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The Literary Rôle of the Saracens in the French Epic

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  02 December 2020

William Wistar Comfort
William Wistar Comfort*
Affiliation:
Haverford College
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Extract

There are historical grounds for the appearance of the Saracens in Old French literature. Their appearance upon French soil had been intermittent from the eighth to the tenth century, but in later centuries the point of contact between Christian and Infidel had been shifted first to Spain, and later to the eastern end of the Mediterranean. In the time of the Crusades the local memory of the presence of the Saracens preserved in popular tradition and in clerical records was utilized by the clerks and jongleurs for the specific purpose of arousing popular interest in the holy war. To state briefly our conclusions concerning the Saracens in Old French literature, we may say that they serve a distinct purpose in the earliest epic poems reflecting contemporary Crusade zeal, and that through the popularity of the epic poems they gained wide currency as exotic, marvellous, or romantic characters in mediaeval story.

Type
Research Article
Information
PMLA , Volume 55 , Issue 3 , September 1940 , pp. 628 - 659
Copyright
Copyright © Modern Language Association of America, 1940

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References

1 M. Skidmore, The Moral Traits of Christian and Saracen as portrayed by the Chansons de geste (Colorado Springs, 1935), pp. 22–25.

2 M. Bédier's theory is here accepted.

3 Cf. D. C. Munro, “The Western attitude toward Islam during the period of the Crusades,” Speculum, vi, 329–343.

4 H. Monin, Dissertation sur le Roman de Roncevaux (Paris, 1832), p. 87.

5 Quoted in Castries, L'Islam (Paris, 1896), p. 281 f.

6 Cf. E. Langlois, Table des noms propres de toute nature contenus dans les chansons de geste (Paris, 1904), p. 127, for many examples.

7 A. Graf, Giornale Storico, xiv, 204–211, quotes some verses from an Old French MS. in Turin bearing on the previous Christianity of Mahomet, who is represented as a contemporary of the Emperor Titus and of Prester John! Mahomet comes from the East to Rome as a Christian, but while there his familiar spirit Nero, the spirit of Antichrist, sends him a message in the form of a whispering bird, which bids him forsake the law of Christ, and convert his people to the easier law of Moses. This he does, and his lead is followed by Titus. Cf. Langlois, op. cit., p. 418.

8 Cf. Langlois, op. cit., p. 488.

9 Cf. ibid., p. 36.

10 Enfances Vivien (ed. Wahlund), 525.

11 Les Narbonnais (ed. Suchier), 7226.

12 See Langlois, op. cit., p. 593.

13 Where there is available more than one edition of a text, the edition quoted throughout this paper is that mentioned upon its first citation.

14 Skidmore, op. cit., pp. 27–28, has indicated the probable origin of some of the names attributed to the Saracens in the Roland.

15 Du Méril, Poésies populaires latines antérieures au XII e siècle, p. 411.

16 Cf. Ronsard, La Franciade, Livre iv, for a late literary treatment intended to give the same impression.

17 Cf. Aspremont (ed. Brandin), 2836 (100 to 1); Galïens li Restorés, p. 8 (100 to 1); Le Jeu de S. Nicolas (ed. Jeanroy, 400), (100 to 1); Horn et Rimenhild, 3227 (10–1); Bauduin de Sebourc, Chant v, 116 (20 to 1); Chev. Vivien, 396 (26 to 1); Floovant, p. 46 (10 to 1); Complainte sur la prise de Jérusalem (300 to 1) in du Méril, Poésies populaires latines antérieures au XII e siècle, p. 412; Aquin, 1650 (5 to 1); Gormont et Isembart, 594–595 (30 to 1).

18 Cf. E. Langlois, op. cit., p. 128.

19 Li Bastars de Bullion (ed. Scheler) 1352 f., contains a description of Mecca, which is entered by an iron bridge over the river Jordan, which rises in the Garden of Paradise and flows into the sea at Meccal

20 Cf. Chanson d'Antioche, Chant v: 26; Ambroise, Estoire de la guerre sainte, 10344; Joinville, Histoire de S. Louis (ed. Natalis de Wailly), p. 168, which contains also many observations of Saracen customs.

21 Skidmore, op. cit., chapter x, reaches the same conclusion.

22 Cf. also Horn et Rimenhild, 4781; Conquête de Jérusalem, 9120; Chev. Ogier, 2750; Aquin, 545; Fierabas, p. 18; Aspremont, 6120; Destruction de Rome, 434 (in Rom. 1873 ii); Gormont et Isembart, 530–533. Cf. Julius Malsch, Die Charakteristik der Völker im altfranzösischen nationalen Epos (Heidelberg, 1912).

