Hostname: page-component-84b7d79bbc-g5fl4 Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-08-05T01:28:43.282Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false

Maoism and Marxism in Comparative Perspective

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  05 August 2009

Extract

A great many curious things have befallen Marxism as an intellectual and political tradition, not the least of which was its adoption by the revolutionary forces under the leadership of Mao Tse-tung. Originally, the Marxism of Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels was a eurocentric doctrine that addressed itself to a postindustrial revolution that would liberate society from the disabilities produced by intensive industrialization. For classical Marxism, industrialization produced not only the “idiocy of overproduction,” the inability to effectively distribute the abundance produced by capitalism, but generated restive populations that were “overwhelmingly proletarian.” Capitalist industrialization produced both the circumstances precipitating, and the historic agents responsible for, vast social, economic and political change.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © University of Notre Dame 1978

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

1 Cf. Kautsky, J., “Neo-Maoism, Marxism and Leninism,” and “From Proletarianism to Modernizing Movement,” in Communism and the Politics of Development (New York, 1968)Google Scholar.

2 Cf. “Memorial Speech by Comrade Hua Kuo-feng …,” in Great Leader Chairman Mao Will Live Forever in Our Hearts (Hong Kong, 1976)Google Scholar; Shao-chi, Liu, How to Be a Good Communist (Peking, 1965), pp. 21fGoogle Scholar.

3 Cf. Snow, E., Red Star Over China (New York, 1961), pp. 155fGoogle Scholar. There were other writings available: in 1908 the second chapter of Engels' The Origin of the Family, Private Property and the State was translated, and in 1912 Engels's Socialism: Utopian and Scientific was published in Chinese. In 1919, Marx's “Wage Labor and Capital” appeared in Chinese, and it was only in 1920 that the first complete version of the Communist Manifesto appeared. By that time, Mao had already opted for a Marxist solution to China's problems. In effect, Mao (who could only read Chinese) could only have read fragments of the writings of Marx and Engels at the time he became a Marxist.

4 Cf. Schram, S., The Political Thought of Mao Tse-tung (New York, 1969), pp. 88f., 169fGoogle Scholar.

5 Cf. Schram, S., Mao Tse-tung (Baltimore, 1966), chaps. 2 and 3Google Scholar.

6 For a brief discussion, Cf. Gregor, A. J., The Fascist Persuasion in Radical Politics (Princeton, 1974), pp. 205210Google Scholar.

7 Snow, , Red Star Over China, p. 127.Google Scholar

8 Ts'ung, Chao, Chung-kuo Szu Ta Hsiao-shuo chih Yen-Chiu [The study of the four great novels of China] (Hong Kong, 1964), p. 3Google Scholar.

9 Ruhlmann, R., “Traditional Heroes in Chinese Popular Fiction,” in The Confucian Persuasion, ed. Wright, A. F. (Palo Alto, 1960), p. 169Google Scholar.

10 Lichtheim, G., Imperialism (New York, 1971), p. 150Google Scholar.

11 Nai-an, Shih, Shui Hu, 2 vols. (Peking, 1972), p. 178Google Scholar.

12 Shu-feng, Chiang, Shui-hu ti Hao-ch'u [The virtues of Shui-hu] ([Shanghai, 1953), p. 1Google Scholar.

13 Tse-tung, Mao, “Chinese Revolution and the Chinese Communist Party,” Mao Tse-tung Hsuan Chi, II: 619Google Scholar.

14 Hsia, C. T., The Classic Chinese Novel (New York, 1968), p. 106fGoogle Scholar.

15 Lenin, V. I., “What Is to Be Done?” Collected Works (Moscow, 1961), 5:375f., 383fGoogle Scholar.

16 Cf. North, R. C. and Pool, I. De Sola, “Kuomintang and Chinese Communist Elites,” in World Revolutionary Elites, eds. Lasswell, H. D. and Lerner, D. (Cambridge, 1966), pp. 376384Google Scholar.

17 Snow, , Red Star Over China, p. 123Google Scholar.

18 Hsi-fan, Li, Lun Chung-kuo Ku-tien Hsiao-shuo ti I-shu Hsing-hsiang [On the artistic images in Chinese classical fiction] Shanghai: Wen-i ch'u-panshe, 1961), p. 130Google Scholar.

