^{page 64 note *} The theory of an origin in the British Isles is supported by MrDavenport, Cyril, in the Journal of the Royal Society of Arts, vol. xlvii. (1899), p. 315 ffGoogle Scholar, and the Anglo-Saxon Review, vol. vii. (1900), p. 168 ffGoogle Scholar ; und by MrGardner, J. Starkie in his Introduction to the Catalogue of a Collection of European Enamels, printed for the Burlington Fine Arts Club (London, 1897)Google Scholar. Continental archæologists, when they have noticed the brooches, have seldom discussed them at any length, and their rejection of an English origin has not, I think, been supported by sufficient evidence. The Alfred jewel in the Ashmolean Museum at Oxford is, so far as I am aware, the only early cloisonné enamelled ornament in England to which an English manufacture has occasionally been conceded by foreign writers. Everything but the subject of the portrait and the design engraved on the back of the Alfred jewel lying outside the scope of these notes, I take the present opportunity of saying that there seems no reason to differ from those who claim both the enamel and the gold setting for this country. The portrait does not belong to the same school as those on the brooches, and the common assumption that all must stand or fall together is surely unnecessary.

^{page 65 note *} Vol. xxix. pp. 70 ff.

^{page 65 note †} Figured in colours by Wyatt, M. Digby, Metal-work and its Artistic Design (London, 1852), pl. 47Google Scholar.

^{page 66 note *} Coins as early as Theodosius I. ; Mosaic of Justinian in San Vitale, at Ravenna ; see Strzygowski, J., Byzantinische Denkmäler, i. (1891), 119Google Scholar.

^{page 66 note †} C. F. Keary, Coinages of Western Europe (1879), pl. iii. fig. 22.

^{page 66 note ‡} Gospels of the Emperor Henry III. at Upsala, Zeitschrift für Christliche Kunst, vol. xiii. (Düsseldorf, 1900), p. 90 and pl. vGoogle Scholar.

^{page 67 note *} For instance, it occurs as a detail of sculpture at Serjilla in Northern Syria, on the carved doors of S. Sabina at Rome, in illuminated borders of the Syrian MS. of Rabula, in the border of miniatures of the MS. of Dioscorides, on the crown of the Visigothic King Reccesvinth, and on a gold inlaid plaque from the Terek region in S. Russia, all of which are earlier than the eighth century, and on textiles, etc., of the later Middle Ages. It seems probable that the ornament was first used in the East, passed into Italy, and was thence transmitted to such barbarian peoples as came into relation with the peninsula ; to the Goths and Lombards, therefore, rather than to tribes dwelling further to the north.

^{page 68 note *} In the Free Public Museums, Liverpool. Westwood, Fictile Ivories, Nos. 54, 55 ; Molinier, Ivoires, p. 23.

^{page 69 note *} F. Bock, Kleinodien des römischen Reichs, pl. xxv. fig. 37. Other examples of enamels of the same class at Aachen, Essen, and in the collection of Freiherr von Heyl at Darmstadt, are cited by S. Beissel, Kunstschätze des Aachener Kaiserdomes (1904), text to pl. ii.

^{page 69 note †} Weerth, E. Aus'm, Das Siegeskreuz der byzantinischen Kaiser Constantin VII. und Romanus II, pl. ii. (Bonn, 1866)Google Scholar.

^{page 69 note ‡} Zeitschrift für Christliche Kunst (Düsseldorf, 1903), pp. 42 ft., article by J. Braun. Professor Venturi has compared the enamels of the Towneley brooch to those of the Paliotto of Sant' Ambrogio at Milan and to those of a cover of the gospels at Chiavenna (Storia dell' arte Italiana, ii. 242), but I do not think the resemblance is in either case so close as that which has been noted above.

^{page 70 note *} Two very barbarous enamels on copper, one in the Welfenschatz and the other in private possession, should be studied in connection with the conventionalisation of features in early Western cloisonné enamels. See De Linas, Les Expositions rétrospectives (Paris, 1881), pp. 118 and 189 ; F. Bock, Byzantinische Zellenschmelze, pl. xxiv. fig. 2.

^{page 70 note †} See Viollet-le-Duc, Dictionnaire du mobilier français, iii. 308.

