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Monetary power and EMU: macroeconomic adjustment and autonomy in the Eurozone

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  13 July 2012

Abstract

This article examines the impact of the establishment of Economic and Monetary Union (EMU) and the introduction of the euro on the monetary power of its member states. Taking into consideration continuing capitalist variety among national political economies of the Eurozone, I examine the implications of EMU for the macroeconomic autonomy of different national models capitalism. Drawing on a comparative capitalism perspective, it is argued that the Eurozone's coordinated market economies – Germany in particular – have gained much more from the introduction of the euro in terms of monetary power than the other models. This argument will be based on an analysis of two key dimensions of EMU's macroeconomic governance regime: (1) exchange rate policymaking; and (2) the management of balance-of-payments.

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Copyright © British International Studies Association 2012 

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42 Examples of overt criticism by French and Italian politicians reported by the financial press are innumerable. See, for instance, Raplh Atkins, ‘Exports Fears As Euro Surges Past $1.40’, Financial Times (20 September 2007); Ralph Atkins, ‘Rate Rise Hints Sends Euro to Fresh High’, Financial Times (22 April 2008); Roger Cohen, ‘Kicking the Euro When Europe Is Down’, New York Times (19 June 2005).

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44 Eurostat, External and Intra-European Trade, Statistical Yearbook – Data 1958–2007. Belgium, whose extra-EU trade deficit rose from €6.43 billion in 1998 to €12.93 in 2007, is an exception to this generalisation. The Netherland's extra-EU trade deficit, which rose from €34.96 billion to €91.20 should not be considered because of the specific role of the Netherlands as distributional gateway (via the Port of Rotterdam) to the European hinterland for extra-EU imports, especially from China. Nevertheless, both Belgium and the Netherlands have more than compensated their extra-EU trade deficit by running an even higher surplus with their European trading partners (see below).

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66 On the positive impact of EMU on European financial integration, see Philip Lane, ‘EMU and Financial Market Integration’, IIIS Discussion Paper No. 248 (April 2008); Schmitz, Birgit and von Hagen, Jürgen, ‘Current Account Imbalances and Financial Integration in the Euro Area’, Journal of International Money and Finance, 30:8 (2011), pp. 1676–95CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Claire Waysand, Kevin Ross, and John de Guzman, ‘European Financial Linkages: A New look at Imbalances’, IMF Working Paper WP/10/295 (2010).

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69 Fritz Scharpf, ‘Monetary Union, Fiscal Crisis and the Preemption of Democracy’, MPIfG Discussion Paper 11/11, 2011, p. 14.

70 Werner Eichhorst and Paul Marx, ‘Reforming German Labour Market Institutions: A Dual Path to Flexibility’, IZA Discussion Paper No. 4100 (March 2009). The most important elements of the Hartz reform package include: (1) lowering the level of employment protection primarily by deregulating temporary and part-time employment in the service sector; and (2) reducing benefits to the long-term unemployed in order to reduce the reservation wage of job seekers While lack of space precludes a deeper and more detailed discussion of these labour market developments in this article, two key points should be stressed. First, labour market restructuring has been carried out by the private sector using CME institutions – such as union participation – and have, accordingly, promoted a dualisation of the German labour market between an ‘insider’ core of protected, skilled workers and ‘outsider’ segment of low-paid and flexible workers (especially in the service sector). Second, flexibilisation of the ‘outsider’ labour market section served to protect the interests of the core workers in the export-oriented manufacturing sectors. For a discussion, see Carlin and Soskice, ‘German Economic Perfomance’; Hassel, ‘Paradox of Liberalization’.

71 Carlin and Soskice, ‘German Economic Performance’.

72 See AMECO database.

73 Denis Leythienne and Tatjana Smokova, ‘Business Profit Share and Investment Rate Higher in the EU than the US: Profits and Investment of Non-financial Corporations, 1995–2007’, Eurostat Statistics in Focus, 28/2009.

