2 The company was variously known as: (1) C. Wheatstone & Co., after the family's most famous member, the physicist Sir Charles Wheatstone (see below); (2) W. Wheatstone & Co., first after Sir Charles's father, William (1775–1854), and then after his brother, William Dolman (1804–62), with the two Williams seemingly having run the day-to-day affairs of the business during their lifetimes; (3) Messrs. Wheatstone & Co; and (4) simply Wheatstone & Co. To what extent Sir Charles took an active role in the business from the time of his brother's death in 1862 until the firm was sold to the Chidley family (related to the Wheatstones through marriage) around 1870 is uncertain. In addition to manufacturing concertinas, Wheatstone's also produced flutes (at least early on in its history) and seraphines/harmoniums, and published a voluminous amount of music, mainly for the English concertina. On the history of the firm, see Kidson, Peter, William C. Smith/rev. Peter Ward Jones, ‘Wheatstone’, The New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians, 2nd edn, ed. Stanley Sadie and John Tyrrell (London, 2001), xxvii, 334–5 (hereafter New Grove 2); William Waterhouse, The New Langwill Index: A Dictionary of Musical Wind-instrument Makers and Inventors (London, 1993), 426; Neil Wayne, ‘The Wheatstone English Concertina’, Galpin Society Journal, 44 (1991), 117–49 (also online at <http://www.free-reed.co.uk/galpin>); idem, ‘Concertina Book—Final Edit’ (1986), 29–51 (an unpublished manuscript of which there is a copy in the Horniman Museum, London); Stephen Chambers, ‘Some Notes on Lachenal Concertina Production and Serial Numbers’, Papers of the International Concertina Association, 1 (2004), 19–20, n. 18 (also online at both <http://www.concertina.org/pica.php> and <http://www.concertina.com/chambers/lachenal-production>). Unless otherwise noted, all references to the concertina are to the type known as the English concertina, though I sometimes use that name in full; for other types, see note 12.Google Scholar

3 The ledgers are described in some detail below (see the section entitled “The Ledgers’, following the Introduction). Ledger C104a, 18, contains a late, pencil entry dated 3 May 1834 in connection with the sale of Wheatstone no. 352 (all Wheatstone concertinas have a serial number); however, this date is surely incorrect, as no other instrument numbered in the 300s antedates 1839. There is a gap in the records from 5 April 1849 through 31 December 1850, as the ledger for that period is now missing. In addition, records from 4 April 1835 to 4 April 1839 and from 6 April 1848 to 5 April 1849 are patchy and probably incomplete. The ledgers are in the Horniman Museum's Wayne Archive, and are available online at <http://www.horniman.info>..' href=https://scholar.google.com/scholar?q=The+ledgers+are+described+in+some+detail+below+(see+the+section+entitled+“The+Ledgers’,+following+the+Introduction).+Ledger+C104a,+18,+contains+a+late,+pencil+entry+dated+3+May+1834+in+connection+with+the+sale+of+Wheatstone+no.+352+(all+Wheatstone+concertinas+have+a+serial+number);+however,+this+date+is+surely+incorrect,+as+no+other+instrument+numbered+in+the+300s+antedates+1839.+There+is+a+gap+in+the+records+from+5+April+1849+through+31+December+1850,+as+the+ledger+for+that+period+is+now+missing.+In+addition,+records+from+4+April+1835+to+4+April+1839+and+from+6+April+1848+to+5+April+1849+are+patchy+and+probably+incomplete.+The+ledgers+are+in+the+Horniman+Museum's+Wayne+Archive,+and+are+available+online+at+.>Google Scholar

4 This does not include the 875 instances of duplicate entries shared by C1046 and C104a; on the often-puzzling relationship between these two ledgers, see the description of the latter in ‘The Ledgers’, below. Note that, throughout this study, the word ‘transactions’ can refer to sales, rentals, returns, loans, or exchanges.Google Scholar