19 Shu-feng, Chiang, Shui-hu, p. 19Google Scholar.

20 Ibid., p. 24.

21 Ruhlmann, , “Chinese Popular Fiction,” p. 154Google Scholar.

22 Ibid., pp. 154f.

23 Ibid., p. 150.

24 Cf. the accounts in Urban, G., ed., The “Miracles” of Chairman Mao (Los Angeles, 1971)Google Scholar.

25 Cf. Engels to J. Bloch, letter of 21–22 September 1890, in Marx, K. and Engels, F., Selected Correspondence (Moscow, n.d.), p. 499Google Scholar.

26 Engels to H. Starkenburg, letter of 25 January 1894, Ibid., pp. 549f.

27 Plekhanov, G., The Role of the Individual in History (New York, 1940), pp. 44, 46fGoogle Scholar.

28 Tao-ming, Wang, “To Remould My World Outlook with Mao Tsetung's Thought,” in Mao Tse-tung's Thought Is the Invincible Weapon (Peking, 1968), pp. 60, 73Google Scholar.

29 “Mao Tse-tung's Thought Is the Invincible Weapon,” Ibid., p. 2.

30 “Long Live the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution,” Editorial of Red Flag, No. 8, 1966, in The Great Socialist Cultural Revolution in China, vol. 4 (Peking, 1966), p. 3Google Scholar. Cf. “Sailing the Seas Depends on the Helmsman,” Editorial of the People's Daily of 15 August 1966, in Great Socialist Cultural Revolution in China, vol. 7 (Peking, 1967), p. 16Google Scholar.

31 Meisner, M., Li Ta-chao and the Origins of Chinese Marxism (Cambridge, 1967), p. 261.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

32 Snow, , Red Star Over China, p. 157Google Scholar.

33 Schram, , Political Thought of Mao, p. 32Google Scholar.

34 Cf. the discussion in Liang Ch'i-ch'ao (under the pseudonym Yin-ping), “Tsa-ta mou-pao” [Miscellaneous answers to a certain paper], Hsin-min ts'ung-pao, nos. 84–86 (4 and 24 August and 3 September 1906).

35 Cf. Han-min, Hu (under the pseudonym Min-i), “Kao fei-nan min-sheng chu-i che” [To the critic of the Min-sheng chu-i], Min-pao, 12 (6 03 1907)Google Scholar.

36 Meisner, , Li Ta-chao, p. 81Google Scholar.

37 “The revolution sought by modern socialism is, briefly, the victory of the proletariat over the bourgeoisie and the reorganization of society by the abolition of all class distinctions. To accomplish this, we need not only the proletariat, which carried out the revolution, but also a bourgeoisie in whose hands the productive forces of society have developed to such a stage that they permit the final elimination of all class distinctions. … Only during a definite, for our period, very high stage of development of the productive forces of society does it become possible to increase production to such an extent that the abolition of classes becomes a truly progressive move. … This stage of development is only reached in bourgeois production. … A person who says that this revolution can be carried out easier in a country which has no proletariat or bourgeoisie, proves by this statement that he has still to learn the ABC of socialism” (Engels, , “Russia and the Social Revolution,” in The Russian Menace to Europe, eds. Blackstock, P. W. and Hoselitz, B. F. [Glencoe, 1952], p. 205)Google Scholar.

38 Cf. Kautsky, K., The Dictatorship of the Proletariat (Ann Arbor, 1964), chap. 3Google Scholar.

39 Meisner, , Li Ta-chao, pp. 21, 23, 28Google Scholar.

40 Cf. Meisner's comments, Ibid., pp. 84f.

41 Lenin, V. I., “What the ‘Friends of the People’ Are …,” Collected Works, I: 166Google Scholar.

42 Cf. Part III, “German, or ‘True’ Socialism,” of The Communist Manifesto.

43 Engels, F., Anti-Duehring (Moscow, 1962), p. 367Google Scholar.

44 Schram, , Political Thought of Mao, pp. 2834Google Scholar.

45 Meisner, , Li Ta-chao, pp. 144fGoogle Scholar.

46 Cf. Rumyantsev, A., “Maoism and the Anti-Marxist Essence of Its Philosophy,” Kommunist, 2 (1969)Google Scholar, in Studies in Comparative Communism, 2, nos. 3–4 (0710 1969), p. 243CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Krivtsov, V. A. and Sidikhmenov, V. Y., eds., A Critique of Mao Tse-tung's Theoretical Conceptions (Moscow, 1972), p. 64Google Scholar.

