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“Little Plants in the Country”: Henry Ford's Village Industries and the Beginning of Decentralized Technology in Modern America

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  30 July 2009

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“Technology Spurs Decentralization Across the Country.” So reads a 1984 New York Times article on real-estate trends in the United States. The contemporary revolution in information processing and transmittal now allows large businesses and other institutions to disperse their offices and other facilities across the country, even across the world, without loss of the policy- and decision-making abilities formerly requiring regular physical proximity. Thanks to computers, word processors, and the like, decentralization has become a fact of life in America and other highly technological societies.

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Research Article
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Copyright © Cambridge University Press 1988

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References

NOTES

Author's notes: Research for this article was made possible by the generous assistance of the following organizations: National Science Foundation, History and Philosophy of Science Program (Research Grants No. SES-8218636, December 1982, and SES-8408874, July 1984); American Council of Learned Societies (Grant-in-Aid, April 1983); American Association for State and Local History (Grant-in-Aid, October 1983); and National Endowment for the Humanities (Travel to Collections Grant, November, 1985). I am extremely grateful for their support.

I would also like to acknowledge the invaluable assistance of the following persons at the Edison Institute (Greenfield Village and Henry Ford Museum), Dearborn, Michigan, during my repeated visits: Mr. David Crippen, Curator of Special Collections; Mr. Steven Hamp, Director of Collections and Chief Curator, Archives and Records; and Mrs. Cynthia Read-Miller, Curator of Graphics. In addition, Mrs. Darleen Flaherty, Archivist of the Ford Industrial Archives in Redford, Michigan, and Mrs. Eleanor Poteracki of Detroit assisted me in my research in holdings there. Harvard undergraduates Charlotte Chiu and Soo Lee were excellent research assistants. Finally, Mr. John Tobin, now a graduate student at Wayne State University, kindly allowed me to read his unpublished 1985 master's thesis at Eastern Michigan University, “Henry Ford and His Village Industries in Southeastern Michigan.” I learned about his thesis only after completing most of my research and writing, but it has been a useful source for additional information and for comparisons with my own findings and reflections.

1. Subtitle of article by Wald, Matthew L., “Back Offices Disperse from Downtowns,” Commercial Real Estate Report, New York Times, 05 13, 1984, sec. 12, p. 1.Google Scholar

2. See, e.g., Kasson, John F., Civilizing the Machine: Technology and Republican Values in America, 1776–1900 (New York: Grossman, 1976), ch. 1, esp. p. 25.Google Scholar

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4. See, e.g., Nevins, Allan and Hill, Frank E., Ford: Expansion and Challenge, 1915–1933 (New York: Scribner's, 1957), pp. 295–99Google Scholar, and Ford: Decline and Rebirth (New York: Scribner's, 1963), p. 8Google Scholar; Lewis, David L., The Public Image of Henry Ford: An American Folk Hero and His Company (Detroit: Wayne State University Press, 1976), pp. 160–62, 483Google Scholar; and Meyer, Stephen III, The Five Dollar Day: Labor Management and Social Control in the Ford Motor Company, 1908–1921 (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1981), Introduction.Google Scholar

5. Van Deventer, John H., “Ford Principles and Practice at River Rouge: I: Links in a Complete Industrial Chain,” Industrial Management 64 (09 1922): 131–32.Google Scholar

6. Lewis, , p. 12Google Scholar. In confirmation of Ford's enigmatic personality, see, e.g., The Reminiscences of Mr. Stanley Ruddiman, Ford Motor Company Archives, Oral History Section, 10 1951, p. 5Google Scholar, and The Reminiscences of Mrs. Stanley Ruddiman, Ford Motor Company Archives, Oral History Section, 03 1952, p. 84Google Scholar. The Ruddimans were close friends of Ford.

