The author and publisher wish to thank the National Diet Library of Japan for permission to reproduce the images on pp.126, 129, 130 and 137 of this article. For further details see n.15 below.

1. For the most comprehensive survey of the receptions of Greco-Roman literature in Japan, see Watanabe, M., Nippon seiyō kotengaku bunkenshi: kirishitan jidai kara shōwa nijūnen made no chosaku bunken nenpyō (A Bibliographic History of Classical Studies in Japan: A Chronological List of Writings from the Kirishitan Era to 1945), 3 vols. (Kyoto 2001–2002Google Scholar). Aesop’s fables is the very first work of Greco-Roman literature to be translated into (pre-modern) Japanese in 1593; but Shiken’s Apuleius is the first previously untranslated piece of Western classical literature to come out in Japanese after the Meiji Restoration (1868), and is followed shortly after by Sagara’s Plautus, for which see Gonoji, M., ‘Meiji no Purautousu: Sagara Tsuneo Futago no deal ni tsuite’ (‘Plautus in the Meiji Period: On a Translation of Menaechmi by Tsuneo Sagara’), Nihongo Nihon bunka 32 (2006), 1–35Google Scholar.

2. See e.g. Martindale, C. and Thomas, R.F. (eds.), Classics and the Uses of Reception (Maiden 2006CrossRefGoogle Scholar), and n.7 below.

3. T. Whitmarsh, ‘True Histories: Lucian, Bakhtin, and the Pragmatics of Reception’, in Martindale and Richards (n. 2 above), 104–15, at 109.

4. See e.g. Doody, M.A., The True Story of the Novel (New Brunswick 1997), 1–32Google Scholar; Schmeling, G., ‘Preface’, in G. Schmeling (ed.), The Novel in the Ancient World: Revised Edition (Boston 2003), 1–9, at 1–5Google Scholar; Relihan, J.C. (tr.), Apuleius: The Golden Ass (Indianapolis 2007), xv–xxiiGoogle Scholar; Laird, A., ‘Approaching Style and Rhetoric’, in T. Whitmarsh (ed.), The Cambridge Companion to the Greek and Roman Novel (Cambridge 2008), 201–17CrossRefGoogle Scholar, at 201–06. For the receptions of Apul. Met., see Schmeling op. cit., xxii; Albrecht, M. and Schmeling, G., A History of Roman Literature: From Livius Andronicus to Boethius, with Special Regard to its Influence on World Literature II (Leiden 1997), 1460–67Google Scholar; Plank, B., Johann Sieders Übersetzung des ‘Goldenen Esels’ und die frühe deutschsprachige ‘Metamorphosen’-Rezeption: Ein Beitrag zur Wirkingsgeschichte von Apuleius’ Roman (Tübingen 2004CrossRefGoogle Scholar); Küenzlen, F., Verwandlungen eines Esels: Apuleius’ Metamorphoses im friihen 16. Jahrhundert (Heidelberg 2005Google Scholar); Gaisser, J.H., The Fortunes of Apuleius and the Golden Ass: A Study in Transmission and Reception (Princeton 2008Google Scholar).

5. See n.l above, esp. Watanabe i.2f.; also Watanabe, A., ‘Classica Japonica: Greece and Rome in the Japanese Academia and Popular Literature’, Amphora 7.1 (2008), 6, 10fGoogle Scholar.

6. For first steps in this direction see Gonoji (n.l above) and Watanabe, A., ‘Patriarchy in Paradise: Mishima’s Adaptation of Longus’ Daphnis and Chloe’, CB 83.1 (2007), 109–30Google Scholar.

7. For studies on classical receptions in Britain as a colonial power and in colonised/postcolonial Africa, Caribbean and South Asia, see Goff, B. (ed.), Classics and Colonialism (London 2005Google Scholar); Hardwick, L. and Gillespie, C. (eds.), Classics in Post-Colonial Worlds (Oxford 2007CrossRefGoogle Scholar).

8. For biographical information on Shiken, the major sources now are Taniguchi, Y., Meiji no honyaku ō: Denki Morita Shiken (The Meiji King of Translation: Morita Shiken, a Biography) (Okayama 2000Google Scholar), and Shiraishi, S. (ed.), Morita Shiken to sono kōyū: Ryūkei Sohō Ōgai Tenshin Ruikō (Morita Shiken and his Friends: Ryūkei Sohō Ōgai Tenshin Ruikō) (Tokyo 2005Google Scholar).

