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2. Ibid., p. 84.

3. Examples are Haber, Samuel, Efficiency and Uplift: Scientific Management in the Progressive Era, 1890–1920 (Chicago: Univ. of Chicago Press, 1964)Google Scholar; Callahan, Raymond E., Education and the Cult of Efficiency: A Study of the Social Forces that Have Shaped the Administration of the Public Schools (Chicago: Univ. of Chicago Press, 1962)Google Scholar; Lubove, Ray, The Professional Altruist: The Emergence of Social Work As a Career, 1880–1930 (New York: Atheneum, 1969)Google Scholar. On the relationship between business and reform see Wiebe, Robert, The Search for Order, 1877–1920 (New York: Hill & Wang, 1967)Google Scholar; Weinstein, James, The Corporate Ideal in the Liberal State: 1900–1918 (Boston: Beacon Press, 1968)Google Scholar; Lubove, Roy, Twentieth Century Pittsburgh: Government, Business and Environmental Change (New York: Wiley, 1969).Google Scholar

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7. Quoted in Belcher, Wyatt W., The Economic Rivalry between St. Louis and Chicago, 1850–1880 (New York: Columbia Univ. Press, 1947), p. 23.Google Scholar

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10. This report is summarized in Smith, Stephen, The City that Was (New York: F. Allaben, 1911), pp. 65–66, 71–82, 109–112, 140–43, 59–60, 101, 125–27, 131.Google Scholar

11. Ibid., p. 101.

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13. Smith, , The City that Was, pp. 144–50Google Scholar. Earlier examples of this literature are: Foster, George G., New York by Gas-Light: with here and there a streak of sunshine (New York: Dewitt and Davenport, 1850)Google Scholar; New York in Slices, by an experienced carver; being the original slices published in The New York Tribune (New York, 1849).Google Scholar

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15. For examples of the way architects incorporated the domestic ideal in their plans and used the idea to sell them see: Downing, Andrew Jackson, Cottage Residences (New York, 1842), pp. iii–ivGoogle Scholar. Downing wrote here the cottage fosters peace by “striving to shut out whatever bitterness or strife may be found in the open highway of the world.” In Downing, Andrew Jackson, The Architecture of Country Houses (New York, 1850), p. viGoogle Scholar, he wrote, “And much of the feverish unrest and want of balance between the desire and fulfillment of life, is calmed and adjusted by the pursuit of tastes which result in making a little world of the family home, where truthfulness, beauty and order have the largest domain”; Fowler, Orson S., A Home for All; or the Gravel Wall and Octagon Mode of Building (New York, 1853), p. 97.Google Scholar

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18. Beecher, Catherine and Stowe, Harriet Beecher, The American Woman's Home: or Principles of Domestic Science (New York, 1869), pp. i–xii ff.Google Scholar

19. Quoted in Wishy, Bernard, The Child and the Republic: The Dawn of Modern American Child Nurture (Philadelphia: Univ. of Pennsylvania Press, 1972), p. 12Google Scholar; Sunley, Robert, “Early Nineteenth-Century American Literature on Child Rearing,” in Childhood in Contemporary Cultures, eds., Mead, Margaret and Wolfenstein, Martha (Chicago: Univ. of Chicago Press, 1963), pp. 151–53.Google Scholar

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23. Wishy, , The Child and the Republic, pp. 21–22, 24–41.Google Scholar

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28. Ford, James, Slums and Housing: With Special Reference to New York City (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard Univ. Press, 1936), I, pp. 122–204.Google Scholar Numerous investigations showed that tenement house owners resisted putting in water for domestic purposes because such housing was the most profitable; see p. 191. Blake, , Water for Cities, pp. 265–81Google Scholar; Cassedy, James H., “The Flamboyant Colonel Waring,” Bulletin of the History of Medicine, 36 (03–04 1962), 163–76Google Scholar; Tarr, Joel, “Urban Pollution—Many Long Years Ago,” American Heritage, 22 (10 1971), 65–69.Google Scholar For a description of the resistence of tenement owners to link up with sewerage in Chicago see Rauch, John H., A Report to the Board of Health of the City on the Necessity of an Extension of Sewerage of the City (Chicago, 1873), pp. 1–22Google Scholar; Chicago Board of Health, Report of the Board of Health of the City of Chicago, for 1867, 1868 and 1869; and a Sanitary History of Chicago, from 1833 to 1870 (Chicago, 1871), pp. 75, 99, 231, 266–68.Google ScholarMandelbaum, Seymour, Boss, Tweed's New York (New York: Wiley, 1965), pp. 13–14.Google Scholar

