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George Jeffreys' Copies of Italian Music

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  01 January 2020

Extract

English musicians, collectors and patrons are known to have been interested in Italian music from the early years of the sixteenth century. Italian musicians appear in the lists of Henry VIII's musicians, and from then onwards Italian music was frequently imported and copied into English manuscripts. The prestige and circulation of the Italian madrigal and its effect on the English madrigalists in Elizabeth I's reign have been thoroughly examined; but it is perhaps not fully realized that this interest in Italian music continued unabated into the seventeenth century, and that the latest Monteverdian styles were circulating in England while they were still brand-new in Italy. George Jeffreys’ manuscript copies of Italian music offer a unique example of the dissemination of Italian music in England in the first half of the seventeenth century; unique because we know precisely which printed sources Jeffreys used, who they belonged to, and how and when they came to be in the country. The career of George Jeffreys (c. 1610–85) and his relationship with his patron, Sir Christopher Hatton (1605–70), has been fully described in David Pinto's article ‘The Music of the Hattons’ (this journal, above), and I shall therefore avoid any duplication of information.

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Articles
Copyright
Copyright © Royal Musical Association, 1990

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References

Notes

1 See Izon, John, ‘Italian Musicians at the Tudor Court', The Musical Quarterly, 44 (1958), 329–37.Google Scholar

2 The main studies are: Alfredo Obertello, Madrigali italiani in Inghilterra (Milan, 1949); Alfred Einstein, ‘The Elizabethan Madrigal and Musica Transalpina', Music and Letters, 25 (1944), 66–77, and ibid., 27 (1946), 273–4; Everett B. Helm, ‘Italian Traits in the English Madrigal', The Music Review, 7 (1946), 26–34; Joseph Kerman, ‘Elizabethan Anthologies of Italian Madrigals', Journal of the American Musicological Society, 4 (1951), 122–38; Joseph Kerman, ‘Master Alfonso and the English Madrigal', The Musical Quarterly, 38 (1952), 222–44; and Joseph Kerman, The Elizabethan Madrigal (New York, 1962).Google Scholar

3 I would like to express my thanks to David Pinto for leading me to the Jeffreys’ manuscripts in the Tenbury collection, and also for his willingness to discuss and compare findings concerning the Hatton music collection. My thanks, too, to Mr John Wing of the Christ Church Library for his constant help and patience in making a vast number of prints readily available.Google Scholar

4 See also: Peter Aston, ‘George Jeffreys', The Musical Times, 110 (1969), 772–6; Peter Aston, ‘George Jeffreys and the English Baroque’ (unpublished D.Phil, dissertation, University of York, 1970); Peter Aston, ‘Tradition and Experiment in the Devotional Music of George Jeffreys', Proceedings of the Royal Musical Association, 99 (1972–3), 105–15; Kenneth Bergdolt, ‘The Sacred Music of George Jeffreys’ (unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, University of Cincinnati, 1976); and Peter Aston, ‘Jeffreys', The New Grove, 9, 583.Google Scholar

5 i.e. Printed Sources nos. 1–4, 7, 9–10, 14–21, 23–8, 34, & 37–40.Google Scholar

6 The Christ Church copy of Agostino Facchi's Motetti (Venice, 1635) is unique; and the Christ Church prints of Francesco Maria Marini's Concerti spirituali (Venice, 1637) and Biagio Tomasi's Motecta Op. 6 (Venice, 1635) are the only complete copies in existence.Google Scholar