74 Wendy Carlin, ‘Stabilization Policy in a Common Currency Area with Heterogeneous National Wage-Setters: The Eurozone's First Decade’, mimeo (2011), p. 4. Many economists support the view that the exertion of wage restraint allowed Germany to regain competitiveness under EMU by realising real exchange rate depreciation. See, for instance, Flassbeck, Heiner, ‘Wage Divergences in Euroland: Explosive in the Making’, in Bibow, Jörg and Terzi, Andrea (eds), Euroland and the World Economy: Global Player or Global Drag? (New York: Palgrave MacMillan, 2007)Google Scholar; Lapavitsas, Costas et al., Eurozone Crisis: Beggar Thyself and Thy Neighbour, RMF Occasional Report (March 2010); Hein, Eckhard and Trugert, Achim, ‘Finance-dominated Capitalism in Crisis – The Case For a Global Keynesian New Deal’, Journal of Post-Keynesian Economics (2011)Google Scholar.

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79 Featherstone, Kevin, ‘The Greek Sovereign Debt Crisis and EMU: A Failing State in a Skewed Regime’, Journal of Common Market Studies, 49:2 (2011), p. 198CrossRefGoogle Scholar. This is related to Greece's ‘disjointed corporatism’ of interest representation, involving an overrepresentation of the public sector on the union side and an underrepresentation of small and medium enterprises and the self-employed. On Greece's ‘disjointed corporatism’, see Lavdas, Kostas A., ‘Interest Groups in Disjointed Corporatism: Social Dialogue in Greece and European “Competitive Corporatism”’, West European Politics, 28:2 (2005), pp. 297316CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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81 Ioannou, Christos A., ‘“Odysseus or Sisyphus” Revisited: Failed Attempts to Conclude Social-Liberal Pacts in Greece’, in Pochet, Phillipe, Keunen, Maarten, and Natali, David (eds), After the Euro and Enlargement: Social Pacts in the EU (European Trade Union Institute, 2010)Google Scholar.

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86 Peadar Kirby, ‘Explaining Ireland's Development: Economic Growth With Weakening Welfare’, United Nations Research Institute for Social Development Program Paper (2008); Antoine Murphy, ‘The Celtic Tiger: An Analysis of Ireland's Economic Growth Performance’, EUI Working Papers RSC 2000/16 (2000).

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89 Aidan Regan, ‘The Political Economy of Social Pacts in the EMU; Irish Liberal Market Corporatism in Crisis’, New Political Economy (2011); Hardiman, Niamh, Murphy, Patrick, and Burke, Orlaith, ‘The Politics of Economic Adjustment in a Liberal Market Economy: The Social Compensation Hypothesis Revisited’, Irish Political Studies, 23:4 (2008), pp. 599626CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

90 Bob Hancké, ‘World's Apart? Labour Unions, Wages and Monetary Integration in Continental Europe’, Political Science Series 128, Institute for Advanced Studies, Vienna (February 2012). For a discussion of the Dutch exception, see endnote 59.

91 Scharpf, ‘Monetary Union’, p. 18.

92 Matthias Matthijs and Mark Blyth point to the responsibility of Germany in this respect: ‘During the economic boom of 2003–2008 Germany extended credit on a massive scale to the Eurozone's Mediterranean countries … [A]s the financial crisis began to escalate in 2009, Germany abruptly closed its wallet. Now Europe's periphery needs long-term loans more than ever, but Germany's enthusiasm for extending credit seems to have collapsed.’ See Matthias Matthijs and Mark Blyth, ‘Why Only Germany Can Fix the Euro’, Foreign Affairs (17 November 2011). For empirical support, see Fabian Bornhorst and Ashoka Mody, ‘TARGET Imbalances: Financing the Capital Account Reversal in Europe’ (7 March 2012), {www.VoxEu.org}.

93 For empirical support for this link, see Ashoka Mody and Damiano Sandri, ‘The Eurozone Crisis: How Banks and Sovereigns Came to Be joined at the Hips’, IMF Working paper WP/11/269 (November 2011); Maria-Grazia Attinasi, Cristina Checherita, and Christina Nickel, ‘What Explains the Surge in Euro Area Sovereign Spreads During the Financial Crisis of 2007–2009?’, ECB Working Paper Series No. 1131 (2009).