7. Ford quoted in Pearson, Drew, “Ford Predicts the Passing of Big Cities and Decentralizing of Industry,” Motor World 80 (08 28, 1924): 9Google Scholar. The same interview appeared simultaneously, and virtually unchanged, in Automotive Industries and Motor Age and, later in summarized form, in Literary Digest. On Ford's overall antiurbanism, see Morton, and White, Lucia, The Intellectual Versus the City: From Thomas Jefferson to Frank Lloyd Wright (New York: New American Library, 1964), pp. 201–02Google Scholar, and Mullin, John R., “Henry Ford and Field and Factory: An Analysis of the Ford Sponsored Village Industries Experiment in Michigan, 1918–1941,” Journal of the American Planning Association 48 (Autumn 1982): 426–27.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

8. Ford quoted in Pearson, , p. 9.Google Scholar

9. Van Vlissingen, Arthur, “The BIG Idea Behind Those SMALL Plants of Ford's,” Factory Management and Maintenance 96 (04 1938): 46.Google Scholar

10. The article was reprinted as “Ford's Little Plants in the Country,” Reader's Digest 32 (07 1938): 6264Google Scholar, and was the source of my title here, although I later discovered an anonymous article with the same title in Ford News 16 (07 1936): 127–28, 137.Google Scholar

11. See Marx, Leo, The Machine in the Garden: Technology and the Pastoral Ideal in America (New York: Oxford University Press, 1964)Google Scholar, and Segal, Howard P., “Leo Marx's ‘Middle Landscape’: A Critique, a Revision, and an Appreciation,” Reviews in American History 5 (03 1977): 137–50.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

12. Simonds, William A., “Rural Factories along Little Streams,” Stone and Webster Journal 41 (11 1927): 653.Google Scholar

13. Cameron, W. J., “The Spread of Industry,” Ford Sunday Evening Talk, Detroit, 05 5, 1935, rpt., no page number.Google Scholar

14. Van Vlissingen, , p. 46.Google Scholar

15. Ford quoted in Kellogg, Paul V., “The Play of a Big Man with a Little River, Part I,” Survey Graphic 52 (03 1, 1924): 641.Google Scholar

16. On these public relations efforts, see Lewis, , pp. 233–34, 281Google Scholar, and Mullin, , p. 431, n. 45.Google Scholar

17. The Ford Industries: Facts About the Ford Motor Company and its Subsidiaries (Detroit: Ford Motor Company, 1924)Google Scholar, Foreword, no page number. The typical headline is from an article in Ford News 5 (05 15, 1925): 35, 8Google Scholar. On Ford's own ambivalence toward the Rouge Plant, see Nevins, and Hill, , Ford: Decline and Rebirth, pp. 7172Google Scholar; Lewis, , p. 237Google Scholar; and “Mr. Ford Doesn't Care,” Fortune 8 (12 1933): 65, 122Google Scholar; the last lists no author.

18. Cameron, , “Decentralization of Industry,” Mechanical Engineering 59 (07 1937): 485.Google Scholar

19. See The Reminiscences of Mr. E. G. Liebold, Ford Motor Company Archives, Oral History Section, 01 1953, pp. 528–33Google Scholar. See also The Reminiscences of Mr. Roscoe M. Smith, Ford Motor Company Archives, Oral History Section, 04 1954, pp. 4849Google Scholar, and Voorhess, Charles, “Information Regarding Village Industries,” 07 12, 1944 (one-page memorandum).Google Scholar

20. But see Kropotkin, Peter, Fields, Factories and Workshops Tomorrow, ed. Ward, Colin (New York: Harper and Row, 1975)Google Scholar, for a comparison with Ford's scheme.

21. Voorhess, , The Reminiscences of Mr. Charles Voorhess, Ford Motor Company Archives, Oral History Section, 11 1952, p. 96Google Scholar. As Voorhess recalled, “As far as I know, this idea of the village industries was Mr. Ford's alone. I don't have any information that anyone brought it to his mind” (ibid., p. 94).

22. Liebold, , Reminiscences, pp. 540–41.Google Scholar

23. As Ford told Pearson in that 1924 Motor World interview, “Go out and see for yourself. Go into the country and visit some of our village factories where we are manufacturing small parts. We have been doing some experimenting” (p. 9).

24. “America's Ruggedest Individual Takes A $35,000,000 Crack at Depression,” Life 4 (05 30, 1938): 13.Google Scholar

