second part, the ‘Segundo cancionero espiritual,’ Salvá apparently had never seen. It, however, is the subject of a very interesting article by Prof. Vollmöller in Romanische Forsckungen, Vol, iv, p. 333. From the dedication in this volume, it is evident that in 1558 Montemayor was living in Flanders.

page 8 note 22 Of this Marfida or Marfisa, Mad. de Vasconcellos, ‘Poesias de Sa de Miranda’ (p. 849, note) says: Suppõe -se que debaixo d'este anagxamma de fis amar, ou fidamar, se esconde o nome Margarida. The real name of Diana as given by Sepúlveda (see note below), was Ana.

page 9 note 23 “Bosquejo historico sobre la novela Espanola,” by D. Eustaquio Fernandez de Navarrete, prefixed to Volume xxxiii of the Biblioteca de Autores Espa oles. (p. xxvii, note) quoting Sepúlveda, ‘Historia de varios sucesos.’ MS. vol. ii, ch. 12. See also, concerning the life of Montemayor, an excellent dissertation by Schonherr: ‘Jorge de Montemayor, sein Leben, etc.’ (Halle, 1886). This work did not come to my knowledge until this essay was nearly completed, so that in only a few instances have I been able to avail myself of it. My copy was, moreover,-without the ‘appendix,’ which seems to have been added to a later edition.

page 9 note 24 From these data it would certainly seem that 1520, the generally accepted year of Montemayor's birth, is too early by several years. He was probably born about 1528, at all events such a date agrees better with the facts given above.

page 9 note 25 Schonherr, Opus cit., 22.

page 9 note 26 Ibid., 24.

page 9 note 27 Philip II. set sail from Coruña in the beginning of July 1554, and arrived at Southampton on the nineteenth or twentieth of the same month. He remained in England fourteen months, going thence to the Netherlands, and returned to Spain on August 2, 1559, See Watson,‘History of Philip II,’ vol. i,131.

page 9 note 28 ‘Primera parte de la Clara Diana a lo divino, repartida en siete libros.’ Zaragoza, 1582. In the prólogo he says:

“Being at the Court of Philip II, in 1559,1 saw and read the Diana of Montemayor, which was at that time in such favor as I had never seen any book in the vernacular. Expressing a desire to know the author, I was introduced to him at the house of a friend. Taking courage to tell him that he was wasting time and talents in making rhymes and composing books of love, Montemayor, with a hearty laugh, replied: Padre Ponce, let the friars do penance for all; as for the hijosdalgo, arms and love are their profession… … May God have mercy on his soul, for I never saw him again. A few months after this, I was told how a good friend of his had killed him on account of jealousy, or some love-affair.”

page 11 note 29 In this respect, however, the ‘Dianan’ was even surpassed by some of the works that followed it. A few extracts from Sidney's ‘Arcadia’ will show that it, too, sinned quite as much, in this respect, as its Spanish prototype:

“The sun drew clouds up to hide his face from so pitiful a sight, and the very stone wall did yield drops of sweat for agony of such a mischief: each senseless thing had sense of pity; only they that had sense were senseless.”

Book iii, p. 537 (ed. of 1743).

A shepherd in his despair exclaims:

“O thrice happy I, if I had perished whilst I was altogether unhappy; then, when a dejected shepherd offensive to the perfection of the world, I could hardly, being oppressed by contempt, make myself worthy to be disdained, disdain to be despised, despised being a degree of grace. O would to Goa that I had died obscurely, whilst my life might still have lived famous with others and my death have died with myself,” etc.

Book iii, p. 598.

The following complaint of a shepherd is very pathetic:

“O my dun-cow, I did think some evil was towards me ever since the last day thou didst run away from me, and held up thy tail so pitifully: did I not see an eagle kill a cuckoo, which was a plain foretoken unto me, Pamela should be my destruction ? O wife Miso, if I durst say it to thy face, why didst thou suspect thy husband, that loveth a piece of cheese better than a woman,” etc.

Bk. iv, p. 731.

Or such verses as this, ‘Song of Philisides,‘which are certainly unworthy of the author of’Astrophel and Stella':

I.

As I my little flock on Ister bank

(A little flock; but well my pipe they couth)

Did piping lead, the sun already sank

Beyond our world, and e'er I got my booth,

Each thing with mantle black the night doth scoth;

Saving the glow-worm which would courteous be

Ofthat small light oft watching shepherds see.

II.

The welkin had full niggardly enclosed

In coffer of dim clouds his silver groats,

Ycleped stars; each thing to rest disposed,

The caves were full, the mountains void of goats:

The birds’ eye clos'd; closed their chirping notes.

As for the nightingale, wood-musick's king:

It August was, he deign'd not then to sing.

P. 711.

page 12 note 30 See Dunlop's‘History of Fictionon’; Schönherr, already quoted, and Kressner, “Zur Geschichte der pastoral Dichtung,” in Vol. lxvi (p. 309) of Herrig's Archiv, where a detailed analysis of the ‘Diana’ is given.

page 13 note 31 This is one of the poems of Montemayor, translated by Sir Phlip Sidney.

page 18 note 32 See below p. 26.

page 20 note 33 The birth-place of Montemayor; see above.

page 20 note 34 This song; a short cancion which precedes, beginning ‘Os tempos se mudaráñ’ and Danteo's conversation generally, are in Portuguese.

page 22 note 35 Klein, ‘Geschichte des Dramas’ (Vol. ix, p. 159) has shown, however, that Bandello's Novel is not the immediate source of Lope de Rueda's ‘Engaños,’ but that the latter is merely a rifacimento of an Italian Comedy,’ Gl'Ingannati.'—Concerning the sources of the comedies of Lope de Rueda, see an interesting article by Stiefel, in the Zeitschrift für Rom. Phil, Vol. xv, pp. 183 and 318.