5 The story of the violin's adoption by women is told superbly by Paula Gillett, Musical Women in England, 1870–1914: “Encroaching on All Man's Privileges” (New York, 2000), 77–140. Though founded in 1822, and always non-discriminatory with respect to gender, the Royal Academy of Music did not admit its first female violin students until January 1872. Prior to that time, female students could, in addition to taking up voice, study only piano and harp; See Cazalet, W.W., The History of the Royal Academy of Music (London, 1854), 146; Frederick Corder, A History of the Royal Academy of Music from 1822 to 1922 (London, 1922), 10.Google Scholar

6 The literature on the domestic use of the piano in Victorian England and its gendered associations with women (particularly in the world of literary fiction) is extensive; see, among others: Arthur Loesser, Men, Women and Pianos: A Social History (New York, 1954), 267–83; Nicholas Temperley, ‘Domestic Music in England, 1800–1860’, Proceedings of the Royal Musical Association, 85 (1958–9), 35; Dieter Hildebrandt, Pianoforte: A Social History of the Piano, trans. Harriet Goodman (New York, 1988), 171–8; Mary Burgan, ‘Heroines at the Piano: Women and Music in Nineteenth-Century Fiction’, in The Lost Chord: Essays on Victorian Music, ed. Nicholas Temperley (Bloomington IN, 1989), 42–67; Richard Leppert, ‘Sexual Identity, Death, and the Family Piano’, 19th-century Music, 16 (1992), 111–12; James Parakilas, Piano Roles: Three Hundred Years of Life with the Piano (New Haven, 1999), 96–103; Laura Vorachek, ‘“The Instrument of the Century”: The Piano as an Icon of Female Sexuality in the Nineteenth Century’, George Eliot-George Henry Lewes Studies, 38–9 (2000), 26–43; Gillett, Musical Women in England, 3–4; and ‘Entrepreneurial Women Musicians in Britain: From the 1790s to the Early 1900s’, in The Musician as Entrepreneur, 1700–1914: Managers, Charlatans, and Idealists, ed. William Weber (Bloomington IN, 2004), 199–200; Derek B. Scott, ‘The Sexual Politics of Victorian Musical Aesthetics’, in From the Erotic to the Demonic: On Critical Musicology (Oxford, 2003), 35–7; Jodi Lustig, “The Piano's Progress: The Piano in Play in the Victorian Novel’, in The Idea of Music in Victorian Fiction, ed. Sophie Fuller and Nicky Losseff (Aldershot, 2004), 84–8. On the similar situation in the United States, see Tick, Judith, ‘Passed Away is the Piano Girl: Changes in American Musical Life, 1870–1900’, in Women Making Music, ed. Jane Bower and Judith Tick (Urbana, 1986), 325–48, and Julia Eklund Koza, ‘Music and the Feminine Sphere: Images of Women as Musicians in Godey's Lady's Book, 1830–1877’, The Musical Quarterly, 75 (1991), 103–29. On the guitar, see Button, Stewart, The Guitar in England, 1800–1924, Outstanding Dissertations in Music from British Universities (New York, 1989), passim.Google Scholar

7 Button, The Guitar in England, 123, who sees the decline in popularity having already begun in the mid-1830s; see also, The Oxford Companion to Music, 9th edn, ed. Percy A. Scholes (Oxford, 1955), 434; Gillett, ‘Entrepreneurial Women Musicians in Britain’, 211.Google Scholar

8 See the essay by John Oxenford, ‘Music in the Drawing-Room’, in Gavarni in London: Sketches of Life and Character, ed. Albert Smith (London, 1849), 18, which also refers to the fate of the guitar.Google Scholar

9 Mrs C.S. Peel, ‘ Homes and Habits’, in George Malcolm Young, Early Victorian England, i: 1830–1865 (Oxford, 1934), 98; she emphasizes the harp's fall from popularity by citing a passage from a letter written by the daughter of a vicar in 1850: ‘The harp was popular in my mother's youth’.Google Scholar