7 The Christ Church copies of Desiderio Pecci's Sacri modulatus Op. 3 (Venice, 1629) and Egidio Trabattone's Concerti … libro secondo Op. 4 (Venice, 1629) are unica. The three prints not in Christ Church are Giovan Giacomo Arrigoni's Concerti di camera (Venice, 1635), Annibale Gregori's Sacrarum cantionum (Venice, 1635) and Tarquinio Merula's II primo libro de motetti (Venice, 1624). There is an incomplete copy of the Arrigoni print in the British Library, and a first cantus partbook of the Gregori print survives in the Euing Collection in the library of Glasgow University. It is possible that there were copies of both these prints in Hatton's collection at one time, and it may be that the British Library copy of Arrigoni's Concerti is actually the Hatton copy; but I feel that it is unlikely that the Gregori Sacrarum cantionum in Glasgow was Hatton's. The single partbook of the Gregori in the Euing collection is bound with the first cantus partbooks of nine other prints: Aloisi's Corona stellarum (1637), Facchi's Madrigali Bk 2 (1636), Grandi's Messa et salmi (1636), Scacchi's Madrigali (1634), F.M. Marini's Concerti spirituali (1637), Rovetta's Madrigali concertati Bk 1 (1636), Aloisi's Contextus musicarum (1637), Ciaia's Madrigali Op. 1 (1636) and Gesualdo's Madrigali Bk 6 (1616). All of these publications are listed in Martin's printed catalogues (see note 8 below). What is more, all the prints except the Gregori have their original prices marked on their title pages, and as these prices basically correspond to the prices Hatton paid to Martin for his Italian prints (1638 bill; see Pinto), it is not unreasonable to suggest that the ten prints were originally purchased from Martin. Copies of the Facchi, Marini, Ciaia and the two Aloisi prints at Christ Church are likely to be the ones which Hatton purchased in 1638. If the Glasgow partbook is the sole survivor of a set which originally belonged to Hatton, it would mean that he bought duplicate copies of five publications. A better hypothesis would be that the Glasgow prints were originally bought by another, as yet unidentified, customer of Martin's. The only existing copy of Merula's II primo libra de motetti, in the Civico Museo Bibliografico Musicale, Bologna, is incomplete (lacking the bass partbook). Presumably there was once a copy in England (perhaps in Hatton's library) which is now lost. The fact that Jeffreys copied from this now lost copy means that the following pieces (incomplete in the surviving print) can be completed from Lbl Add. MS 31479 and Mad. Soc. G. 55–9: ‘Benedicta tu', ‘Benignissime Jesu', ‘Cantate Domino', ‘Cum complerentur dies pentecostes', ‘Dominus in igne veniet', ‘Fontes et omnia', ‘Jesu duloissime', ‘Magnificate Dominum', ‘O bone Jesu', ‘O intemerata’ ('O Immaculate’ in Lbl Add. MS 31479), ‘O quam dulcis es tu”, and ‘Sat est Domine'.Google Scholar

8 Robert Martin (or Mertin) originally worked as ‘journeyman’ to the London bookseller Henry Fetherstone, of St Anne's Parish, Blackfriars, who was one of the Bodleian Library's main suppliers. On 7 December 1618 the Court of the Stationers’ Company ordered Fetherstone to ‘avoid Robert Martin (which he keepeth disorderly in his house) within 8 dayes upon paine of the penaltye contayned in the ordinance for forrenors’ (meaning simply foreign to the Stationers’ Company?). Fetherstone paid a fine of 40 shillings but did not dismiss Martin, and on 18 January 1621 was ordered to pay 20 shillings for each week that he had employed a ‘forrenor’ beyond the original eight days notice. Fetherstone refused, and as a result was barred from having books from the English stock. It is not known how the dispute was eventually settled, but there is record that Fetherstone paid £6.13s.4d on 26 March 1622 ‘to have his man Robert Martin translated into this Company'. Fetherstone obviously held Martin in high regard, and when he retired in 1631/2 he left the import side of his business to Martin and George Thomason. Martin eventually set up on his own and continued to supply the Bodleian Library with books (see The Bodleian Library Account Book 1613–1646, ed. Gwen Hampshire (Oxford, 1983), 92, 96, 105, 125 and 131). He was successful enough to issue, between 1633 and 1650, six printed catalogues of his purchases from abroad, chiefly Italy. For a discussion of the music sections in these catalogues, see Donald W. Krummel, ‘Venetian Baroque Music in a London Bookshop: the Robert Martin Catalogues, 1633–50', Music and Bibliography. Essays in Honour of Alec Hyatt King, ed. Oliver Neighbour (New York and London, 1980), 1–27. Martin probably died soon after the issue of his last catalogue in 1650. (Information from: William A. Jackson, Records of the Court of the Stationers’ Company 1602–1640 (London, 1957), 105, 107, 131–2, 462 and 467; and Henry G. Pollard and Albert Ehrman, The Distribution of Books by Catalogue to 1800 (Cambridge, 1965), 91–2.)Google Scholar