page 22 note 36 See Schack: ‘Gesch. der dramat. Lit. und Kunst in Spanien,’ Vol. ii, p. 214; and for the ‘Engaños’ of Lope de Rueda, Böhl de Faber: ‘Teatro Español anterior á Lope de Vega ‘(Hamburg, 1832), where the play occurs on pages 347-401.

page 22 note 37 See Ticknor, Vol. iii p. 95, note, and especially p. p.1 and note. It is non a question at all as to the origin of this tradition popular as Gayangos calls it, for the story was well-known in the Romanceros, and a prose version had even existed considerably before this time. In the ‘Inventario’ of 1567, this story occupies leaves 94-112 in a very small 8vo; in the ‘Diana,’ on a page containing nearly double the amount of printed matter, it occupies pages 158-180. Pages 166 and 167 of the latter book are almost word for word identical with pages too and 105 of the ‘Inventario.’ See also. Wolf, ‘Studien,‘p. 332, note, and the Spanish Translation of Ticknor, Vol. iii, p. 547. The’ Inventario‘must have been written as early as 1551, that being the date of the License to print. See also, Gallardo,’ Ensayo,’ p. 357.

page 23 note 38 Upon this story in Montemayor's romance, Lope de Vega has founded his play “El Remedio en la Desdicha.” See Vol. iii, ‘Com. Escogidas,’ p. 133 (Bibl, de Aut. Esp.).

page 23 note 39 Bouterweck: ‘Geschichte der Poesie und Beredsamkeit seit dem Ende des dreizehnten Jahrhunderts,’ Vol. iii, Gottingen, 1805-19.

page 23 note 40 Empero como tan celebre varon (Montemayor) nos falte, parecidme que ninguno mejor que yo podia en sus obras suceder. Y esto no por mi suficiencia (vaya fuera toda arrogancia) mas por la mucha aficion que a su escritura, con justa causa, siempre he tenido, p, 362. Again: “De una causa quiero que vayas advertido … que casi en toda esta obra no ay narracion, ni platica, no solo en verso, mas aun en prosa, que a pedaços de la flor de Latinos, y Italianos, hurtado y imitado no sea; y no pienso por ello ser digno de reprehension, pues lo mesmo de los griegos hicieron.”

Edition of 1614

page 24 note 41 The English in quotation narks, is taken from the Translation by Bartholomew Yong (London, 1598). It is an excellent translation, though not always so happy in turning the verse into English.

page 25 note 41b From whence O paper mine such happy favour That undeservedly thou must be placed Before that flower that yields the sweetest savour, Which nature hath with all her powers graced ? Thou shalt the figure see (my loving paper) Where all the virtues make their wished dwelling, And o f the rest not any one escape her, Graces and giftes and beauties most excelling. Then when thou comst before m y heavenly treasure Say thus from me to her. He sends me hither, Who lives to serve thee while his life extendeth; In only this his thoughts are musing ever: In jo y of this both nights and days he spendeth; To serve thee is his only sport and pleasure.

Yong's translation

page 25 note 42 It may fall out the heavens may turne at leisure, And stay themselves upon the highest mountaines: And Ezla and Mondego at their pleasure With hastie course turne back unto their fountaines: And that the flaxe or reede, laid to the fire, May not consume in flames but burne like wire: But yet the day and time shall happen never, When Sylvan shall not love Selvagia ever.

page 25 note 42b The ground shall first be void, nor trod nor used, Leesing her nature, and her proper being: First shall the raine and water be refused Of plants no moisture round about them seeing: First shall our life with aire be not sustained. And first the food o f hunger be disdained: Before the world shall see a deede so hainous, Selvagia not to love her deere Sylvanus.

page 26 note 43 This inscription is taken from Book iv, of the Diana af Montemayor; Who comes into this palace let her take heede How she hath liu'd, and whether she hath kept

The gift of chastitie in thought and deede.

And.see besides, if she hath ever stept,

With wavering mind to forren love estranged,

And for the same her first afection changed,

May enter in Diana's Temple heere,

Whose grace and virtues soveraine appear.

page 27 note 44 “Entended que yo amo a este pastor que con nosotros viene quanto puedo, y puedo a la verdad quanto quiero. Amo assi mismo a Parthenio amigo suyo, quanto quiero, y quiero cieto quanto puedo.” P. 497.

page 27 note 45 “Y “e tal manera durmindo, que mostrauan no Ser aquel su principal intento; to;que las cristalinas lagrimas que por sus encendidas mexillas en cõpetencia decendian, significauan auer mas abundancia de cõgoxosos pensamieqtos en el coracon, que cantidad de soporiferos vapores en el celebro.” P. 507.

page 28 note 46 And in such sort, because it doth offend My heart that burns like to the smithie flame For it doth more increase and doth extend, And more it doth with sparkling flames incend. The more that water's cast upon the same: And now since want of hedgerow faileth me. And that I feele increase, not want of paine, I think it best for me to goe and see, If I can finde some other hedge er tree, To write that there, which this cannot containe.

page 28 note 47 “Creo yo que estando solos los que bien se aman, que no ay cantar, ni tañere sino contemplar, y hablar, deue de ser mas apazible la conuersacion de amorosas palabras que la melodia de la dulce musica.” P. 546.

page 29 note 48 “Porque me dizen, que perdona el rayo a los que duermen.”

page 29 note 49 “orquera J hormigas entre lunas reposan, y en el lleno, aun todas las noches trabajan.”

page 30 note 50 See the criticism of the Curate, in the examination of Don Quixote's library. ‘Don Quixote’: Part 1, Chap. vi.