25. Kellogg, , pp. 639–40.Google Scholar

26. Cameron, , “The Spread of Industry,”Google Scholar no page number.

27. Bird, John, “One Foot on the Land,” Saturday Evening Post 216 (03 18, 1944): 12.Google Scholar

28. Ibid.

29. Ibid.

30. Finney, Burnham, “Ford Champions the Small Plant,” The Iron Age 131 (05 4, 1933): 697Google Scholar. Liebold, , Reminiscences, p. 543Google Scholar, recalled the use of radios for communicating quickly between Dearborn headquarters and the initial village industry in Northville. On the actual tools and machines within several of the plants, see the detailed descriptions in Finney, , “Ford Makes Starters and Generators,” The Iron Age 132 (11 9, 1933): 1014, 60Google Scholar; Oliver, Frank J., “Ford Modernizes Northville Valve Plant,” The Iron Age 140 (08 12, 1937): 3438Google Scholar; and Nealey, J. B., “Drill Making at Ford's Village Unit,” The Iron Age 140 (11 4, 1937): 4648Google Scholar. As Finney concluded about the Ypsilanti plant, “Above all, the fact has been fully recognized that efficient, low-cost production is dependent upon machine tools of latest design.… the plant might well be studied as a model for small manufacturers” (“Ford Makes Starters and Generators,” p. 10).Google Scholar

31. Ford quoted in Voorhess, , “Information Regarding Village Industries,”Google Scholar no page number, and Voorhess, ibid.

32. See Schumacher, E. F., Small Is Beautiful: Economics as if People Mattered (New York: Harper and Row, 1973)Google Scholar, the key work of this orientation.

33. Voorhess, , Reminiscences, pp. 100–01.Google Scholar

34. Tobin, John Jr., “Henry Ford and His Village Industries in Southeastern Michigan” (unpublished M.A. thesis, Eastern Michigan University, 1985), p. 61Google Scholar. On the transfer of operations from the Highland Park and Rouge facilities to the village industries, see ibid., p. 16.

35. Smith, , Reminiscences, pp. 51, 43.Google Scholar

36. Finney, , “Ford Decentralizes,” American Machinist 81 (04 21, 1937): 320.Google Scholar

37. Ford quoted in The Ford Industries, p. 101.Google Scholar

38. See Nevins, and Hill, , Ford: Decline and Rebirth, p. 73.Google Scholar

39. Editorial quoted in Lewis, , p. 163Google Scholar. Nevertheless, Ford was quoted that same year as boasting that “Our plan is not to be confined to one portion of the United States, but will extend throughout the country. We will probably not limit it to the United States. England offers many opportunities of this kind” (Literary Digest 68 [02 26, 1921]: 42)Google Scholar. However, as Liebold recalled,

We wouldn't extend this decentralization system to Canada because the Ford Motor Company of Canada had an exclusive contract with the [American] Ford Motor Company which gave them the rights to manufacture and distribute Ford cars in Canada and all British possessions other than the British Isles.… I don't see how this would fit in with anything we were trying to do. (Reminiscences, p. 559)Google Scholar

40. On these facilities, see The Ford Industries, pp. 81, 8589, 103–05Google Scholar; Nevins, and Hill, , Ford: Expansion and Challenge, pp. 228, 298Google Scholar; Nevins, and Hill, , Ford: Decline and Rebirth, p. 9Google Scholar; Mullin, , p. 419Google Scholar; Liebold, , Reminiscences, pp. 559, 572–73Google Scholar; and Ford, Henry and Crowther, Samuel, Today and Tomorrow (Garden City, N.Y.: Doubleday, Page, 1926), pp. 125–27, 146Google Scholar. On various administrative problems at the Upper Peninsula sites, see Smith, , Reminiscences, pp. 4950.Google Scholar

41. Voorhess, , Reminiscences, pp. 124–25.Google Scholar

42. On Ford and the Muscle Shoals incident, see Ford, and Crowther, , pp. 169–70Google Scholar; Nevins, and Hill, , Ford: Expansion and Challenge, pp. 305–11Google Scholar; and Wik, Reynold M., Henry Ford and Grass-roots America (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1972), pp. 106–25.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

43. New York Times, 01 12, 1922Google Scholar. A fairly detailed description of the “city” is in Literary Digest 73 (04 8, 1922): 72, 74.Google Scholar

44. Kellogg, , p. 637.Google Scholar

45. Liebold, , Reminiscences, p. 596Google Scholar. See also ibid., pp. 580–97.

46. Ford quoted in Barton, Bruce, “‘It would be Fun to Start Over Again,’American Magazine 91 (04 1921): 122.Google Scholar

47. On those fears of local businessmen, see Liebold, , Reminiscences, pp. 541–42.Google Scholar

48. On Ford's “thrift gardens,” see “Garden-Minded Employees,” Ford News (10 1935): 187, 196–97Google Scholar; the article lists no author.