47 Tse-tung, Mao, “China Is Poor and Blank,” in Schram, , Political Thought of Mao, p. 352Google Scholar; cf. Krivtsov, and Sidikhmenov, , Critique of Mao, pp. 57f.Google Scholar; Rumyantsev, , “Maoism,” pp. 252fGoogle Scholar.

48 “Thought of Mao Tse-tung Versus Marxism,” Editorial in Einheit (German Democratic Republic), 4–5 (1968), in Maoism Through the Eyes of Communists (Moscow, 1970), p. 42Google Scholar.

49 Krivtsov, and Sidikhmenov, , Critique of Mao, p. 203Google Scholar.

50 Cf. Kruchinin, A. and Olgin, V., Territorial Claims of Mao Tse-tung (Moscow, n.d.)Google Scholar; Malukhin, A., Militarism—Backbone of Maoism (Moscow, 1970)Google Scholar; Fedoseyev, P., “Maoism, Its Ideological and Political Essence,” in A Destructive Policy (Moscow, 1972), pp. 101fGoogle Scholar.

51 Cf. Leonidov, O., Peking Divisionists (Moscow, 1971)Google Scholar; Astafyeev, G. V. and Fomichova, M. V., “The Maoist Distortion of Lenin's Theory of the National Liberation Movement,” in Leninism and Modern China's Problems, eds. Sladkovsky, M. I. et al. (Moscow: Progress, 1972), pp. 2O7ffGoogle Scholar.

52 Settembrini, D., “Mussolini and the Legacy of Revolutionary Socialism,” Journal of Contemporary History, 11 (1976), 239268CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

53 Cf. Mussolini, , “Tentativi di revisionismo,” and “II socialismo rivoluzionario,” in Opera omnia (Florence, 1953), 5: 175f., 204–206Google Scholar.

54 Cf. Mussolini, , “L'attuale momenta politico,” and “Socialismo esocialisti,” Opera, 1:120, 137Google Scholar.

55 Mussolini, , “Intermezzo polemico,” Opera, 1: 51Google Scholar, and L'evoluzione sociale e le sue leggi,” Opera, 2:251Google Scholar; cf. Le parole d'un rivoltoso,” and “Intorno alia notte del 4 agosto,” Opera, 1:51, 62Google Scholar.

56 The young Mussolini was impressed by Le Bon's The Crowd before the turn of the century. Under that kind of influence, he subsequently found Papini's voluntaristic and activistic Un uomo finito a “marvelous work.” Cf. Mussolini, , My Autobiography (London, 1936), p. 36Google Scholar and Mussolini's letter to Torquato Nanni of 2 July 1913, Opera, 5:358. See the emphatic voluntarism of Papini in Un uomo finito (Florence, 1974), p. 144Google Scholar.

57 Cf. Michels, R., II proletariato e la borghesia nel movimento socialista italiano (Turin, 1908), pp. 2226Google Scholar.

58 Ibid., p. 33; cf. p. 372.

59 Olivetti, A. O., “I sindacalisti e la ‘elite,’” Cinque anni di sindacalismo e di lotta proletaria in Italia (Naples, 1914), p. 269Google Scholar.

60 Cf. Michels, R., L'imperialismo italiano (Rome, 1914), pp. 92ffGoogle Scholar. and Labriola, A., “La prima impresa collettiva della nuova Italia,” in Pro e contro la guerra di Tripoli, eds. Barni, G. et al. (Naples, 1912)Google Scholar.

61 Mussolini, , “L'azione e la dottrina fascista dinnanzi alle necessità storiche della nazione,” Opera, 18:360Google Scholar.

62 Cf. the discussion in The Situation in the People's Republic of China,” Proletariat, 1, no. 2 (0809 1970), 26Google Scholar; and V. Khlynov, “Development of State Capitalism in China and the Maoist Attitude to the National Bourgeoisie,” in Sladkovsky et al., Leninism.

63 Cf. Gregor, , Fascist Persuasion, pp. 199ffGoogle Scholar.

The authors wish to acknowledge the support of the Institute of International Studies, University of California, Berkeley, in the preparation of this manuscript.