page 30 note 51 It would seem from this that the ‘third part’ was already written.

page 31 note 52 Fuster, Biblioteca Valenciana, Tom. i, p. 150, et seq. It is not necessary to quote his arguments at length. He shows that Dr. Gaspar Gil Polo, to whom the above writers attribute the ‘Diana Enamorada,’ was the son of Gaspar Gil Polo and Isabel Gil; that he was an advocate of the Brazo Real at the Cortes held at Monoz in 1626. As the ‘Diana’ of Polo first appeared in 1564, supposing him to have written it when twenty years old, he must have been eighty-two years old in 1626, an age, he shows, at which he could not have performed the duties devolving upon his office. Other evidence is adduced to prove that Dr. Polo in 1564 was not more than sixteen or seventeen years old. His conclusion is that the author of the ‘Diana Enamorada’ was Gaspar Gil Polo, the father of Dr. Polo, the jurist, as he was the only other member of that family in Valencia, who in addition to Gas-par, bore the name Gil, The name of the Greek professor at Valencia from 1566 to 1574 was simply Gil Polo. Fuster gives a sonnet by our author, prefixed to ‘La Pasion de Nuestro Señor Jesucristo’ by D. Alonzo Giron y de Rebolledo, published at Valencia in 1563. It is as follows:

Con boz Ilorosa, y triste melodia canta el Giron la muerte y el tormento de aquel en cuyo alegre nascimiento cantava el cielo gloria y alegria. Sientan las almas aspera agonia, Y hagan los ojos grave sentimiento, de ver tan affrentado y tan sangriento el hijo poderoso de Maria. Y tu pio lector, despues de visto el orden, el primor, destreza, y gala del canto que a llorar ha de moverte, llora la compasion de lesu-Christo, y de dolor de ver la vida mala de los que fueron fibres con su muerte.

Rebolledo, it will be remembered, wrote a complimentary sonnet to the ‘Diana Enamorado.’

page 31 note 53 The ‘Diana’ of Perez, 4 the Sala mancan ‘which we have just noticed, is, on the contrary, incontinently committed to the heap of rubbish in the yard.

“Este que se sigue, dijo el Barbero, es La Diana, llamada Segunda del Salmantino: y este, otro que tiene el mismo nombre, cuyo autor es Gil Polo. Pues la del Salmantino, respondió el Cura, acompañe y acreciente el número de los condenados al corral, y la de Gil Polo se guarde como si fuera del mismo Apolo.”

‘Don Quixote,’ Parte 1, Cap. vi.

May not the pun of Polo and Apolo be in some measure responsible for this high praise ? See, however, in addition, the “Canto de Calfope “in the 4 Galatea ‘of Cervantes.

page 32 note 54 Diana sings the following Quintillas—they are, however, given in stanzas of ten lines in the edition I have:

Mi sufrimiento cansado del mal importuno y fiero a tal estremo ha llegado, que publicar mi cuy dad o me es el remedio postrero. Sientase el bravo dolor, y trabajosa agonia de la que muere de amor, y olvidada de un pastor, que de olvidado moria. ! Hai que el mal que ha consumido la alma que apenas sostengo, nasce del passado olvido, y la culpa que he tenido causó la pena que tengo! Y de gran dolor rebiento, viendo que al que agora quiero, ie di entonces tal tormento, que sintió lo que yo siento, y murió como yo muero. Y quando de mi crueza se acuerda mi corazon, le causa mayor tristeza el pesar de mi tibieza, que el dolor de mi passion. Porque si mi desamor no tuviera culpa alguna en el presente dolorn diera quejas del Amor e inculpára la Fortuna, Mas mi corazon esquivo tiene culpa mas notable, pues no vid de muy altivo, que Amor era vengativo, y la Fortuna mudable, etc.

page 33 note 55 Delio, it, will be remembered, was dead da the conclusion of the second dart of the ‘Diana,’

page 38 note 56b All references to the ‘Diana Enamorada’ of Polo, in this article, are to the edition of Sancha, Madrid, 1802.

page 39 note 56 This is not in accordance with the views of some of Polo's Spanish critics. Quintana,’ for instance, says of him: “though he (Polo) was less happy than Montemayor in invention, he far surpassed him in his verses, and almost succeeded in obscuring him,”

‘Poesias Castellanas,’ Vol. i, xxxiii.

page 39 note 57 Sixty-three years elapsed between the publication of the ‘Diana Enamorada’ of Gil Polo, and this continuation by Texeda, during which time most of the prose pastorals appeared in Spain. Texeda's work has only been considered in this place on account of the very close connection between it and the ‘Diana’ of Polo.

page 39 note 58 La Diana de Montemayor nuevamente compuesta por Hieronymo de Texeda Castellano interprete de lenguas, residente en la villa de Paris, do se da fin à las Historias de la Primera y Segunda Parte. Dirigida al excelentisimo Señor Don Francisco de Guisa Principe de Ioinville. Tercera parte, Paris mdcxxvii. It is in two parts, bound in one volume, the first part containing three hundred and forty-six, the second part three hundred and ninety-four pages.

page 40 note 59 “Escucha un soneto que mi amado Sireno me cantava en el tiempo que para mi su presençia era tan dulce como agora su memoria amarga.”