49. Van Vlissingen, , p. 50Google Scholar. See also Bird, , p. 48.Google Scholar

50. Ford quoted in Ford News 17 (04 1937): 62Google Scholar. The quotation appeared originally in a series of three “messages” from Ford on “Unemployment” “Self-Help,” and “Farm and Factory,” which were published in major American newspapers during the week of May 30, 1932.

51. Ford quoted in Kellogg, , “The Play of a Big Man with a Little River, Part II,” Survey Graphic 52 (04 1, 1924): 14Google Scholar. On Ford's agricultural policies, see Ford, and Crowther, , pp. 210–13, 218–19Google Scholar, and my discussion later of his efforts to promote the industrial use of soybeans and other farm crops.

52. Crosman, A. Hurford et al. , “One Foot in Industry and One Foot in the Soil,” typed report, no date, p. 8Google Scholar. This illuminating report was “Based on a fiveday visit in July 1945 to the Ford Motor Co., Dearborn, Michigan, with Mr. Gerry, in charge of Rural Reconstruction in the French Ministry of Agriculture, and A. Hurford Crosman of the American Friends Services Committee. Interviewed about 35 persons, 15 of whom were executives, and 20 regular factory workers, foremen, and other top non-executives” (p. 1).

53. See (untitled) Press Release, Ford News Bureau, Dearborn, 08 16, 1948, p. 3Google Scholar. Ruddiman, Stanley, Reminiscences, pp. 56Google Scholar, confirms these unexpected developments.

54. See Sweinhart, James, The Industrialized American Barn (no place of publication, 19331934).Google Scholar

55. See ibid.; also Nevins, and Hill, , Ford: Expansion and Challenge, pp. 490–91Google Scholar; Nevins, and Hill, , Ford: Decline and Rebirth, pp. 7172Google Scholar; Lewis, , pp. 282–87Google Scholar; and Wik, , “Henry Ford's Science and Technology for Rural America,” Technology and Culture 3 (Summer 1962): 247–58.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

56. Ford quoted in Van Vlissingen, , “Henry Ford Discusses the Farm Surplus Problem: An Authorized Interview,” American Legion Monthly 21 (09 1936): 8, 9Google Scholar. On Ford's plastic car, see Lewis, , “Henry Ford's Plastic Car,” Michigan History 56 (Winter 1972): 319–30.Google Scholar

57. Smith, , in ReminiscencesGoogle Scholar, however, describes the “soybean operation at Saline” as “another job that we couldn't make pay due to the size of the operation. If we had a mill that handled 100 tons a day we would have been all right, but we had this little bit of a place there. He wanted to keep it small. Saline was no town for a large operation” (p. 55).

58. Ford quoted in “messages” cited in note 50 above; no page number.

59. On Ford and the chemurgy movement, see Lewis, , Public Image of Henry Ford, pp. 282–87Google Scholar; Lewis, , “Henry Ford's Plastic Car”Google Scholar; Borth, Christy, Pioneers of Plenty: The Story of Chemurgy, rev. ed. (Indianapolis and New York: Bobbs-Merrill, 1942)Google Scholar; and Pursell, Carroll W. Jr., “The Farm Chemurgic Council and the United States Department of Agriculture, 1935–1939,” Isis 60 (Fall 1969): 307–17.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

60. See Sweinhart, , and Lewis, , Public Image of Henry Ford, pp. 186–88, ch. 18.Google Scholar

61. Ford quoted in Gregory, Merrill, “One Foot on the Land: Henry Ford's Dream of Combining Farm and Factory Becomes a Reality,” Prairie Farmer 109 (06 19, 1937): 26.Google Scholar

62. “The Song of the Water Wheel,” typed paper, no page number; the paper lists no author, but has a 1945 date. Other portions of the paper, however, appeared as Ford's interview with Van Vlissingen in his September 1936 American Legion Monthly article cited in note 56 above–so the paper's anonymous author may be Ford himself. See also McCarroll, R. H., “Increasing the Use of Agricultural Products in Industry,” Ford News 16 (04 1936): 6566, 75.Google Scholar

63. Sweinhart, , “Ford and the Coming Agrindustrial Age,” rpt. from Dallas Dispatch andDallas Times-Herald, 06 7, 1936, p. 1Google Scholar. See also Voorhess, , Reminiscences, p. 94Google Scholar. As Benson, Allan L. had proclaimed in a glowing biography of Ford thirteen years earlier, “Future generations may never know that Ford ever built automobiles or was a billionaire. A thousand years hence Ford may be known only as the Father of Modern Agriculture” (The New Henry Ford [New York: Funk and Wagnalls, 1923], p. 252).Google Scholar