9. See Mertz, J.P., Novel Japan: Spaces of Nationhood in Early Meiji Narrative, 1870–88 (Ann Arbor 2003), 211–36CrossRefGoogle Scholar and bibliography.

10. In July 1886, Shiken took the money he had been given to purchase some train tickets and instead bought a number of English books at the D. Appleton & Company bookstore in New York. The titles of these books however are not known and may no longer be recoverable since Shiken’s library has not survived intact; see Taniguchi (n.8 above), 105.

11. Of the three 19th century English translations of Apul. Met.—Anon, ., The Works of Apuleius, comprising the Metamorphoses, or Golden Ass, the God of Socrates, the Florida, and his Defence, or a Discourse on Magic: A New Translation (London 1853Google Scholar) (‘Bohn’); Head, G., The Metamorphoses of Apuleius; A Romance of the Second Century (London 1851Google Scholar); Taylor, T., The Metamorphosis, or Golden Ass, of Apuleius (London 1822Google ScholarPubMed)—the anonymous 1853 Bohn version is the only one to point out the distinction between legionaries and auxiliaries in a marginal note in connection with 9.39 (Bohn 191), a distinction which Shiken also makes in a parenthetical note in his translation. Since this detail about Roman military organisation is incidental to the plot and is one that a non-specialist reader would likely pass over if not reminded by some such cue, one would be hard-pressed to find any possible source for the note in Shiken other than that already present in the Bohn translation. The roughly contemporary Plautus translation by Sagara is also based on the English of the Bohn series; see Gonoji (n.l above), 13,22. On the famous Bohn Classical Library and its place in 19th century English literary culture see Currie, H.M., ‘English Translations of the Classics in the 19th Century’, in H.D. Jocelyn (ed.), Aspects of Nineteenth-Century British Classical Scholarship (Liverpool 1996), 51–58Google Scholar.

12. On the narrative frame of the omnibus and its bold bridging of the real/fictional and East/West divide, see Komori, Y., Kōzō to shite no katari (Narrative as Structure) (Tokyo 1988), 282–88Google Scholar.

13. Here and elsewhere, the base text I am using is the Yubin hōchi serial as reproduced in Shiken, M., Morita Shiken shū 11 (The Collected Works of Morita Shiken vol. 2) (Tokyo 2003Google Scholar). My citation in brackets follows the pagination of this reprint edition. Translation from the Japanese is all mine. 1 have quietly re-Romanised the Japanese transcriptions of personal names (e.g. Ryushasu > Lucius).

14. Aug. Civ. Dei 18.18 famously conflates Apuleius with Lucius. For contemporary scholarly discussion on this question see Harrison, S.J., Apuleius: A Latin Sophist (Oxford 2000Google Scholar), 226–35 and more recently Drews, F., ‘Der Sprecherwechsel zwischen Apuleius und Lucius im Prolog der Metamorphosen’, Mnemosyne 59 (2006), 403–20CrossRefGoogle Scholar. The Bohn translation (n.ll above), iv, also discusses the identity of Apuleius versus that of Lucius.

15. Illustrations here and below taken from: Shiken, M., Eiri kyōiku kairyō shōsetsu. Girishia ibun: Kinro monogatari kan (An Illustrated, Educational, Reformatory Novel. A Strange Greek Tale: The Story of the Golden Ass, Complete) (Tokyo 1888Google Scholar), The images are reproduced, with permission, from the Digital Library From the Meiji Era of the National Diet Library (http://kindai. ndl.go.jp/index.html). This edition has 8 illustrations, some of which are reproduced in this article, and they show (original page numbers followed, where applicable, by the figure number in this article): Meroe and Panthia about to attack Socrates and Aristomenes in the inn (2f., fig. 2); the Greek orator presenting The Golden Ass (4, fig. 1); Lucius listening in to the conversation between Aristomenes and a fellow traveller (7); Socrates and Aristomenes sitting by the river (19, fig. 3); Pamphile changing into an owl, with Lucius peeking in (27); Lucius the ass kicking a rustic worker (35); a housewife hiding her paramour under a pile of wheat (44); Lucius changed back into a human and reunited with Photis (60, fig. 4).