Cf. Gil Polo, p. 10: en el tiempo que fue para mi tan dulce, como me es agora amarga su memoria.

page 40 note 60 Taken word for word from Gil Polo's sonnet (p. 10).

page 40 note 61 See page 33.

page 40 note 62 The name of Alcida in Gil Polo, is simply changed to Marfisa by Texeda, but it is the same character, in every respect.

page 40 note 63 This is an oversight of Texeda's. He evidently began to write his book, with the second part of the ‘Diana’ by Perez, before him, and, therefore, began where Perez left off. Laying that book aside, however, he begins to copy the version of Polo, forgetting that Delio is already dead.

page 43 note 64 I used the reprint: ‘Los Diez Libros de Fortuna de Amor Divididos en dos tomos.’ Compuesto por Antonio de lo Frasso, Militar Sardo, de la ciudad de Lalguer. London, 1740.

page 43 note 65 4 Don Quixote,’ Part 1, Chap, vi:

“Este libro es, dijo el Barbero, abriendo otro, Los Diez libros de Fortuna de Amor, compuestos por Antonio de Lofraso, poeta sardo. Por las drdenes que recebi, dijo el Cura, que desde que Apoio fud Apolo y las musas musas, y los poetas poetas, tan gracioso ni tan disparatado libro como ese no se ha compuesto, y que por su camino es el mejor y el mas l'nico de cuantos deste gdnero han salido á la luz del mundo, y el que no le ha leido puede hacer cuenta que no ha leido jarnás cosa de gusto.”

One would think it almost impossible that a Spaniard, and one of the editors of Lord Carteret's ‘Don Quixote,’ should take the irony of the curate as a sincere expression of opinion. This praise, however, is one of the reasons assigned by Pedro de Pineda, the editor, for republishing it In England. But if it were possible to be deceived by the words in ‘Don Quixote,’ surely a perusal of the following lines in the ‘Viage al Parnaso,’ would have dispelled all doubt as to the opinion of Cervantes:

Miren si puede en la galera hallarse

Algun poeta desdichado, acaso,

Que a las fieras gargantas puede darse.

Buscaronle, y hallaron Lofraso,

Poeta Militar, Sardo, que estaua

Desmayado a un rincon marchito y laso.

Que a suo diez libros de Fortuna, andaua

Añadiendo otro diez y el tiempo escoge,

Qqe mas desocupado se mostraua.

Grito la chusma toda, al mar se arroge

Vaya Lofraso al mar sin resistencia.

Pot dios, dizo Mercurio, que me enoge.

Como, y no sera cargo de conciencia

Y grande echar al mar tanta Poesia ?

Puesto, q aqui nos hunda su inclemencia?

Viva, Lofraso, en tanto que dê al dia

Apolo luz, y en tanto que los hombres

Tengan discreta alegre fantasia.

Tocante a ti (ô Lofraso) los renombres,

Y epitetos de agudo, y de sinzero

Y gusto que mi Comitre te nombres.

Esto dixo Mercurio al Cauallero,

'El qual en la cruxia en pie se puso,

Con un rebenque despiadado, y fiero,

Creo, que de sus versos le compuso,

Y no sé como fue, que en un momento,

(O ya el cielo, o Lofraso lo dispuso)

Salimos del estrecho a saluamento,

Sui arrojar al mar Poeta alguno,

(Tanto del Sardo fue el mericimiento.)

’ Viage al Parnaso, Madrid, 1614, Ch. iii, pp. 22 and 23.

page 44 note 66 Nothing is known of Lofrasso's life, save what is given by Nicolas Antonio in Vol, ii, p. 356 of his Bibliotheca Nova:

Antonio Lofrasso, Sardus, Algueriensis, poeta infimi sqbsellii, edidit: Diez Libros de Fortuna. Barcinone, 1573. Quod opus risu excipit D.Thomas Tamajus in ‘Collectione librorum Hispanorum’: atque item autorem inter eos, qui nullo subnixi Apolline, ac Musarum ingratiis operam versibus dedere, velut aliorum coriphaeum nominat, nasoque suspendit Michael de Cervantes Saavedra in metrico suo opere Viage del Parnaso nuncupato.

page 48 note 67 The following editions of the ‘F.lida’ have appeared: the first, Madrid, 1582 (the censura is dated Madrid, June 2, 1581); then Lisbon, 1589; Madrid, 1590; Barcelona, 1613; Valencia, 1792, the last two in the Ticknor library. See Salvá y Mallen, ‘Cat logo,’ p. 143.

page 48 note 68 See ‘Don Quixote’ (ed. Clemencin), Vol. iii, p. 14.

page 49 note 69 In his ‘Laurel de Apolo’ (Ed. 1630, Madrid), Selva quarta, fol. 35b, Lope speaks as follows of Montalvo:

“Y que viva en el Templo de la Fama

aunque muerto en la Puente de Sicilia,

aquel Pastor de Filida famoso

Galvez Montalvo, que la embidia aclama

por uno de la Delfica familia

dignissimo del Arbol vitorioso:

mayormente cantando

en lagrimas deshechos

Ojos a gloria de mis ojos kechos.”

page 49 note 70 ‘El Pastor de Filida, Compuesto por Luis Galvez de Montalvo, Gentil-hombre Cortesano. Valencia, 1792. Edited by Mayano y Siscar, who on page lix gives a long list of Romances written in the manner of the’ Diana’ of Montemayor. There are many among those he mentions, however, that are not pastorals; among these ‘El Cavallero Puntual’ of Salas Barbadillo; the ‘Eustorgio y Clorilene’ of Enrique Suarez de Mendoza y Figueroa—which is an imitation of ‘Persiles y Sigismunda’ the ‘Bureo de las Musas’ by Maluenda is classed by Ticknor among the Poesias Burlescas, the ‘Corte del Casto Amor’ of Luis Hurtado, the ‘Selva de Adventuras’ of Hieronymo de Contreras, and others. The latter book, written, probably, soon after 1545, contains the valiant captain's views of married life. The poem occurs on fol. 47b.

De todos los estados, el estado

que puede dar y da mayor contento,

regalos y plazer de pensamiento

es la vida sabrosa del casado.