23 Cf. Anouar Hatem, Les poèmes épiques des croisades (Paris, 1932).

24 Etudes d'histoire religieuse (Paris, 1859).

25 Kulturgeschichte der Kreuzzüge (Berlin, 1883).

26 Studj di critica e storia letteraria, pt. ii, 2d ed. (Bologna, 1912).

27 L'Islam: Impressions et Etudes (Paris, 1897).

28 For bibliography of clerical sources see also Hans Prutz, op. cit., pp. 513–518.

29 The Disputatio Christiani eruditissimi et Saraceni sodalis ipsius, a document utilized by Peter the Venerable (abbot of Cluny) in his controversial works against Islam, and also by Vincent de Beauvais. Cf. Hist. litt. de la France, xiii, 241–268.

30 D'Ancona, Studj di critica e storia letteraria, pt. ii, pp. 241–242.

31 Of Hildebert's diffuse and didactic poem, published in Migne's P.L., vol. clxxi, pp. 1343 f., the authors of the Hist. litt, (xi, 380) say: “L'ouvrage n'est qu'un tissu de fables ridicules, et d'anachronismes grossiers.”

32 D'Ancona, op. cit., p. 169, is authority for the statement that there is no written or oral basis in the East for this gruesome detail, as all Mahometan writers agree that Mahomet died of poison. The particular gusto with which the swine are introduced by the Christian savant and popular tradition is explained by the personal aversion entertained for the Prophet by the Christian writers.

33 D'Aubigné in Les Tragiques (Jugement), speaking of pilgrims to Mecca, says:

Là cette caravanne et bigotte et badine
Adore Mahomet dans le fer estendu
Que la voute d'aymant tient en l'air suspendu:
Là se crève les yeux la bande musulmane
Pour, après lieu si sainct, ne voir chose prophane.“

34 For a brief notice of this Walter cf. F. J. E. Raby, A History of Secular Latin Poetry in the Middle Ages, ii, 82.

35 This hermit, named Sergius or Serge, is represented in many accounts as a Nestorian, but not so in this poem. He plays an important rôle in the poetic history of Mahomet; and even in some Arab authors an analogous person figures in the early history of the Prophet. The function of this character seems to be to bridge over the cleft between Islam and the Mosaic-Christian tradition by explaining both the borrowings and the divergences. Cf. D'Ancona, op. cit.

36 a matter of fact, Mahomet was buried at Medina.

37 Vincent de Beauvais (1200–1264) treats of Mahomet in Speculum historiale, Liber 24.

38 In addition to D'Ancona, op. cit., see Edmond Doutté, Mahomet Cardinal (Châlons, 1899). The legend is succinctly stated in the Roman de Renart le contrefait (Romania, xxxvii, 262) and was also printed by Tarbé in his Romancero de Champagne (iii, 41–42), from which it is here translated.

39 Romancero de Champagne (ed. Tarbé), iii, 41–42.

40 Cf. Floire et Blanceflor (ed. du Méril), 1707 f.; Floovant, p. 21.

41 Further references to the manner of Mahomet's death will be found as follows: Gaufrey, pp. 108, 262; Floovant, p. 12; Li Baslars de Buillon, 5570–72; Maugis d'Aigremont, 7547; Horn et Rimenhild, 3022; Baudouin de Sebourc, v: 549–550; Conquête de Jérusalem, 5546 f.; Aliscans, p. 209; Le Siège de Barbastre (ed. Perrier), 1360–61.

42 H. Pigeonneau, Le cycle de la croisade et de la famille de Bouillon (Saint Cloud, 1877), p. 118.

43 Cf. R. Schroeder, Glaube und Aberglaube in den altfranzösischen Dichtungen (Erlangen, 1886), pp. 150 f.

44 Cf. Gaufrey, p. 48; Elie de S. Gille, 1723; Aye d'Avignon, p. 69; Huon de Bordeaux, p. 174.

45 For all the iconographical history of Mahomet one should consult R. Schröder, op. cit., pp. 150–168.

46 Cf. R. Basset in Journal des Savants (1903) for the identification of this alleged statue of Mahomet with a classical statue of Hercules known to have existed near Cadiz until 1146. The threatening attitude of this statue is a frequent feature of such heroic creations in popular legend.

47 For further details cf. Octavian, 1745 f.; Anseïs de Carthage, 4333; Ambroise, L'Estoire de la guerre sainte, 3367 f.; Aspremont, 2980–85, 3815–17; La Conquête de Jérusalem, 6462–69; Destruction de Rome, 227; Chev. Ogier, 9906; Huon de Bordeaux, p. 168; Fierabras, pp. 21, 161; Blancandin et l'Orgueilleuse d'Amour (ed. Michelant), 2771 f., 3181 f.; Aiol, 9995–96; Enfances Guillaume (ed. Henry), 225 f., 1539 f.