^{page 71 note *} Ferrario, G., Monumenti sacri e profani dell' imperiale e reale Basilica di Sant' Ambrogio in Milano (Milan, 1824), pl. 17 and 18Google Scholar ; details opposite p. 122.

^{page 71 note †} Compare the ornament on a reliquary in the collection of Reinhold Vasters, exhibited at Düsseldorf in 1902 (Zeitschrift für Christliche Kunst, Düsseldorf, 1902, pl. 154) ; the reliquary of the Emperor Otto in the cathedral treasury at Quedlinburg (photos, Ernst Kliche, Quedlinburg) ; two bookcovers in the treasury of the cathedral at Trieste, the chalice of St. Rémi at Rheims, etc.

^{page 71 note ‡} Allen, J. Romilly, Early Christian Symbolism, in Great Britain and Ireland (London, 1887), pp. 168 ffGoogle Scholar.

^{page 71 note §} Palæographical Society : Facsimiles of MSS. and Inscriptions, ed. Bond and Thompson, vol. ii. (1873–1883), pl. 21.

^{page 71 note ‖} Westwood, Facsimiles of the Miniatures of Ornaments in, Anglo-Saxon and Irish MSS., pl. ii.

^{page 72 note *} Strzygowski, J., Jahrbuch der Königlich-preussischen Kunstsammlungen, xxiv. (1903), 164Google Scholar.

^{page 72 note †} Not shown in the illustration.

^{page 73 note *} R. Forrer, Seidentextilien aus dem, Gräberfeld von Achmim-Panopolis (Strasburg, 1891), pl. v. fig. 8, and pl. xv. fig. 6^a.

^{page 73 note †} On mummy cases, Ushabti figures, etc.,passim. Cf. also E. A. Wallis Badge, The Gods of the Egyptians, vol. ii. p. 138 (London, 1904), and pp. 131 ff. On the attitude of Coptic Christians to Osiris, Isis, and Horus, see the same work, pp. 220, 221.

^{page 73 note ‡} Second Egyptian Room, wall case 66.

^{page 73 note §} First Egyptian Room, wall case 155. For the information as to these objects I am indebted to Dr. E. A. Wallis Budge.

^{page 74 note *} The evidence is collected in a convenient summary by Bréhier, L., “Les Colonies d'Orientaux en Occident au commencement du Moyen Age,’ in Byzantinische Zeitschrift, xii. (Leipzig, 1903), 1–40Google Scholar ; the various essays and books by previous writers on the subject are mentioned in this article. See also A. Marignan, Études sur la civilisation française ; vol. i. La Société Méroringienne, pp. 144–146 ; Strzygowski, J., Kleinasien, ein Neuland der Kunstgeschichte, pp. 230 ff (Leipzig, 1903)Google Scholar; and Der Dom zu, Aachen wild seine Entstellung (Leipzig, 1904).

^{page 75 note *} Gregory of Tours, Historia Francorum, iv. 42, v. 5, vi. 6 ; Heyd, Geschichte des Levanthandels, i. 69.

^{page 75 note †} Comte de Montalembert, The Monks of the West (English ed., London, 1896), i. 355. The trend of the Conferences of Cassian is towards the propagation of Egyptian ideas ; see Dom Cuthbert Butler, The Lausiae History of Palladius (vol. vi. of Texts and Studies, ed. by Prof. J. A. Robinson, Cambridge, 1898), p. 246.

^{page 75 note ‡} For example, when the Merovingians proposed to send St. Columba back to his own country they put him on board a ship at Nantes which was trading to Ireland (quae Scotorum commercia vexerat), see T. Hodgkin, Italy and her Invaders, vi. 125.

^{page 76 note *} Earle, J., The Alfred Jewel (Oxford, 1901)Google Scholar.

^{page 76 note †} On sacred trees and their part in the history of ornament, see Riegl, A., Stilfragen (Berlin, 1893), 99 ff.Google Scholar ; Goodyear, W. H., The Grammar of the Lotus, 175 ff. (London, 1901)Google Scholar.

^{page 77 note *} a is from a photograph kindly furnished by the authorities of the Victoria and Albert Museum ; b is from Westwood's Facsimiles, pl. iii.; c is after Riegl, as above, fig. 176, p. 320.