O ñudo de bondad con la fe atado,

glorioso y divino sacramento,

que al hombre se le dio por aposento

do pudiesse vivir mas descausado.

Quien desto dize mal muy poco entiende

y niega la razon subida y clara

haziendose animal, salvaje y bruto,

pues hombres no tomays poner la cara

al sancso matrimonio; pues del pende

(si se sabe guardar) divino fruto.

Mayans also mentions a pastoral by Francisco Rodriguez Lobo, in three parts, the “Primavera “the “Pastor Peregrino” and the “Desenganado.” It is written in Portuguese, however, but is as good as the best of the Spanish Romances. There is a poem on p. 280 of the ‘Primavera’ with the refrain:

“Quam pouco tempo dura huma alegria,”

that is very beautiful.

page 50 note 71 Cervantes in his “Canto de Calfope “says:

Quien pudiera loaros mis Pastores,

un pastor, uëstro amado, i conocido,

Pastor mejor de quantos son mejores,

que de Fflida tiene el apellido?

La habilidad, la ciencia, los primores,

el raro ingenio, i el valor subido

de Luis de Montalvo le asseguran

Gloria, Honor, mientras los cielos duran.

page 51 note 72 See below, page 52.

page 51 note 73 See below, page 54.

page 77 note 74 The “Aprobacion” is sated deb. 10th, 1584, but Salvá y Mallen has shown that the ‘Galatea’ was first published at Alcalá, the birthplace of Cervantes, in 1585, and not at Madrid in 1584, as had been supposed. Cervantes was born “in the early days of October, 1547.”

page 59 note 75 Navarre te says:

“Under the names of Tirsi, Damon, Siralvo, Lauso, Larsileo and Artidoro, he (Cervantes) introduced into this fabula Francisco de Figueroa, Pedro Lainez, Don Diego Hurtado de Mendoza, Luis Galvez de Montalvo, Luis Barahona de Soto, Don Alonzo de Ercilla and Micer Andres Rey de Artieda; all friends of his, and very celebrated poets of that time.”

‘Vida de Cervantes.’ p. 66.

One can hardly believe that any of these poets considered this a very great compliment, for many of them cut sorry figures; especially, however, must that poet have been flattered who is represented by Artidoro, and who appears upon the scene with a rope about his neck, and knife unsheathed, kneeling before a scornful shepherdess and holding on to the folds of her gown.

Book iv.

page 60 note 76 The earia of Timbrio to Nisida in Book iii, bears, at the beginning, a striking resemblance to the letter to Cardenia in Book ii of the ‘Diana’ of Perez.

Culatea: Salud te envia aquel que no la tiene,

Nisida, ni la espera en tiempo alguno.

Si por tus manos mismas no le viene.

Diana; Salud te embia el que para si, ni la tiene, ni la quiere, si ya dc tu sola no le viniesse,. etc.

page 64 note 77 Desengaño de Celos. Compuesto por Bartholomé Lopez de Enciso, natural de Tendilla. Dirigido al Illustrissimo Señor Don Luys Enrriquez, Conde de Melgar. Con Privilegio. Impresso en Madrid en casa de Francisco Sanchez, Ano 1586, 321 leaves, small 8vo. In a MS. note Ticknor says; “This is one of the rarest books in Spanish Literature.” See also ‘Don Quixote’ ed.

I have also used a copy in the Gottingen University Library, which contains some very rare old Spanish books. The translation of the title given above is not an accurate one:

Der Titel bedeutet so wohl die Widerwärtigkeiten welche die Eifersucht mit sich bringt, als die Erkenntnis der Thorheiten die sie uns begehen läszt.”

Braunfels‘translation of Don Quixote,’ Vol. i, p. 89, note.

page 64 note 78 Nic. Antonio merely says of Enciso: Tendillensis, scripsit adversus zelotypiae furorem hoc titulo: Desengano de Zelos, 1586.

page 65 note 79 Rebeck, in Spanish rabel, a small three-stringed lute of Moorish origin.

page 66 note 80 Prince Ferdinand of Portugal, who died in captivity at Fez, in 1443, and upon whose tragic fate Calderon has founded one of his best Comedias: ‘El Principe Constante.’

page 66 note 81 The curate in ‘Don Quixote’ certainly shows it no mercy. See Bk. r, ch. vi. Whether our author wrote the play,” El casamiento con zelos y rei D. Pedro de Aragon,” there seems to be some doubt. Barrera (Catalogo, p. 131) thinks he may have written it. Salvá y Mallen, however, in his Catalogue (Vol. i, p. 409) under “Parte treinta y tres de Comedias nuevas,” etc. (Madrid, 1670, 4to) in which the play first appeared,—spells the author's name Anciso, “and not Enciso, as Barrera says.”

page 68 note 82 Has alado a! cielo la fortuna

De muchos que en el centro del olvido

(Sin ver la luz del Sol ni de la luna,)

Yazian ni llamado ni escogido,

Fue el gran Pastor de Yberia, el gran Bernardo

Que de la Vega tiene el apellido.

Fuiste embidioso, descuydado y tardo,

Y a las ninfas de Henares y pastores

Como a enemigos les tiraste un dardo,

Y tienes tu Poetas tan peores

Que estos en tu rebaño, que imagino

Que han de sudar si quieren ser mejores.