94 It is in this sense that Paul De Grauwe argues that EMU member states are downgraded to the status of emerging market economies, which have similarly issued debt in foreign currencies over which they have no control. See Paul De Grauwe, ‘The Governance of A Fragile Eurozone’, CEPS Working Document No. 346 (May 2011). Similar arguments can be found in Yeva Nersisyan and Randall L. Ray, ‘Does Excessive Sovereign Debt Really Hurt Growth? A Critique of This Time Is Different by Reinhart and Rogoff’, Levy Institute Working Paper No. 603 (June 2010); Daniel Gros and Cinzia Alcidi, ‘Adjustment Difficulties and Debt Overhang in the Eurozone Periphery’, CEPS Working Document No. 347 (May 2011); Giancarlo Corsetti, ‘The “Original Sin” in the Eurozone’ (9 May 2010), {www.VoxEu.org}.

95 Scharpf, ‘Monetary Union’. For an overview of the macroeconomic conditionalities linked to the bail-out loans, see the European Commission, ‘The Economic Adjustment Programme for Greece’, Occasional Paper No. 61, Directorate-General for Economic and Financial Affairs (May 2010); European Commission. ‘The Economic Adjustment Programme for Ireland’, Occasional Paper No. 76, Directorate-General for Economic and Financial Affairs (February 2011); European Commission, ‘The Economic Adjustment Programme for Portugal’, Occasional Paper No. 79, Directorate-General for Economic and Financial Affairs (June 2011).The details of the conditionalities can be found in these programme's associated ‘Memorandum of Understanding on Specific Economic Policy Conditionality’.

96 Young, Brigitte, ‘Economic Governance in the Eurozone: A New Dawn?’, Economic Sociology, 12:2 (2011), p. 12Google Scholar.

97 GIIPS stands for the GIPS as well as Italy, which experienced increasing sovereign debt troubles over the course of 2011. Despite mounting refinancing difficulties, Spain and Italy have so far not made use of the EFSF.

98 Ben Hall, ‘Lagarde Criticises Berlin Policy’, Financial Times (14 March 2010).

99 Tmar Issing, ‘Higher German Wages Are Not the Solution’, Financial Times (18 March 2010).

100 Weber, Axel, ‘Securing Stability and Growth in a Post-Crisis World’, Financial Stability Review, 15 (Paris: Banque de France, 2011), pp. 151–7Google Scholar.

101 European Commission, ‘Wage Trends in Europe in Perspective’, Directorate-General for Employment, Social Affairs and Inclusion, Report presented at the High-Level Conference on Wage Trends in Europe, Brussels (7 September 2011).

102 The unemployment rate in France, Greece, Italy, Portugal, Spain, and Ireland increased from respectively 8.4 per cent, 8.3 per cent, 6.1 per cent, 8.9 per cent, 8.3 per cent, and 4.6 per cent in 2007 to 9.8 per cent, 16.6 per cent, 8.1 per cent, 12.6 per cent, 20.9 per cent and 14.4 per cent in 2011, whereas in Belgium, Finland, and the Netherlands only from 7.5 per cent, 6.9 per cent and 3.6 per cent to 7.6 per cent, 7.8 per cent and 4.5 per cent. In Germany and Austria the unemployment rate even decreased over the same period from 8.7 per cent and 4.4 per cent to 6.1 per cent and 4.2 per cent.

103 Fernanda Nechio, ‘Monetary Policy When One Size Does Not Fit All’, Federal Reserve Bank of San Francisco Economic Letter (13 June 2011).

104 In November and December 2011 these two interest rate rises were later reversed by the newly appointed ECB president Mario Draghi after a worsening of the Eurozone sovereign debt crisis depressed economic growth prospects of the core.

105 Paul de Grauwe, ‘The European Central Bank: Lender of last Resort in the Government Bond Markets?’, CESifo Working paper No. 3569 (September 2011).

106 It should be noted that private banks from the peripheral countries – being cut off the private interbank market as a result of the sovereign debt crisis – have benefitted from the ESCB's liquidity injections, as a result of which domestic demand has not dramatically collapsed in these countries. The ECB's three-year Long-Term Refinancing Operations (LTRO) – which have flooded the Eurozone banking system with €1.018 trillion since December 2011 – are an indirect way to encourage Eurozone banks to buy sovereign bonds of distressed member states – a strategy that critics believe is bound to fail. In general, the ECB's monetary policy stance makes no mistake about the need of deficit countries to deflate their economies back to sustainable current account positions. For a critique of the LTRO as a crisis management strategy, see Paul De Grauwe, ‘How Not to Be a Lender of Last Resort’, CEPS Commentary (23 March 2012).