16. The omission of this perennially popular fairytale drew the censure of Sen Yanagida, the pioneering scholar of Meiji Japanese literature who was probably the first academic to take notice of Shiken’s Golden Ass and who also happened to translate portions of Apul. Met. (probably from the English of Gaselee’s Loeb) for a privately distributed collection in 1925; see Yanagida, S., Meiji shoki honyaku bungaku no kenkyū (A Study of Early Meiji Translation Literature) (Tokyo 1961), 89Google Scholar.

17. There is no mention of Ps.-Lucian’s Onos in the Bohn translation (n.l 1 above).

18. Here and elsewhere, for the Latin text of Apul. Met. I rely on Helm’s Teubner edition (Helm, R.W.O. [ed.l, Opera quae supersunt, vol.I, Metamorphoseon libri XI [Leipzig 2001]Google Scholar). I have not been able to discover what Latin edition Bohn (n.l 1 above) is based on, but a number of fairly good ones had appeared by the mid 1800’s. For a list of early editions of Apul. Met. see S.J. Harrison, ‘Apuleius’ Metamorphoses’, in Schmeling (n.4 above), 491–516, at 494f.

19. See e.g. Wlosok, A., ‘On the Unity of Apuleius’ Metamorphoses’, in S.J. Harrison (ed.), Oxford Readings in the Roman Novel (Oxford 1999), 142–56Google Scholar, at 152–54.

20. Needless to say, I am making this statement as a late 20th∼early 21st century classicist. As for the Meiji Japanese readers and viewers of illustrations, their ‘horizon of expectation’ regarding the visual aspects of Greco-Roman antiquity is a question which ought to be discussed in connection with this topic. But since this has not been academically explored yet and requires a great amount of thinking and research on its own, I will leave the task for another occasion. Yet even a cursory survey can reveal a large variation in the possibility of Meiji Japanese visual representations of Greco-Roman antiquity. On the one hand, there is the distinctly modern and positivistic approach taken in Ryūkei’s Theban novel (see figures 38–42 in Mertz [n.9 abovel). In his preface, Ryūkei emphasises the care with which he and the illustrator researched the material culture of ancient Greece in order correctly and accurately to represent everything ‘as they really were’. At the opposite extreme is the Theban politician Pelopidas represented in feudal Japanese dress, reproduced in Sansom, G.B., The Western World and Japan: A Study in the Interaction of European and Asiatic Cultures (Tokyo 1977), 399Google Scholar—though this comes from a theatre print of the 1890’s stage adaptation of Keikoku Bidan, and is thus refracted through the medium of traditional kabuki. Illustrations assimilating ancient Rome to the contemporary West in a fashion parallel to our text may be found in the following translation of Shakespeare’s Julius Caesar: Kawashima, K. and Komiyama, T. (tr.), Rōma seisuikan: Shēkusupia gikyoku (The Mirror of the Rise and Fall of Rome: A Play by Shakespeare) (Osaka 1886Google Scholar).

21. The names of Aristomenes and Socrates are switched around; the man under the overturned bed must be Aristomenes, but in the current illustration he is labelled Socrates.

22. See R.F. Thomas, ‘Looking for Ligurinus: An Italian Poet in the Nineteenth Century’, in Martindale and Thomas (n.2 above), 153–67.

23. Thus Taylor: ‘<T>here is no real lasciviousness in these passages, yet as the generality of readers in the present age would, on the perusal of them, fancy that there is, they are not published in the following translation of this work’ (Taylor [n.l 1 above], xvi); Head: ‘<T>he pages nevertheless reflecting the spirit of a period seventeen hundred years ago, are occasionally deformed by passages such as, in the present state of civilisation in the nineteenth century, are not to be tolerated’ (Head [n.ll above], vii).

24. The Bohn Apuleius (n.l 1 above) prints the Latin text untranslated in 2.16–2.17 (Lucius’ assignation with Photis) and 10.20–10.22 (Lucius’ introduction to the ‘lady of quality’). But a surprising amount of suggestive and obscene material does end up in English; the Taylor translation of 1822 by contrast excises 9 passages. After all, the Bohn translator claims his (her?) work to be the most complete and faithful version to appear so far (Bohn ix).