In chap, iv, p. 38, edition of 1614 (Madrid).

page 68 note 82b Since writing the above, I have had an opportunity to examine a copy of ‘The Nymphs of Henares’ in the British Museum. See appendix.

page 68 note 83 Cf. Ibid., i, 9.

page 69 note 84 ‘Arcadia, Prosas, y Versos de Lope de Vega Carpio, Secretario del Marqués de Sarria. Con una exposicion de los nõbres Historicos y poéticos. A Don Pedro Tellez Giron, Duque de Osuna,’ etc. Con Privilegio, en Madrid por Luis Sanchez. Año 1598. A copy of this first edition, which is unknown to Salvá and to Gallardo,—and which is so rare that Barrera says he had never seen but one copy, and that was without title-page,—is in the Ticknor Library.

page 69 note 85 ‘History of Spanish Literature.’ Boston, 1888, Vol. ii, p. 185.

page 69 note 86 ‘Geschichte der dramatischen Literatur und Kunst in Spanien.’ Frankfurt a. M., 1854. Vol. ii, p. 166.

page 69 note 87 Barrera y Lei rado. Nueva Biografia. Obras de Lope de Vega.’ Madrid, 1890. Tom. i, p. 42. note.

page 69 note 88 Op. cit., p. 66.

page 69 note 89 Barrera, Ibid, p. 69.

page 70 note 90 Ibid., pp, 65, 66.

page 70 note 91 In the epistle to Don Juan de Arguijo, prefixed to the “Segunda parte de las Rimas de Lope de Vega “The volume which I possess, contains “La Hermosura de Angelica,” the “Rimas,” and the “Dragontea,” and was printed at Madrid, ‘en casa de P. Madrigal, 1602.’ It is the first edition of the ‘Angélica.‘In the’Arcadia,’ Lope, “al gusto de aquellos tiempos, cantó ciertos amores de su señor el Duque de Alba, y algunos de sus propios sucesos”; the shepherd Anfriso being supposed to represent the young Duke of Alba D. Antonio.

page 79 note 92 Siglo de oro en las selvas de Erifile del Dotor Bernardo de Balbuena. En que se descrive una agradable y rigurosa imitacion del estilo pastoril de Teocrito, Virgilio, y Sanazaro. Dirigios al Ekcelentissimo Don Pedro Fernandez de Castro, Conde de Lemos, etc. Madrid, 1608. 8vo.

page 79 note 93 Siglo de Oro en las Selvas de Erifile, compuesto por Don Bernardo de Valbuena, Obispo de Puerto-Rico. Edition corregida por la Academia espauola. Madrid, 1821. 8vo. The references are to this latter edition when not otherwise stated.

page 79 note 94 These “justas literarias “were then very common in Spain, and, probably, also in America. In Spain, justas were held in 1595, 1608, 1614, and 1620 in which the greatest Spanish poets competed. See the “Justa poetica, y alabanzas justas que hizo Madrid en las fiestas de San Isidro.” Sm. 410, Madrid. My copy has no date upon the title page, but it is given as 1620 in the “Tassa.” Upon this occasion Lope de Vega was the judge who distributed the prizes and recited the introductory poem. See also Suárez de Figueroa,‘El Passagero,’ Madrid, 1617 (fol. 118), who says that “at such joustings there were more poets than sand upon the sea-shore.” Figueroa was a competitor at one of these fiestas held at Toledo that very year (1617). See Spanish Tr. of Ticknor, Vol. iii, p. 528. The opinion of Cervantes upon these tournaments is given in ‘Don Quixote,’ Part ii, ch. xviii. He had gained the first prize at one held at Saragossa in 1595.

page 79 note 95 One of the smaller Universities of Spain, the degrees of which were often ridiculed by the Spanish humourists. See ‘Don Quixote,’ Part 1, ch. i.

page 80 note 96 He also published: ‘El Bernardo, o la victoria de Roncesvalles,’ first ed., Madrid, 1624. I have a reprint in three volumes, dated Madrid, 1808. 12mo.

page 80 note 97 Lope de Vega praises Valbuena in his 4 Laurel de Apolo,” saying:

Y siempre dulce tu memoria sea

Generoso prelado

Doctisimo Bernardo de Balbuena

Tenias tu el cayado

De Puerto rico, quando el fiero Enrique

Olandes rebelado

Robd tu libreria

Pero tu ingenio no, que no podia

Aunque las fuerzas del olvido aplique.

Que bien cantaste el Español Bernardo !

Que bien al Siglo de Oro !

Tu fuiste su prelado y su tesoro,

Y tesoro tan rico en Puerto rico

Que nunca Puerto rico fue tan rico.

Editton of 1630, Selva Segunda, fol. 13b

Likewise, Cervantes, in his ‘Viage al Parnaso,’ ed. of 1614, chap, iii, p. 12:

Esta es aquel Poeta memorando

Que mostro de su ingenio la agudiza

En las Selvas de Eriflle contando.

page 85 note 98 Tragedias de Amor, de Gusto y Apacible entretenimiento de historias, fabulas enredades marañas, cantares, bayles, ingeniosas moralidades del enamorado Acrisio, y su Zagata Lucidora. Compuesto por el licenciado Juan Arze Solorzeno; Dirigido a Don Pedro Fernandez de Castro, Conde de Lemos, etc. Con Privilegio. En Madrid, por Juan de la Cuesta. Ano. mdcvii. 196 leaves. Gallardo, ‘Bibliotheca Espanola,’Vol. i, p. 264, mentioas an edition of the ‘Tragedies of Love’ printed at Zaragoza in 1647. Solorzeno also translated the following work: ‘Historia de los dos soldados de Christo, Baarlam y Iosafat.’ Escrita por san Juan Damasceno, Madrid, 1608.