9 Anthony Wood, The Life and Times of Anthony Wood, ed. Andrew Clark (Oxford, 1891–1900), 1, p. 274; Anthony Wood, Athenae Oxonienses (London, 1691; 3rd edn, with additions by Philip Bliss (London, 1813–21), repr. New York & London, 1967), 1, pp. xxxiv-xxxv; and Sir John Hawkins, A General History of the Science and Practice of Music (London, 1776), 4, pp. 56, 64 and 323. Jeffreys confirms that his presence in Oxford was due to Hatton in a letter (Lbl Add. MS 29550, f. 236), and reports that, when asked if he had been at the Oxford Court, replied: ‘I was, being sent for by my Lord and Master [i.e. Hatton]'.Google Scholar

10 L. Grignani ed., Sacrarum modulationum (L. Grignani, Rome, 16421); A. Belmonte ed., Scelta de'motetti … Parte seconda (A. Belmonte, Rome, 16671); and Florido de Silvestri ed., R. Floridus … has alteras sacras cantiones (L. Grignani, Rome, 16452).Google Scholar

11 Jeffreys copied three of Purcell's Sonnatas of 1683 (T MS 1011).Google Scholar

12 The pieces are transcribed from the printed sources in Andrew V. Jones, The Motets of Carissimi (Ann Arbor, 1982), ii, 299–307, & 260–8 respectively.Google Scholar

13 The two versions are transcribed and compared in detail in Jonathan P. Wainwright, A Study of Five Related English Manuscripts Containing Italian Music: British Library Additional Manuscripts 31, 434, 31, 440, & 31, 479; Madrigal Society Manuscripts G. 55–9; and Christ Church, Oxford Manuscripts 877–880 (unpublished M.Phil dissertation, University of Cambridge, 1986), 1, Example 5 & pp. 45–7.Google Scholar

14 Three partbooks (CAT) of the 1640 edition of Motetti concertati Op. 3 are preserved in the British Library, and there are complete copies of Bicinia sacra in Durham Cathedral Library (1648) and Christ Church (1668).Google Scholar

15 Jones, Motets, 1, p. 74.Google Scholar

16 The various attributions of other pieces in Lbl Add. MS 31479 to Reggio in the British Library catalogue (Augustus Hughes-Hughes, Catalogue of Manuscript Music in the British Museum (London, 1906–9)) are incorrect. They stem from the erroneous idea that all the anonymous pieces in Lbl Add. MS 31440 are by Reggio, and thus all concordant pieces in Lbl Add. MS 31479 are also considered to be by Reggio. See Pamela J. Willetts, ‘A Neglected Source of Monody and Madrigal', Music and Letters, 43 (1962), 329–39, and ‘Autographs of Angelo Notari', Music and Letters, 50 (1969), 124–7).Google Scholar

17 For details of Reggio's life see Rose, Gloria, ‘Pietro Reggio—A Wandering Musician', Music and Letters, 46 (1965), 207–16.Google Scholar

18 I have been unable to identify 19 out of a total of 195 Italian pieces copied by Jeffreys, despite examining a large number of printed sources in both British and Italian libraries. It is tempting to speculate that these few remaining anonymous pieces may have been copied from the now lost (or not yet discovered) sources listed in Martin's catalogues. The following are unlocated motet publications: 1633: ‘Arigoni [sic] Motetti a voce sola con la partitura per I'Organo & c.'; 1633 & 1635: ‘Florani [Cristoforo Floriani] motecta a 2.3.4. voci cum basso 4. Ven. 1623.'; 1633: ‘Giuliano [Francesco?] Concerti a voce sola con basso continuo per L'Organo. 4. 1632.'; 1633: ‘Gratiani Motetti concertati a 2 voce. 4. Ven. 1630.’ [N.B. York Minster Library MS M 5(S), dated 1688, contains a piece by a Tomaso Gratiani—'Cantate Domino’ for ABbc—which is inscribed ‘Venetia 1630']; 1633: ‘Monteverdi Motetti a 2.3 4. & 6 voci. 4. Venet. 1620'; 1633, 1635, 1639 & 1640: ‘Gab. de Pultis [Gabriello Puliti] motecta [1635: “Sacrae Modulationes“] a una voce. 4. Ven. 1629.; 1633: ‘Sard [Giovanni Vincenzo?] Concerti a 2.3. & voci. 4. Venetia. 1629.'; 1633: ‘Torre lib. 1° a 2.3.4. & 5 voci con Basso continuo 4. Veneti. 1623', = 1635: Girolamo Torre Sacra Girlanda a 2.3.4. & 5. voci con Basso Contin.'; 1633 & 1635: ‘Concerti ecclesiastici a una & due voce. fol. Venet. 1627.'; and 1635: ‘Giardino primo … lib. a voce sola. 4. Ven. 1634.'. See Krummel, ‘Venetian Baroque Music', 9–27. A print appearing in Martin's catalogues may not necessarily mean that it was actually on a shelf in Martin's shop; possibly it indicated that he was able to get hold of a print if a customer ordered it. It is unfortunate that no information is presently available about Martin's business links with the Venetian publishers.Google Scholar