25. E.g. compare …illud cibarium uasculum floridis palmulis rotabat in circulum et in orbis flexibus crebra succutiens et simul membra sua leniter inluhricans, lumbis sensim uibrantibus, spinam mobilem quatiens placide decenter undabat. isto aspectu defixus obstupui et mirabundus steti, steterunt et membra quae iacebant ante (‘she was rotating that culinary vessel with rosy palms in circles, both tossing it often in round curves and at that same time slowly and smoothly moving her limbs, with her buttocks slightly vibrating, (and) was undulating her mobile spine, shaking it calmly and appealingly. I was astonished and made motionless by that sight, and stopped, full of wonder; those limbs, which before were dormant, also stood’, Apul. Met. 2.7); ‘…as she stirred the saucepan round and round by a circular movement of her rosy hand, her supple form partook in the motion, her loins vibrated, and her flexible spine was thrown into charming undulations. Entranced by the sight, I stood gazing in admiration; all my passions, which before lay dormant, were aroused’ (Bohn [n.ll above], 28); …et cum dicto artius earn complexus coepi sauiari. iamque aemula libidine in amoris parilitatem congermanescenti mecum, iam patientis oris inhalatu cinnameo et occursantis linguae inlisu nectareo prona cupidine adlibescenti: ‘pereo,’ inquam, ‘immo iam dudum perii, nisi tu propitiaris’(‘…and with this word, embracing her more strongly, I started kissing her. And now, as she was growing into an equality of love with me with rivalling passion, and was pleasing me with the cinnamon breath of her responsive mouth and the nectarous thrusting of her pushing tongue with eager desire, I said “I am lost; no rather, I have long been lost already, unless you satisfy me”’, Apul. Met. 2.10); ‘So saying, I clasped her in my arms, and fell to kissing her. And now, with responsive desire waxing with mine into an equality of love, exhaling from her open mouth the odour of cinnamon, she ravished me with the nectareous touch of her tongue, so that I exclaimed, “I shall perish, nay, rather, I am a lost man already, unless you will be propitious”’ (Bohn [n.l 1 above], 30).

26. On Buddhism and sexual indulgence, including pederasty, see Faure, B., The Red Thread: Buddhist Approaches to Sexuality (Princeton 1998), 144–278Google Scholar. On homosexuality in pre-modern Japan see G.P. Leupp, Male Colors: The Construction of Homosexuality in Tokugawa Japan (Berkeley 1995). There is also a useful survey of homosexuality in early modern Japan in McLelland, M., Queer Japan from the Pacific War to the Internet Age (Oxford 2005), 15–57Google Scholar.

27. On the cinaedi and the cult of Atargatis elsewhere in antiquity see Hijmans, B.L.et al., Apuleius Madaurensis Metamorphoses: Book VIII: Text, Introduction and Commentary (Groningen 1985), 204–06Google Scholar, 286–98. See further Stephens, S.A. and Winkler, J.J. (eds.), Ancient Greek Novels: The Fragments (Princeton 1994), 358–74Google Scholar, for another instance of novelistic satire directed at the transgendered devotees of Atargatis.

28. Shiken here transliterates the word ‘veil’ in katakana and parenthetically glosses it with the Japanese equivalent fukumen.

29. On literary and real-life attacks made against Japanese Buddhist monks engaging in illicit heterosexual relationships, see Leupp (n.26 above), 181–97.

30. Compare spurcissima ilia propudia ad inlicitae libidinis extrema flagitia infandis uriginibus efferantur passimque circumfusi nudatum supinatumque iuuenem execrandis oribus flagitabant (‘Those most filthy shameless beings are maddened by their unspeakable desires into the extreme debauchery of their illicit lust, and lying about on all sides, excite the naked and supine youth with their execrable mouths’, Apul. Met. 8.29); ‘they…gathering round the young man, began to assail him with execrable solicitations’ (Bohn [n.ll above], 165). In contrast, the 1855 Head translation only has the priests gorging themselves with food (apparently the discovery of gluttony is embarrassing enough—Head [n.ll above], 288), though the 1822 Taylor version is remarkable for its frankness; ‘these most filthy catamites were excited…to the extreme wickedness of illicit lust, and every where spreading themselves round the naked and supine young man, they importune him with their execrable pruriency’ (Taylor [n.l 1 above], 139).