64. See Voorhess, , Reminiscences, pp. 100, 101, 104, 113.Google Scholar

65. Tobin, , p. 31.Google Scholar

66. See Mullin, , p. 425Google Scholar, and Lewis, , “Ford and Kahn,” Michigan History 64 (09/10 1980): 1728.Google Scholar

67. On the (re)construction of various village industries, see Liebold, , Reminiscences, pp. 541–42, 543–49Google Scholar; The Reminiscences of Mr. F. W. Loskowske, Ford Motor Company Archives, Oral History Section, 11 1951, pp. 8183Google Scholar; Smith, , Reminiscences, pp. 3637, 49Google Scholar; and Voorhess, , Reminiscences, pp. 101102, 110.Google Scholar

68. Smith, , Reminiscences, p. 52.Google Scholar

69. According to Finney, in “Ford Decentralizes,”Google Scholar “Part of the power for the Northville plant, as for every one of Ford's village industries, is supplied by water. The River Rouge has been dammed to form an artificial lake, the water operating an overshot wheel” (p. 322).

70. Ford quoted in Kellogg, , “The Play of a Big Man with a Little River, Part I,” p. 641.Google Scholar

71. Liebold, , Reminiscences, pp. 542–43Google Scholar. Crosman, , pp. 89Google Scholar, says the same about Ford's priorities. And Edward Cutler recalled that “The only time he [Ford] tried to estimate the number of people that would work in these mills by the available man power in the surrounding area, so they wouldn't have to bring in people from the outside area to work, was when we were working on Dundee, to the best of my knowledge” (The Reminiscences of Mr. Edward J. Cutler, Ford Motor Company Archives, Oral History Section, 03 1952, pp. 149–50).Google Scholar

72. Tobin, , p. 48.Google Scholar

73. Ford quoted in Nevins, and Hill, , Ford: Expansion and Challenge, p. 228Google Scholar. They list Waterford as the village industry in question, but both Liebold, , in Reminiscences, p. 537Google Scholar, and Tobin, , p. 30Google Scholar, list Phoenix and are more reliable sources in this regard. Voorhess, , in Reminiscences, pp. 125–26Google Scholar, claims Nankin Mills was the site but also uses a different quotation from Ford, though with the same meaning as the other quotation. On the (allegedly) limited use of generators with Ford's approval, see Voorhess, , Reminiscences, p. 93Google Scholar, and Smith, , Reminiscences, pp. 3637, 42, 52.Google Scholar

74. On Phoenix, see, e.g., The Ford Industries, p. 103Google Scholar, and “Village Industries By Little Rivers,” Ford News 16 (04 1936): 6364, 71Google Scholar; the latter lists no author.

75. On these formal and informal educational programs, see Tobin, , pp. 4445, 8384, 91.Google Scholar

76. Van Vlissingen, , “The BIG Idea Behind Those SMALL Plants of Ford's,” p. 47.Google Scholar

77. Kellogg, , “The Play of a Big Man with a Little River, Part II,” p. 16.Google Scholar

78. Voorhess, , Reminiscences, p. 121.Google Scholar

79. Liebold, , Reminiscences, p. 577.Google Scholar

80. Ford, and Crowther, , p. 145.Google Scholar

81. Voorhess, , Reminiscences, p. 121.Google Scholar

82. Smith, , Reminiscences, pp. 4748, 43, 48.Google Scholar

83. Press Release, Ford News Bureau, 08 16, 1948, p. 2Google Scholar; this was the same untitled item cited in note 53 above.

84. Kellogg, , “The Play of a Big Man with a Little River, Part I,” pp. 639–40.Google Scholar

85. Voorhess, , Reminiscences, p. 122.Google Scholar

86. Smith, , Reminiscences, p. 45Google Scholar. Smith nevertheless recalled his own frequent travels to each of the village industries “to see that they were operating efficiently.… I was continually on the road” (ibid., p. 51). And Voorhess recalled that the “Rouge executives went to the various plants, perhaps not on a regular schedule, but they did visit the plants” (Reminiscences, p. 125).Google Scholar

87. On Ford's employee garden program, see Tobin, , pp. 8182Google Scholar, “Ford Promotes His Hobby to Unite Farm and Factory,” Business Week 104 (09 2, 1931): 23Google Scholar; and “Stirred Up by Henry Ford's ‘Shotgun Gardens,’” Literary Digest 110 (09 12, 1931): 10Google Scholar. The last two articles, which list no authors, are brief discussions of Ford's threat to fire any workers at his Iron Mountain, Michigan, woodworking plant who did not maintain gardens.

