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Issues in Legislative Reapportionment

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  05 August 2009

Extract

Sweeping reapportionment of state legislatures according to the principle of “one man, one vote” now seems assured. Some very clear judicial notes have been coming out of the political thicket. At least six of the justices have found that long-forbidden territory wholly congenial. To the political animals — the lions, unicorns, bears, foxes, elephants, and donkeys — we must now add Br'er Rabbit “born and bred in a briar patch.” And yet, despite the volumes of discussion, some issues in reapportionment have been inadequately discussed and invite an attempt to clear the air.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © University of Notre Dame 1965

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References

1 David, Paul T. and Eisenberg, Ralph, State Legislative Redistricting (Chicago, 1962), p. 10Google Scholar.

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12 Cited in MacDonald, pp. 100–103. Miss MacDonald's M. A. thesis in the Department of Political Science, University of Texas, Austin (1964) was kindly made available by Wallace Mendelson.

13 “Statistical interpretations of party loyalty in terms of Congressional votes can be very misleading. The line-up on floor votes often fails completely to indicate the actual influences brought to bear by members of Congress, particularly in committees. …” Gross, Bertram M., The Legislative Struggle in Congress (New York, 1953), p. 67Google Scholar, f.n. 11. See also Carroll, Holbert N., The House of Representatives and Foreign Affairs (Pittsburgh, 1958), p. 272Google Scholar, for an informed criticism of the use of roll-call votes to measure partisanship.

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30 (New York, 1962), pp. 6–7. This is not to say that the problem of representing minorities can always be dismissed. The situation of Negroes in the United States is perhaps unique. James Q. Wilson has noted that “other things being equal, Negro political strength in city organizations (i.e., party machines) tends to be directly proportional to the size and density of the Negro population, and inversely proportional to the size of the basic political unit.” Thus Chicago, with a packed Negro ghetto and relatively small wards, had a Negro member of the city council as early as 1915, whereas New York, with a compacted Negro area but with larger electoral districts, did not have a Negro district leader in Tammany Hall until 1935. But the response of government to Negroes (as contrasted to the number of city officials or political party officers who are Negroes) may be greater if (as in New York) electoral districts are larger so that Negroes are thrown together with whites in constituencies in which the elected councilmen or legislators feel constrained to consider Negro interests as well as the interests of other voters—and especially where he must consider Negro interests in order to “attract and hold liberal white voters. …“ But in reflecting on these points, one may conclude that the New York polity with its rich, associational life and its liberal ethos has “a tone and rhetoric which is unlike that of any other northern city.” Negro Politics (Glencoe, 1960), Chapter II and pp. 151–2Google Scholar. For a brief, general discussion see MacKenzie, W. J. M., Free Elections (New York, 1958), Ch. IV, p. 112Google Scholar.

31 de Grazia, Alfred, Apportionment and Representative Government (New York, 19621963), pp. 130167Google Scholar; see also his Politics and Government (New York, rev. ed., 1962), I, 319Google Scholar.

32 Cf. Schumpeter, Joseph A., Capitalism, Socialism and Democracy (New York, 3rd edition, 1950), p. 269Google Scholar.

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36 “The English Pluralists Reconsidered,” a paper read at the American Political Science Association, 1961 (mimeo.).