page 87 note 99 Of this translation, Ticknor, Vol. iii, p. 104, note, says: “It was printed, I believe, at Naples in 1602, but was improved in the edition at Valencia in 1609. 12mo, pp. 278.” The edition of 1602 here referred to, is described by Salvá y Mallen as fol.: El Pastor Fido. Tragicomedia pastoral de Báttista Guarino. Traducida de Italiano en verso Castellano por Christoval Suarez. Napoles. Tarquinio Longo. 1602, 8vo, 286 pp. Nota. Primera edicion mui rara, desconocida á Clemencin, Pellicer y Nic. Antonio: los Traductores de Ticknor no han podido verla. ‘Catalogo,’ Valencia, 1872, pp. 447-448. It is true that the Spanish translators of Ticknor say that they have never seen this edition of 1602, but they have s en edition of 1622, by Christoval Suarez, Doctor en ambos dereckos, and that on comparing this edition with that of 1609, the difference is at once apparent; the latter is, moreover, addressed to the Duke of Mantua and Montferrato, while the former is dedicated to Don Juan Bauptista Valenzuela Velazquez. “Authors and booksellers,” they continue, “were not at that time in the habit of changing the Dedicatorias of their books without good reasons.” Vol. iii, p. 543. They believe the edition of 1622 at Naples, to be a reprint of the edition of 1602, and, therefore, not by Suarez de Figueroa. The difference between the translation of 1609, known to be Figueroa's, and that of 1622, is such that it is hardly possible that they were both made by the same person. We know, however, that Figueroa was in Naples in 1600. See note below. One Christoval Suarez Trevi o contributed a Glossa de Burlas to the poetical tournament held at Madrid in 1620. It has been conjectured that he is the translator of the ed. of 1602. See ‘Justa Poetica’ (Madrid, 1620), where the verses occur 011 the verso of fol. 117.

page 87 note 100 ‘El Passagero.’ Advertencias utillssima á la vida Humana. Madrid, Sanchez, 1617.

page 87 note 101 The year 1586 is sometimes assigned as the date of Figueroa's birth, but upon what anthority I do not know. He says in one of his works (‘Varias noticias importantes A la humana comunicacion,’ Madrid, 1621, variedad 4, fol. 38) that in the year 1600 he disembarked from the Barbary coast on board of a Naples galley, and as he was sixteen years old when he left Spain, and then studied in Italy, his age at this time might reasonably be fixed at twenty years, which would place the date of his birth about 1580. He was, therefore, about thirty five years old when auditor of the Spanish troops in Piedmont at the time of the French invasion in 1614-1616.

page 89 note 102 He appears to have been a more or less successful place-hunter (pretendiente) all his life. See his ‘Passagero,’ fol. 289. In his last work ‘Varias noticias,’ etc., Madrid, 1621, he styles himself: fiscal, juez, gobernador-comisario contra bandoleros y auditor de Gente de Guerra.

page 89 note 103 Chap. lxii. El doctor Cristóbal de Figueroa en su Pastor Fido … … donde felizmente pone en duda cuál es la traducion, ó cuál el original.

page 89 note 104 Figueroa estotro el Doctorado

Que cantó de Amarili la costancia

En dulce prosa, y verso regalado.

page 90 note 105 See his attack upon Lope de Vega,‘Passagero,’ fols. 103 and 108.

page 93 note 106 ‘El Premio de la Constancia y Pastores de Sierra Bermeia,’ por Iacinto de Espinel Adorno. Año 1620, en Madrid. The Sierra Bermeja is a range of mountains on the confines of the Provinces of Malaga and Cadiz, in the Ronda chain; called Vermeja, from its reddish soil.

page 93 note 107 A town of Spain in the province, and fifty-five miles south-west of Malaga, near the Coast.

page 93 note 108 On folio 36, he tells us that his parents took him to Munda where they had relatives, and here he was brought up and sent to school. He studied Latin, no con cuydado Por yrme divertiendo en cosas que si importauan al gusto, danavan al alma. And again, in Book ii, speaking of the poet Vicente Espinel, who was “the first inventor of Dézimas,” also called Espinelas, and who was born at Munda, Arsindo, says: “long have I known him by reputation, not personally,—aunque he estado yo en su Patria muchos dias.” See also, Gayangos, Vol. iii, p. 543.

page 97 note 109 Experiencias de Amor y yortuna, A Frey Lope de Vega Carpio, del Abito de S. Juan Procurador fiscal de la Camara Apostolica, y su Natario descrito en el Archivo Romano, Familiar del Santo Oficio de la Inquisicion. Por el Licenciado Francisco de las Cuevas, natural de Madrid. Ano 1649, en Barcelona. The Licencia is dated 1633. This, which is the copy I used, is the fourth edition according to Brunet. That the Experiencias passed through four editions during this period is evidence that it enjoyed considerable popularity, and shows how easily the taste of the time was satisfied. The book is no better and no worse, however, than the author's next attempt, the ‘Historia de Hipolito y Aminta’ first published the following year. It is written in the manner of the ‘Persiles y Sigismunda’ of Cervantes, and was, perhaps, prompted by the latter work. Quin tana's literary success was, doubtless, due in no small measure to the powerful influence of his friend, Lope de Vega.

page 97 note 110 See Alvarez y Baena,1 Hijos de Madrid,’ Vol. ii, p. 152; also, Barrera's biography to the ‘Obras de Lope de Vega,’ Madrid, 1890, p. 502.

page 100 note 111 ‘La Cintia de Aranjuez, Prosas y Versos.’ Por el Licenciado Don Gabriel del Corral, natural de Valladolid. Al excelentfssimo Señor Condestable de Castilla, mi Senor. En Madrid, en la imprenta del Reyno. No date, but the privilege to print is dated July 10th, 1628.

page 100 note 112 The ‘Argenis’ of Barclay, written in Latin, was first printed in 1621. A French translation appeared as early as 1623.

