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Wartime Elections in Ireland
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 05 August 2009
Extract
The cardinal principle of political philosophy has been formulated as “politique d'abord”—politics comes first. This is true in the sense that whatever other advantages a country has, it will not be able to enjoy them in peace and security, unless its political order is firmly established. However, “politique d' abord” has little meaning unless we realize that we must also say “gouvernement d'abord”—government comes first. St. Thomas Aquinas, for example, was so much aware of this fact that, in his incomparably clear analysis of the problem of political organization, he, in the end, simply quoted Solomon: “Where there is no government, the people shall fall.” In this age of individualism we sometimes forget this simple fact, but history abounds with illustrations, both ancient and modern, of its abiding truth.
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- Copyright © University of Notre Dame 1943
References
1 The Governance of Rulers. Translated by Phelan, G. B.. (New York 1938). pp. 35–6Google Scholar.
2 Hermens, F. A., Democracy or Anarchy? (Notre Dame, Ind., 1941). Pp. 313 ff.Google Scholar
3 Humphreys, John H., “Proportional Representation in Eire,” Manchester Guardian Weekly. 07 16, 1943Google Scholar.
4 At times the discrepancy has been greater. In 1932 Fianna Fail elected a candidate for every 7,867 votes; the Labour party for every 14,040. (The Centenary of Electoral Reform, (Proportional Representation Society, London 1932).Google Scholar)
5 Letter to the Editor of the Irish Times, issue of 07 5, 1937Google Scholar.
6 “After the Eire Election,” Times, (London) 06 29, 1943Google Scholar.
7 “No Change, MrDe Valera's, ,” The Manchester Cuardiati, 07 03, 1943Google Scholar.
8 In this respect De Valera should have made a distinction between coalitions under a majority system and coalitions under P.R. In the first case, parties with similar tendencies will cooperate already during the campaign; they will form a “bloc” for this purpose. All they have to do in parliament is to continue this cooperation. P. R. parties, however, do not cooperate in campaigns; to free them from the need of such cooperation is indeed one of the principal reasons why P.R. has been adopted. Instead of emphasizing what they have in common they will emphasize what separates them. When they arrive in parliament, nothing has been prepared, and often enough no basis for effective cooperation can be found.
9 “Difficulties in the Dail,” July 3, 1943.
10 Issue of June 29, 1943.
11 Democracy or Anarchy? pp. 72 ff.
12 Democracy or Anarchy? p. 321.
13 Op. cit.
14 The people know, of course, that a clear majority by one party does not, as Mr. Humphreys seems to feel (op. cit.), mean “dictatorship.” As Mr. Roy L. Curthoys expressed it in speaking of Australia: “The government received overwhelming support from voters not attached to the Labor party, which is a warning to Labor to pursue a course of studied moderation in applying the party's domestic policy. Amid the welter of new parties and independents the electors chose to regard the election as a contest between the government and the Opposition and rejected candidates who were unwilling to align themselves with one or the other.” (New York Times, August 24, 1943.)
15 “Irish General Elections,” Manchester Guardian Weekly, June 03, 1938.
16 June 25, 1943.
17 There is a difference between a candidate of such a party who succeeds under the majority system and one who is elected under P. R. In the first case he must be acceptable to the people as a whole; in the second case, it is sufficient if he satisfies the members of his own economic group.
18 The Dublin correspondent of the Times (London) discusses the possibility of the formation of a National Government and continues: “If he (Mr. De Valera) can find a way of doing so. he will not appeal to the people before he has abolished P.R., which he can blame in large measure for his predicament.” (“Mr. De Valera in a Difficulty. Election Disappointment.” Issue of June 25. 1943.)