107 See José Manuel González-Páramo, ‘The Conduct of Monetary Policy – Lessons from the Crisis and Challenges for the Coming Years’, Speech delivered at the SEACEN-CEMLA Conference, Kuala Lumpur (13 October 2011).

108 Blanchard, ‘Adjustment within the Euro’.

109 Tombazos, Stavros, ‘Centrifugal Tendencies in the Euro Area’, Journal of Contemporary European Studies, 19:1 (2011), p. 37CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

110 Regan, ‘Irish Liberal Market Corporatism’. As I have shown above, Ireland indeed managed to decrease it labour costs vis-à-vis all the other EMU member states over the period 2008–10 – even compared to Germany.

111 As Martin Feldstein argues, one possible solution to the balance-of-payment troubles of the deficit countries is ‘to expand the net exports of those trade deficit countries to the world outside the Eurozone’ through a much weaker euro. See Martin Feldstein, ‘Weaker Euro Will Help Solve Europe Deficit Woes’, Financial Times (19 December 2011).

112 ECB, ‘The European Stability Mechanism’, Monthly Bulletin (July 2011), p. 71.

113 Draft of the International Agreement on a Reinforced Economic Union.

114 Tough – in sharp contrast to the SGP – no

115 John Grahl, ‘Towards the Surveillance Union’, Eurozine (1 December 2011).

116 European Council, ‘Conclusions of the Heads of State or Government of the Euro Area of 11 March 2011’, Brussels (11 March 2011).

117 Scharpf, ‘Monetary Union’, p. 34.

118 Wolgan Munchau, ‘France and Germany Look Set to Fudge It Yet Again’, Financial Times (4 December 2011).

119 Howarth, David, ‘France and the Euro: The Political Management of Paradoxical Interests’, in Dyson, Kenneth (ed.), The Euro at Ten: Europeanization, Power and Convergence (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2008), pp. 111–32Google Scholar.

120 Belgium, which has a public debt exceeding 100 per cent of its GDP, is more open to discuss these unorthodox reforms than the other CMEs.

121 It is important to note that during the EMS deficit member states were able to mitigate balance-of-payments imbalances through external adjustment – the only area in which Germany was prepared to bear part of the burden of adjustment. See Kaelberer, Money and Power. As Kaelberer notes, ‘In [the area of external adjustment], Germany accepted a number of bargaining compromises with weak currency countries during EMS negotiation.’ This meant the acceptance of periodic nominal devaluations as well as the supply of short-term balance-of-payment financing.

122 This paradoxical aspect of power has been noticed by Susan Strange, who remarked that ‘the power to exploit others, whether the exploitation is primarily economic or political, is not inconsistent with the possibility that taking advantage of that power will ricochet back on its possessors to their ultimate disadvantage’. See Strange, Susan, ‘Finance, Information and Power’, in Tooze, Roger and May, Christopher (eds), Authority and Markets: Susan Strange's Writings on International Political Economy (Basingstoke: Palgrave McMillan, 2002), p. 8Google Scholar.

123 Jesus Felipe and Utsav Kumar, ‘Unit Labour Costs in the Eurozone: The Competitiveness Debate Again’, Levy Economics Institute Working Paper No. 651.

124 Hancké and Herrman, ‘Wage Bargaining and Comparative Advantage in EMU’; In case the peripheral countries will be pushed to pursue flexibilisation of the labour markets and decentralisation of their wage bargaining institutions, they will risk gaining merely a comparative advantage in low-productivity and low-quality production. See Herrmann, Andrea, ‘Converging Divergence: How Competitive Advantages Condition Institutional Changes under EMU’, Journal of Common Market Studies; 43:2 (2005), pp. 287310CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

125 Robert A. Blecker, ‘The Diminishing Returns to Export-led Growth’, A Council on Foreign Relations Paper (2000).

126 Terzi, Andrea, ‘International Payments Imbalances and the Prospective Role of the Euro’, in Bibow, Jorg and Terzi, Andrea, Euroland and the World Economy: Global Player or Global Drag? (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2007), pp. 300–1Google Scholar. See also Paola Subacchi, ‘Macroeconomic Performance and Global Capital Flows: Is There a Role for Europe to Play?’, Draft Paper prepared for the Conference ‘The Future Structure of International Capital Flows’, Tokyo Club Foundation for Global Studies, Kyoto (21–2 November 2005).