page 100 note 113 Barrera y Leirado, ‘Catálogo,‘p. 102. Nicholas Antonio,’Bibl. Hisp. Nova,’ Vol. i, 505, merely says of Corral: “D. Gabriel de Corral, Pincianus, juris que utriusque doctor, & ut credimus ecclesiae Zamorensis canonicus,” and also, that he translated out of the Latin, the poetical works of Pope Urban VIII. Barrera's ‘New Biography’ prefixed to the Spanish Academy's new edition of Lope de Vega (Madrid, 1890) contains no additional facts concerning Corral's life, but goes to confirm that the latter enjoyed considerable reputation as a poet.

page 100 note 114 In the ‘Obras de Don Luis de Ulloa Pereira,’ first published in 1659, there is an “Epistola de D. Gabriel de Corral, Abad entonces de la Iglesia Colegial de Toro.” In my copy, which is of the second edition, Madrid, 1674, it occurs on pages 155-160, and is dated Feb. 26th, 1640. In Vol. xxxi of the “Comedias nuevas escogidas de los mejores ingenios de Espana,1 Madrid, Sanchez, 1653-1704, there is a Comedia ‘La Trompeta del juizio,’ by Gabriel de Corral. Whether this is the same person as our author, there seems to be some doubt. See Barrera above.

page 101 note 115 Dass darunter noch immer nicht ded Pöbel, ja dass unter diesem mpanischen Vulgo noch ein sehr achtbarer Theil der Nation, die ganze ländliche und kleinstadtische Bevölkerung im Gegensatz zu den Hauptstädten auch damals (mitte des 16 Jahrhunderts) noch begriffen gewesen sei,—hat Huber (Gött. Anz, 1857, s. 452) sehr gut nachgewiesen. Ferdinand Wolf. Studien zur Gesch. d. Spanischen u. Port, National literatur.

P. 543, note.

page 104 note 116 Betis, i. e., Guadalquivir.

page 104 note 117 Veintecuatro. The corporation of Seville and of other towns in Andalucia, consisted of twenty-four members, called Veintecuatros.

page 104 note 118 ‘Los Pastores del Bétis,’ versos y prosas de Don Gonzalo de Saavedra, veintecuatro de la ciudad de Córdoba: dadas a luz por D. Martin de Saavedra y Guzman su hijo, con algunos Fragmentos suyos añadidos, al Ilmo. y Excmo. Sr. D. Manuel de Fonseca y Zúfiiga, conde de Monterey, etc. En Trani, por Lorenzo Valeriij, etc., 1633. The Licencia. is signed by D. Christóval Suárez de Figueroa, at Trani, October 10th, 1633—the last authentic mention of Figueroa that I have found. See also Gallardo ‘Biblioteca Española,’ Vol. iv, p. 296.

page 107 note 119 In the foregoing pages only those pastoral romances have been discussed that I have read, except in two cases where the fact is mentioned. Of other works, described as pastoral romances, but also inaccesible to me, a short account, taken mainly from the Spanish translation of Ticknor and from Gallardo's ‘Ensayo,’ will be found in Appendix ii. The ‘Menina e Moca’ of Bernardim Ribeiro, first published in 1554, contains incidents strikingly similar to some in the ‘Diana,’ and one might infer that the latter was, in some respects at least, influenced by the former. The incidents, however, most alike in the two works are just those, at the beginning, that were furnished by Montemayor's own life. Moreover, the early portion of the Portuguese romance is rather in the style of a novela caballeresca, while the pastoral form is adhered to by Montemayor. The latter, however, was a friend of Ribeiro's, and certainly knew of his 4 Saudades.‘See Puibusque,’Histoire Comparée des Littératures Espagnole et Française.’ Paris, 1843, Vol. i, p. 154; Puymaigre‘’ Romanceiro Portugals.‘Paris 1881, p. xxxvi. A late Portuguese writer, however, speaks in no doubtful terms of the influence of Ribiero upon the’Diana.’ He says:

“As relações pessoaes entre Bernardim Ribeiro e Jorge de Monte-Mór, que se descobrem pelas Eclogas d aquelle bucolista, vera explicar-nos agora a influencia que a Menina e Moa exerceu na creação da Diana. Jorge de Monté-Mór escreveu a historia dos seus amores infelizes em castelhano, e ainda que a sua obra seja uma das mais notaveis de litteratura hespanhola, pertenece-nos pela naturalidade do poeta e pela origem da sua imitação.”

Braga, ‘Manual da Historia da Litteratura Portugueza,’ p. 335; also ibid, “Bernardim Ribeiro e os Bucolistas,” p. 76 et seq.

page 111 note 1 Los Nueve libros de las Habidas se Hierónimo Arbolanche, Poeta tudelano. Zaragoza 1566.

page 112 note 2 Gallardo, ‘Ensayo de una Biblioteca Espanola,’ etc., Madrid, 1863, Vol. i, p. 260.

page 112 note 3 Salvá y Mallen, ‘Catalogo.’ Vol. ii, p. 19.

page 113 note 4 Gallardo here gives á la serena.

page 113 note 5 Salvá y Mallen, ‘Catalogo.’ Vol. ii, p. 19.

page 113 note 6 Ibid., p. 19.

page 114 note 7 Salvá y Mallen, Vol. ii, page 19.

page 114 note 8 Los cinco libros intitulados La enamorada Elisea, comprestos por Jerónimo de Cobarrubias Herrera, vecino de la villa de Medina de Rio seco, residente in Valladolid. Dirigidos á D. Felipe II, primers rey de las Españas, nuestro señor. Valladolid, 1594. 8vo.

page 117 note 9 Gallardo, Ensayo de una Biblioteca Espanola.’ Vol. iii, p. 86.

page 117 note 10 Ibid., Vol. iv, p. 1187.