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30. Tyack, David, The One Best System: A History of American Urban Education (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard Univ. Press, 1974), pp. 45–48, 50–54, 81–82.Google Scholar

31. Beecher, Catherine, Suggestions Respecting Improvements in Education (Hartford, 1829), p. 45Google Scholar; Child, Lydia, The Mother's Book (Boston, 1831), p. 10.Google Scholar

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36. One alternative to a policy orientation of encouraging private entrepreneurs to use the new technology to export family life and of using parks on the periphery as a magnet was to institute changes in land use in the built-up sections and to allocate more resources to inner city improvements. In 1856, the city inspector of New York suggested just such a policy when he recommended removing buildings on many streets and replacing some streets with squares and free spaces that could be used for recreation and to increase light and air in certain districts. He also recommended more street cleaning and the diffusion of information on the principles of hygiene. This prefigured the solution of domestic reformers in the progressive era. Ford, , Slums and Housing, II, p. 128.Google Scholar This would have required important legal changes, not feasible in the prevailing political environment. The failure of the courts and the political system to support such changes constituted a decision, in this case, to view the city primarily in the context of economic rather than domestic life. See Bachrach, Peter and Baratz, Morton S., Power and Poverty: Theory and Practice (New York: Oxford Univ. Press, 1970)Google Scholar for a discussion of the theory of nondecision making.

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53. The spatial and physical changes taking place in Chicago's suburban rings after 1885 is a good example of this process. See Mayer, Harold M. and Wade, Richard C., Chicago: Growth of a Metropolis (Chicago: Univ. of Chicago Press, 1969), pp. 176, 186, 206, 250, 252.Google Scholar For statistical data on changes in the distribution of Chicago's population by mile zones and in population densities in mile belts see Hoyt, Homer, 100 Years of Land Values in Chicago, 1830–1933 (Chicago: Univ. of Chicago Press, 1933), pp. 383–84.Google Scholar A review of the debate over annexation in the suburbs showed that the need for improved services was one of the main reasons why villages and towns such as Hyde Park, Lake, Lake View and Jefferson, voted for annexation. Most improvements after 1889 took place in the newly annexed territories and not in the older and poorer sections of the city. See Studenski, Paul, The Government of Metropolitan Areas in the United States (New York: National Municipal League, 1930), pp. 69, 114–15, 127–29, 136–39, 154–55, 106.Google Scholar For a good example of complaints in suburbia centering on the domestic environment see Chicago Tribune 05 28, 1887, p. 15.Google Scholar For information on the lack of parks in heavily populated peripheral areas in 1903 see Cranz, , “Models for Park Usage,” pp. 72–73.Google Scholar

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61. Ford, , Slums and Housing, I, pp. 217–23Google Scholar, for description of the 1901 New York law which became a model for other cities and was notable for its enforcement procedures, which earlier laws lacked. For Chicago's New Law Tenement Code of 1902 see Abbott, Edith, The Tenements of Chicago, 1908–1935 (Chicago: Univ. of Chicago Press, 1936), pp. 59–73.Google Scholar Since the new laws were directed at regulating new housing being constructed, they regulated building in the annexed territories, had little impact on existing slums, and were meant to prevent a recurrence in new areas of the urban experience. The New York law differed from most in that it also required older buildings to introduce some improvements. It also should be noted that room overcrowding was synonymous with the so-called lodging evil which led to moral corruption of girls. Veiller, Lawrence, “Room Overcrowding and the Lodger Evil,” Housing Problems in America (Philadelphia: Proceedings of the Second National Conference on Housing, 1912), p. 60.Google Scholar

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64. Beard, , Women's Work in Municipalities, p. 168Google Scholar, chaps. III and IV on Social Evil and Recreation; Haller, Mark, “Urban Vice and Civic Reform: Chicago in the Early Twentieth Century” in Cities in American History, eds., Jackson, Kenneth T. and Schultz, Stanley K. (New York: Knopf, 1972), pp. 290–305Google Scholar; Addams, Jane, The Spirit of Youth and the City Streets, rpt. 1909 ed. (Urbana: Univ. of Illinois Press, 1972).Google Scholar

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