88. Ford quoted in Pearson, , p. 11.Google Scholar

89. As Voorhess recalled, Ford “never took any active political interest in the way these towns were run.… When he first went into a town, and it didn't seem reasonably good politically, he'd talk about it so the people would find out about it. If they didn't clean up, he didn't go in there” (Reminiscences, p. 113).Google Scholar

90. On these contributions to various communities, see Liebold, , Reminiscences, p. 98Google Scholar, and Voorhess, , Reminiscences, p. 542.Google Scholar

91. “Village Makes Good: The Success Story of Dundee, the Town that Came Back,” Press Release, Ford News Bureau, 05 18, 1938, pp. 16Google Scholar; the cover page of the article lists Robert Strother as the apparent author. The article became the basis for several local newspapers stories in later years.

92. On Ford's educational efforts and the philosophy behind them, see Ford, and Crowther, , ch. 15Google Scholar; The Ford Industries, pp. 2930Google Scholar; Voorhess, , Reminiscences, pp. 114–16Google Scholar; Wik, , Henry Ford and Grassroots America, pp. 196206Google Scholar; and Lewis, , Public Image of Henry Ford, pp. 281–82.Google Scholar

93. See, e.g., Mead, J. E., “Rehabilitating Cripples at Ford Plant,” The Iron Age 102 (09 26, 1918): 739–42Google Scholar; Mead, , “Rehabilitation: Training and Employment of Disabled Workmen in the Ford Plant,” Monthly Labor Review 17 (11 1923): 1163–64Google Scholar; “Henry Ford's Viewpoint on the Elderly Worker,” Monthly Labor Review 29 (08 1929): 337–38Google Scholar; and Ford, Edsel, “Why We Employ Aged and Handicapped Workers,” Saturday Evening Post 215 (02 6, 1943): 1617Google Scholar; the third article lists no author.

94. Van Vlissingen, , “The BIG Idea Behind Those SMALL Plants of Ford's,” pp. 4748Google Scholar. See also, e.g., Cessna, Ralph W., “Down By the New Mill Stream,” Christian Science Monitor Weekly Magazine 32 (12 30, 1939): 89.Google Scholar

95. Quoted in Kellogg, , “The Play of a Big Man with a Little River, Part II,” p. 18Google Scholar. Ironically, Ford unintentionally confirmed these sentiments in his (and Crowther's) Today and Tomorrow: Farming “is a part-time job in a world that asks for a living on the basis of a full-time job” (p. 211); and farming “never has given such a living. Few have ever made any money out of farming” (p. 213). Voorhess, , in ReminiscencesGoogle Scholar, confirms this dilemma.

96. Tobin, , p. 182.Google Scholar

97. Voorhess, , Reminiscences, pp. 121–22.Google Scholar

98. Kellogg, , “The Play of a Big Man with a Little River, Part II,” p. 19Google Scholar. As Ford himself (and Crowther) conceded about the nature of work in Phoenix and, presumably, other of the village industries, “In this factory there is not a task which cannot be learned by any one of ordinary intelligence within a week” (p. 143).

99. Ford, and Crowther, , p. 160.Google Scholar

100. See, e.g., Wright, Thomas H., “Why Ford's Men Strike,” Christian Century 50 (11 29, 1933): 1501–04Google Scholar; Weybright, Victor, “Henry Ford at the Wheel,” Survey Graphic 26 (12 1937): 686–88, 717–21, 723Google Scholar; and Weybright, , “Ford Puts on the Union Label,” Survey Graphic 30 (11 1941): 554–59, 651–53.Google Scholar

101. Crossman, , p. 15.Google Scholar

102. On these unionization developments and their impact on the village industries, see Tobin, , pp. 154–56.Google Scholar