48 Cf. further for the reward of the Christians Les Narbonnais, 4390–95; Chanson d'Antioche, Ch. ii, 17; id., viii, 1; Enfances Ogier, 4929–32; Aquin, 1573–75; Aspremont, 4302 f.; Bauduin de Sebourc, Ch. i, 277–284; Chevalerie Vivien, 1594 f.; Le Siège de Barbastre 2694–96. For the punishment of the Saracens cf. Anseïs de Carthage, 10238; Chevalerie Vivien, 1660; Boeve de Haumtone, 1328, 3606; Roman de Mahomet, 1894; Richars li Biaus, 2648–50; L'Escoufle, 1270–71; Aspremont, 5337.

49 Anseïs de Carthage, 5909 f.; Harn et Rimenhild, 1527; Galïens li Restorés, p. 364; Mainet in Romania iv, p. 330; Fierabras, pp. 28, 155–156; Octavian, 3501–08, 4365–69; Floovant, p. 18; Aspremont, 3368–71; Guy de Warewic (ed. Ewert), 3643–60; Le Siège de Barbastre, 4886–99.

50 Cf. Gaufrey, p. 74; Aiol, 10080–82; Conquête de Jérusalem, 1336–37; Aquin, 1256–64; Gormont et Isembart, 186–195.

51 Joinville tells of his conversation with a renegade born at Provins, who had married in Egypt and had become a great lord. Joinville asked him whether he did not know that if he died in this state, he would go to Hell, and he answered, “Yes, but if I went with you, I should fear to endure poverty and reproaches.” So he preferred to be rich and at his ease rather than to endure the penalty of his sin. (Histoire de Saint Louis, p. 216.)

52 Isembart, however, has an important rôle and finally, at death's door, turns again to his God (Gormont et Isembart, 628 f.).

53 Prutz, op. cit., p. 66.

54 I have treated this subject somewhat more in extenso in “The Siege of Paris by the Saracens,” The Nation (N. Y. 1919), cviii, 44–46.

55 Cf. Enfances Guillaume, 267–268.

56 Further examples of unnatural size and awfulness will be found in two German theses which have already exhausted this particular field: Fr. Wohlgemuth, Riesen und Zwerge in der altfranzösischen erzählenden Dichtung (Leipzig, 1907), and O. Voigt, Das Ideal der Schönheit und Hässlichkeit in den altfranzösischen chansons de geste (Marburg, 1891).

57 Another explanation for the type is given by Seiden: “When our countrymen come home from fighting against the Saracens and were beaten by them, they pictured them with huge bigg terrible faces (as you still see the Signe of the Saracen's head is) when in truth they were like other men, but this they did to serve their owne creditts.” (John Seiden, Table Talk, art. War).

58 Cf. also Frédéric Mistral's Mémoires (Paris, 1906), chap. i.

59 Examples of other noble damsels who are ready to forsake their gods and be baptized for love of a Christian are: Maugalie in Floovant, p. 49; Josiane in Boeve de Haumtone, 1955; Nubie in La Prise de Cordres et de Sebille, 751–753; Malatrie in Le Siège de Barbastre, 2068–71; Marsabile in Octavian, 3868–79; Gumarde in Galïens li Restorés, p. 263.

60 Two other instances are in Anseïs de Carthage, 5031 f., and Le Siège de Barbastre 5759 f. The theory of course was that neither man nor woman, if a Christian, could marry a pagan. The principle is expressed à propos of Clotilde and her proposed marriage to Clovis before the latter's conversion:

“Clotilde dit qu'il ne loist point Crestienne estre a paien femme,

Pour quoy c'est une chose infame.“

Miracle de Clovis in Miracles de Notre-Dame, vii, 209

61 The romantic rôle of Saladin in French legend is somewhat apart from our subject, and has been exhaustively treated by Gaston Paris in the Journal des Savants for 1893, to which may be added for certain details House's edition of L'Ordene de chevalerie (Norman, Oklahoma, 1919) and Brunei's edition of La Fille du Comte de Pontieu (Paris, 1923).

62 Cf. Prutz, Kulturgeschichte der Kreuzzüge (Berlin, 1883); C. R. Conder, The Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem (London, 1897); and especially Anouar Hatem, Les poèmes épiques des croisades (Paris, 1932).

63 A. Hatem, op. cit., p. 299, apparently per contra, is referring specifically to the cycle of crusade poems when he says, “Les poèmes primitifs des Croisades ont été composés par des Français d'Orient, en Orient, et pour des Français d'Orient avant tout.” This remark, however true, does not bear upon the great body of epic poetry composed by and for the French in France.