19 Hatton's 1683 purchases probably represent his last transaction with Martin due to the imminence of war and his financial difficulties (see Pinto, above, n. 48).Google Scholar

20 Jeffreys’ compositions appear in the following autograph manuscripts: Lbl Add. MSS 10338; 29282; 30829–30 and 17816; and Royal College of Music MSS 920 and 920A. The following pieces are dated in at least one of the sources, or can be dated from other available information: Songs made for some Comedyes by Sir Richard Hatton, 4w be (1631); The Rivall Friends (Peter Hausted), 2–5vv be (1631); ‘Turne thee againe', 4vv be (1648); Morning and Evening Services in D, 4vv be (1649); ‘Gloria Patri qui creavit nos', 4vv be (1651); ‘O quam iucundum', 4vv be (1651); ‘Glory to God on high', 3vv be (1652); ‘Turne thou us, O good Lord', 4vv be (1655); ‘In the midst of life', 4vv be (1657); ‘Paratum cor meum', 3vv be (1657); ‘Quando natus est', 3vv be (1657); ‘O quam iucundum', 3vv be (1658); ‘Gloria tua manct in aeternum', 3vv be (1658–9); ‘Florete flores', 3vv be (1660); ‘O piissime Domine Jesu', 3vv be (1660); ‘Salve caelestis', 3vv be (1660); ‘Quid mihi est in caelo', 3vv be (1661); ‘A musick strange', 3/5vv be (1662); ‘See, see, the Word is incarnate’ (2nd pt ‘The Paschall Lambe', 3rd pt ‘Glory be to the Lambe'), 3vv be (1662); “What praise can reach thy clemency?', 4vv be (1665); and ‘He beheld the citty', 4vv be (1675). For further details see Peter Aston's work cited in n. 4 above.Google Scholar

21 'Audite caeli', ‘Caro mea vere est cibus', ‘Ego sum panis vitae', ‘O bone Jesu', ‘O Domine Deus', ‘O quam dulcis es tu', ‘O quam iucundum', ‘O quam suave est nomen’ and ‘Quid mihi est in caelo'.Google Scholar

22 The fourth edition (1624) is listed in Martin's catalogues, and a copy of this edition is today in Christ Church (originally from Hatton's library?). Only ‘Scherzava Amor, e Clori’ and ‘Ove stavi avvolto’ from the 1624 edition do not appear in T MS 1015; the first edition has one more madrigal than the fourth edition, ‘Amorosetto neo, che tra le perle', and this does not appear in T MS 1015.Google Scholar

23 Pinto (above) in his discussion of the similar text alterations in the first sections of Christ Church Mus. 878–880 reached a similar conclusion that the most likely circumstances to bring about such text expurgations was the wartime court at Oxford. Parenthetically it is worth noting that the final section of Christ Church Mus. 880 appears to have close links with Mad. Soc. MSS G. 55–9. This last section of Mus. 880 was copied by John Lilly's associate copyist ('K'; see Pinto above); it contains the basso continuo parts for 46 Italian four-voice pieces, and for Gesualdo's first, second and fourth books of five-voice madrigals (see Wainwright, A Study, chapter 5). 34 of these four-voice pieces also appear in Mad. Soc. MSS G. 55–9, which seems to indicate that there was a common core of popular pieces which had been copied from ‘Hatton prints'.Google Scholar

24 Queen Henrietta Maria was resident in Merton College between 14 July 1643 and 17 April 1644; see Frederick J. Varley, The Siege of Oxford (London, 1932), 6, 8 and 56–63.Google Scholar

25 Hawkins, A General History, 4, p. 323.Google Scholar

26 From the subtitle to John Wilson's Psalterium Carolinum of 1657, which was, in turn, taken from the title of John Gauden's recasting of Charles I's record of his sufferings and religious meditations: Eikon Basilike, The Pourtraicture of his Sacred Majestie in his Solitudes and Sufferings [London, 1649].Google Scholar