103. Quoted in TVA and Regional Development (Knoxville, Tenn., n.d.), p. 7Google Scholar; the pamphlet lists no author.

104. Quoted in TVA and Electric Power (Knoxville, Tenn., n.d.), p. 3Google Scholar; the pamphlet lists no author.

105. Susman, Warren, “The Thirties,” in The Development of an American Culture, eds. Coben, Stanley and Ratner, Lorman (Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall, 1970), p. 188.Google Scholar

106. Geschelin, Joseph, “Is Decentralization Industry's Next Step?Automotive Industries 68 (05 13, 1933): 584.Google Scholar

107. Cabot, Philip, “The New Industrial Era,” Harvard Business Review 12 (01 1934): 227.Google Scholar

108. Cary, Walter, “Henry Ford-and the Decentralization of Industry,” The Businessman-About-Town 1 (06 1938): 16.Google Scholar

109. See Lewis, , Public Image of Henry Ford, p. 163.Google Scholar

110. Hopkins quoted in Lewis, , Public Image of Henry Ford, p. 163.Google Scholar

111. Tugwell, Rexford Guy, “Henry Ford in This World,” Saturday Review of Literature 3 (08 7, 1926): 19Google Scholar. The article was a review of Ford and Crowther's Today and Tomorrow.

112. See Shahn, Ben, “In Homage,” New Yorker 38 (09 29, 1962): 3133.Google Scholar

113. As Crosman and Gerry wrote in their (1945?) report, “The success of the village industries is particularly significant when compared to the failure of many of the U.S. government's so-called subsistence homestead projects also designed to combine industrial with agricultural employment” (p. 13). See ibid., pp. 13–14, for their specific points, although they cite no particular government projects.

114. Cameron, , “Decentralization of Industry,” Mechanical Engineering 59 (07 1937): 483.Google Scholar

115. Ibid., p. 484. Yet Ford, Voorhess recalled, “felt he had overdeveloped the Rouge. It was too large a plant, and he felt it wasn't what he should have done. Development of the small, so-called village industries resulted from a lesson that he got in developing the Rouge” (Reminiscences, p. 92)Google Scholar. See also ibid., p. 93.

116. Cameron, , “Decentralization of Industry,” p. 487Google Scholar. See also Liebold, , Reminiscences, p. 539, in confirmation of this point.Google Scholar

117. Ford, , “‘If My Business Were Small,’System: The Magazine of Business 43 (06 1923): 735Google Scholar. As Ford and Crowther argued three years later, “Size is only a stage; at one stage your finances will let you do only this. In the next stage you can do a little more. And so on” (p. 242). “Size is purely an incident to a policy of manufacturing. It is nothing in itself” (p. 243). And, finally, “The way for the little man to use the best methods is to get big” (p. 249).

118. Ford, , “‘If My Business Were Small,’” p. 788Google Scholar. As Ford and Crowther also argued three years later, “To effect the economies, to bring in the power, to cut out the waste, and thus fully to realize the wage motive, we must have big business—which does not, however, necessarily mean centralized business. We are decentralizing” (p. 10). See also ibid., p. 136.

119. Ibid., p. 12.

120. Ford, and Crowther, , “Management and Size,” Saturday Evening Post 203 (09 20, 1930): 153, 150, 153Google Scholar. See also Liebold, , Reminiscences, pp. 538–39Google Scholar, in confirmation of Ford's intentions here.

121. Cameron, , “Decentralization of Industry,” pp. 484, 487.Google Scholar

122. See La Croix, Charles, Village Industries: Record of War Effort (Dear born, Mich.: n.p., 2 vols., 1942)Google Scholar, and “Village Industries,” typed report, no date (although it is clearly from 1944 or 1945); the latter lists no author.

123. See “Willow Run: Another Village Industry,” Ford News 21 (03 1941): 72, 80Google Scholar; Warner, E. L. Jr., “Decentralization of Willow Run,” Automotive and Aviation Industries 90 (04 15, 1944): 1820, 85, 86, 88Google Scholar; Carr, Lowell J. and Stermer, James E., Willow Run: A Study of Industrialization and Cultural Inadequacy (New York: Harper, 1952)Google Scholar; and Wilson, Marion F., The Story of Willow Run (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1956)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; the first article lists no author. Warner's article is useful regarding the decentralization of bomber production and assembly during World War II, including the use of the Rouge facilities as a branch plant.

