This article integrates theory and data culled from two largely unrelated subdisciplines—biopolitics and constitutional politics—to provide a “bioconstitutional” overview of power relationships among Homo sapiens. That overview features three aspects of constitutional configuration: (1) the biopsychological, evidence of which is drawn chiefly from neuroscience, primatology, biochemistry, and championship chess play; (2) the biosocial, evidence of which is drawn chiefly from gene-culture coevolutionary analysis, anthropology, social psychology, jurisprudence, and political science; (3) the biopolicy aspect, evidence of which is drawn exclusively from the American scene, most particularly Supreme Court decision making involving reproductive choice and governmental constraints on gene-cloning. Constitutionalism is conceived as a thought-action field theory, whose values are not only dynamic and functional, but also both politically influential and subject to political influence. Bioconstitutionalism supplies the requisite life science context for these patterns, and itself presents notable feedback features as humans acquire greater capacity to order their adaptive strategies through biological intervention programs.

When I was invited to participate in a symposium designed to consider the possible implications of the theory of punctuated equilibria for the study of political science, I faced the need to reexamine some fundamental questions. These transcended such issues as whether and how frequently the phenomenon referred to as punctuated equilibrium occurred, and whether it might indeed be similar to some phenomena studied by political scientists. Rather, I felt it necessary to establish for myself whether, when, and how any biologically based theory or set of hypotheses could be applied to the realm of the social sciences and what cautions might be demanded by such application.

One consequence of aging is diminished physical powers. In some cases, mental capabilities deteriorate, with concomitant rigidity of thought, impairment of intellect, emotional instability, and denial of disability (e.g., Post, 1980). Some have speculated that biological factors may have an effect on the political behavior of the elderly (see, e.g., G. Schubert, 1983). Campbell, Converse, Miller, and Stokes (1960:262) note that decline of voter turnout with age is “… undoubtedly due to infirmities that make trips to the polling place more difficult.” Hudson and Binstock (1976:370) suggest that lowered participation “… may be interpreted in terms of physical declines….” Light (1981:2343) hypothesizes that “Health and mobility problems apparently prevent the elderly from topping the middle-aged in turnout.” On the other hand, Wolfinger and Rosenstone (1980) find that with the introduction of controls for length of residence, income, education, and gender, the political effects of aging seem to disappear. However, no direct tests of the physical effects of aging upon the political orientations and behavior of the aged have appeared.