31. On this question see Harrison (n.14 above), 238–52; the quote is from 248.

32. See Bohn (n.l 1 above), iv, 221–25 (note). For similar introductions to the Isis cult in modern student editions see e.g. Walsh, P.G., Apuleius: The Golden Ass (Oxford 1994), xxx–xxxixGoogle Scholar; Relihan, (n.4 above), xxii–xxvi.

33. The entertainment that the new governor of Hypata (and Lucius’ owner) puts on is said to be a ‘beast-fight show’ (tōjūkai), and Shiken explains parenthetically that such shows in which beasts fought against men were common in the Roman period, yet the text also makes clear that Lucius the ass is doing a more tame sort of entertainment in which he is to move around and dance like a human to the tune of music (52). Solo dancing on stage, originally a part of the Kabuki, had become an independent artistic tradition by the time of Shiken; see e.g. Malm, J.R., ‘The Legacy of Nihon Buyō’, Dance Research Journal 9.2 (1977), 12–24CrossRefGoogle Scholar. The inserted tale about the female convict who is condemned to be punished through Lucius in Apul. Met. (10.23–10.28) is entirely omitted in Shiken.

34. Cf. Shiken 49–52 with Apul. Met. 10.14–23 and Bohn (n.ll above), 206–10.

35. On the similarities and contrasts between Photis and Isis see Wlosok (n.19 above), 151–54; de Smet, R., ‘The Erotic Adventures of Lucius and Photis in Apuleius’ Metamorphoses’, Latomus 46 (1987), 613–23Google Scholar. To be fair, classicists have not been unanimous in this negative view of Photis; see van Mal-Maeder, D., Apuleius Madaurensis Metamorphoses: Livre II: Texte, Introduction et Commentaire (Groningen 2001), 409–11Google Scholar and bibliography. For a more recent survey of the numerous phraseological and thematic parallels/connections between Photis and Isis (such as the near metrical equivalence of their names, their associations with the sea, their roles as revealers of arcane secrets, even the sartorial use of linen) see also Krabbe, J.K., Lusus Iste: Apuleius’ Metamorphoses (Oxford 2003) 201Google Scholar, 150f., 298, 301, 315. Krabbe of course (very correctly in my opinion) points out that the apparent parallels/connections actually serve to mark the vast gulf that Lucius must cross in his journey from seruiles uoluptates to the heavenly ecstasy to be derived from the Isis cult (see esp. 315). See also Penwill, J.L., ‘Slavish Pleasures and Profitless Curiosity: Fall and Redemption in Apuleius’ Metamorphoses’, Ramus 4 (1975), 49–82Google Scholar, for Apuleius’ use of ‘thematic links’ to emphasise contrasts throughout the novel.

36. See Scobie, A., Apuleius Metamorphoses (Asinus Aureus) 1: A Commentary (Meisenheim am Glan 1975), 125fGoogle Scholar., and van Mal-Maeder (n.35 above), 138.

37. Shiken renders some personal names with katakana (a Japanese syllabary) alone and some with kanji (Chinese characters) with katakana adscript. He consistently renders the name Photis as Fochῑ with the .

38. It is worth noting that Photis in Shiken is not a slave but a maidservant. Since early Meiji Japan had no equivalent of Greco-Roman slavery, it would have been difficult for Shiken accurately to depict such an institution in his translation, and he does not bother to do so. To be sure, marriage taking place across such a large class barrier as that between the well-off Lucius and Photis the maidservant would have been rare in Japan at this time—but Shiken himself married a barmaid in 1888, though he could not make the union official until a few years later due to his family’s considerable objections over the lowly social origins of his wife (see Shiraishi [n.8 above], 53).

39. To be sure at least one classicist has argued for a distinctly positive interpretation of Photis, going so far as to call her the ‘earthly counterpart’ of Isis; see Carver, R., ‘Serviles Voluptates and The Golden Ass of Apuleius: A Defense of Fotis’, in J. Tatum and G.M. Vernazza (eds), The Ancient Novel: Classical Paradigms and Modern Perspectives (Hanover NH 1990), 55fGoogle Scholar.