124. See Tobin, , p. 161.Google Scholar

125. Ibid., p. 164.

126. Voorhess, , Reminiscences, p. 124.Google Scholar

127. See Tobin, , pp. 159–60.Google Scholar

128. Press Release, Ford News Bureau, August 16, 1948, p. 2; this was the same untitled item cited in notes 53 and 83 above. Crosman and Gerry's report of a few years before, pp. 11–12, had noted the slow increase in the number of village industries then in existence.

129. Tobin, , p. 126Google Scholar. See also “Ford Reshapes His Empire,” Business Week 1043 (08 27, 1949): 2022Google Scholar; the article lists no author.

130. Harder, Del S., (untitled). Address at Ypsilanti, 10 1, 1948Google Scholar, in Press Release, Ford News Bureau, Dearborn, same date, pp. 1–2.

131. See (untitled) News Release, News Department, Dearborn, March 20, 1970.

132. Quoted in Corbin, Val, “Village Industries: Northville Closing Is Final Chapter In Their History,” Ford World 18 (n.d.): no page number.Google Scholar

133. See Lewis, , “Ford Country” (column), Cars and Parts 26 (08 1983): 158.Google Scholar

134. Ford Motor Company, The Decentralization Story (Dearborn, Mich.: Ford Motor Company, 1952), pp. 1, 9Google Scholar; the pamphlet lists no author. See also “Henry Ford II Speaks Out: A Conversation with Tom Lilley,” Atlantic Monthly 180 (12 1947): 2532.Google Scholar

135. Lewis, , “Old Henry Ford's Village Industries: A Tour of Practically Perfect Places to Work,” Detroit Magazine, Detroit Free Press, 09 24, 1972, no page numbers.Google Scholar

136. Kellogg, , “The Play of a Big Man with a Little River, Part II,” p. 52.Google Scholar

137. Ibid.

138. See, e.g., Miller, Zane L., The Urbanization of Modern America (New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1973), pp. 165–69, 207–10Google Scholar; Ferkiss, Victor C., “Bureaucracy,” in Technology and Change, ed. Burke, John G. and Eakin, Marshall C. (San Francisco: Boyd and Fraser, 1979), pp. 8691Google Scholar; and Charney, Joseph P., “In Mexico an Urgent Need to Decentralize,” Letter to the New York Times, 10 11, 1985.Google Scholar

139. Prokesch, Steven E., “U.S. Companies Weed Out Many Operations,” New York Times, 09 30, 1985, sec. A, p. 1, sec. D, p. 5.Google Scholar

140. Lewis, , “Ford Country” (column), Cars and Parts 26 (12 1983): 64.Google Scholar

141. See Yamamoto, Kenichi, President, Mazda Motor Corporation, “Remarks,” at groundbreaking for Flat Rock plant, 05 29, 1985, pp. 67Google Scholar, and Chira, Susan, “For Mazda, a U.S. Car Plant,” New York Times, 12 1, 1984, Business Sec, pp. 1, 33.Google Scholar

142. Ford, and Crowther, , Today and Tomorrow, p. 145.Google Scholar

143. “Ford Would Replace Plants with Small Contractor's Shops,” 06 28, 1933Google Scholar, no page number, Federated Press clipping in Joe Brown Collection, Reuther Labor Archives, Wayne State University; the article lists no author. On the general historical background to such concerns by organized labor, see Montgomery, David, Workers' Control in America: Studies in the History of Work, Technology, and Labor Struggles (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1979).Google Scholar

144. Press Release, Ford News Bureau, August 16, 1948, p. 4; this was the same untitled item cited in notes 53, 83, and 128 above.

145. Cameron, , “Decentralization of Industry,” p. 486Google Scholar. As Liebold recalled about these experiments, Ford “thought they were performing a wonderful service for [all] his various reasons” (Reminiscences, p. 577).Google Scholar

146. Mullin, , p. 429.Google Scholar

147. Lilienthal, David E., “Lost Megawatts Flow Over Nation's Myriad Spillways,” Smithsonian 8 (09 1977): 83, 8384.Google Scholar

148. Ford, “quoted”Google Scholar in Wik, , Henry Ford and Grass-roots America, p. 207Google Scholar; the words are not formally quoted there.

149. Ford, and Crowther, , Today and Tomorrow, p. 227.Google Scholar

150. See Hamp, Steven K., “Subject Over Object: Interpreting the Museum as Artifact,” Museum News 63 (12 1984): 3337Google Scholar, for a perceptive elaboration of this interpretation of Ford's efforts in the village industries and elsewhere.