40. See Modelski, T., Loving with a Vengeance: Mass-Produced Fantasies for Women (New York 2008), 40Google Scholar.

41. P. Oswald, email communication on 26 Oct 2007. Cf. Oswald, P., The Golden Ass (London 2002), 97Google Scholar.

42. Oswald (n.41 above), 17f., 98–101.

43. See Kornicki, P.F., The Reform of Fiction in Meiji Japan (London 1982), 1–24Google Scholar.

44. See e.g. Takahashi, O., ‘Morita Shiken no “shumitsu” yaku’ (‘The “Close” Translation of Morita Shiken’), in T. Oka et al. (eds.), Shin Nippon koten bungaku taikei 15: Honyaku shōsetsu shū 2 (The New Great Series of Japanese Classics 15: Collected Novel Translations 2) (Tokyo 2002), 555–64Google Scholar.

45. See e.g. Frühstück, S., Colonizing Sex: Sexology and Social Control in Modern Japan (Berkeley 2003), 74fGoogle Scholar.

46. See n.15 above.

47. For ancient testimonia of the genre, see C. Ruiz-Montero, ‘The Rise of the Greek Novel’, in Schmeling (n.4 above), 29–83, at 32–37. For dismissive attitudes toward the novel among modern classicists, see e.g. G. Schmeling, ‘Preface’, ibid. 1–9, at 3.

48. See e.g. A.M. Scarcella, ‘The Social and Economic Structures.of the Ancient Novels’, in Schmeling (n.4 above), 221–76.

49. Shimei made a name for himself both as a translator and as an original novelist. His contribution to the formation of modern Japanese language and the role that his expertise in Russian language and literature played therein are analysed in Cockerill, H., Style and Narrative in Translations: The Contribution of Futabatei Shimei (Manchester 2006Google Scholar).

50. On the history of classical scholarship in Japan see Watanabe (n.l above); Kubo, M., ‘Japan: Greek and Latin Philologys’, in G. Arrighetti (ed.), Atti del Congresso Internazionale: La Filologia Greca e Latina nel secolo XX (Pisa 1989), 669–84Google Scholar; A. Watanabe (n.5 above). Shigeichi Kure does not mention Shiken in the first (and so far, only) complete scholarly Japanese translation of The Golden Ass which he did in 1956–57, nor in any other of his writings on the ancient novel. In his 1949 survey of Western classical scholarship in Japan, he erroneously states that the Japanese translations of Greco-Roman literature did not appear until around 1907 (Kure, S., ‘Seiyō kotengaku’ [‘Western Classics’], in S. Nanbara et al. [eds.], Nippon no jinhunkagaku: kaiko to tenbō [The Humanities in Japan: Reviews and Prospects] [Tokyo 1949], 40–45Google Scholar, at 41).

51. See e.g. Walsh, P.G., The Roman Novel (Cambridge 1970), 177Google Scholar.

52. Available in English in: Inouye, C.S. (tr.), Japanese Gothic Tales: Izumi Kyōka (Honolulu 1996), 21–72Google Scholar.

53. See Tezuka, M., ‘Izumi Kyōka to Morita Shiken’ (‘Izumi Kyōka and Morita Shiken’), Kokubungaku kenkyū 28 (1963), 78–90Google Scholar; Fujisawa, H., ‘Kōya hijiri: hitotsuya no onna wo megutte’ (‘The Holy Man of Mount Kōya: on the Woman of the Lone House’), Kokubungaku kaishaku to kanshō 54.11 (1989), 98–102Google Scholar; Noguchi, T., ‘Shirakijo monogatari kara Kōya hijiri e: Morita Shiken yaku Kinro monogatari no juyō to hōhō’ (‘From The Tale of Shirakijo to The Holy Man of Mount Kōya: Reception and Method of Morita Shiken’s translation of The Tale of the Golden Ass’), Nihon kindai bungaku 73 (2005), 33–47Google Scholar.

54. For a convenient summary of human-to-ass transformations in world folklore see Scobie (n.36 above), 26–46. One of the tales Scobie discusses, the T’ang Chinese Madam Three of the Bridge, has been suggested as Kyōka’s source as well, but most specialists of Japanese literature are sceptical about this attribution; see e.g. Muramatsu, S., Teihon Izumi Kyōka kenkyū (The Standard Study on Izumi Kyōka) (Tokyo 1996), 104Google Scholar.

55. On which see Watanabe (n.6 above).

56. On classical tradition vs classical receptions and the contested notion of ‘influence’ see Hardwick, L., Reception Studies (Oxford 2003), 1–11 and 126fGoogle Scholar. I thank the commentator for Ramus as well as Dr. Masahiro Gonoji for their many constructive suggestions.