10 Wheatstone was best known for his work with electricity and telegraphy; the standard biography is that by Brian Bowers, Sir Charles Wheatstone, FRS 1802–1875, rev. edn, Institution of Electrical Engineers History of Technology Series, 29 (London, 2001); see also, Sigalia Dostrovsky, ‘Wheatstone, Charles’, in Dictionary of Scientific Biography, ed. Charles Coulston Gillispie (New York, 1976), xiv, 288–91. On the confusion concerning the date of the original patent—1829 or 1844 (it is the earlier of the two)—see Atlas, Allan, ‘Historical Document: George Grove's Article on the “Concertina” in the First Edition of A Dictionary of Music and Musicians (1878)‘, Papers of the International Concertina Association, 2 (2005), 62 (also online at <http://www.concertina.org/pica.php>).).' href=https://scholar.google.com/scholar?q=Wheatstone+was+best+known+for+his+work+with+electricity+and+telegraphy;+the+standard+biography+is+that+by+Brian+Bowers,+Sir+Charles+Wheatstone,+FRS+1802–1875,+rev.+edn,+Institution+of+Electrical+Engineers+History+of+Technology+Series,+29+(London,+2001);+see+also,+Sigalia+Dostrovsky,+‘Wheatstone,+Charles’,+in+Dictionary+of+Scientific+Biography,+ed.+Charles+Coulston+Gillispie+(New+York,+1976),+xiv,+288–91.+On+the+confusion+concerning+the+date+of+the+original+patent—1829+or+1844+(it+is+the+earlier+of+the+two)—see+Atlas,+Allan,+‘Historical+Document:+George+Grove's+Article+on+the+“Concertina”+in+the+First+Edition+of+A+Dictionary+of+Music+and+Musicians+(1878)‘,+Papers+of+the+International+Concertina+Association,+2+(2005),+62+(also+online+at+).>Google Scholar

11 On the various types of metals and their effect on the timbre of the instrument, see my article, ‘The Victorian Concertina: Some Issues Relating to Performance Practice’, Nineteenth-Century Music Review, 3/2 (2006), forthcoming; Wayne, ‘The Wheatstone English Concertina, ‘ 137–9.Google Scholar

12 In this respect, it differs from the so-called ‘Anglo’ (or, more formally, ‘Anglo-German’ or ‘Anglo-Continental') concertina, on which each button produces two different pitches, one with the bellows pulled out, another with the bellows pushed in; it is the ‘Anglo’ that one most often finds among concertinists who play folk music, and it is always the concertina of choice in the Irish folk tradition. Analogous to the exhaling and inhaling on the harmonica, the system of two pitches per button also appears on such related instruments as the melodeon and the bandoneón (the latter of tango fame). Still another type of concertina to gain popularity was the so-called ‘Duet’, which found an especially welcome home in the music halls and, by century's end, with the bands of the Salvation Army. For descriptions of the various types of concertinas, see Atlas, ‘Concertina’, in New Grove 2, iv, 236–40; and idem, The Wheatstone English Concertina in Victorian England (Oxford, 1996), 12–15. Again, unless otherwise noted, we are concerned only with the English concertina.Google Scholar

13 Wheatstone's and other manufacturers produced a complete consort of concertinas; in addition to the treble, there were (and still are) tenor (with lowest note on c), baritone (G), and bass (C) concertinas available. We should also note that until the late 1850s or early 1860s, concertina manufacturers utilized a meantone tuning and divided the octave into fourteen notes, with separate buttons for A flat/G sharp, on the one hand, and E flat/D sharp, on the other, with the A flat and E flat being tuned forty-one cents higher than the G sharp and D sharp, respectively; on this point, see especially, Atlas, ‘The Victorian Concertina’, and idem, ‘A 41-Cent Emendation: A Textual Problem in Wheatstone's Publication of Giulio Regondi's Serenade for English Concertina and Piano’, Early Music, 33/4 (2005), 609–17 (also online at <http://www.concertina.com/atlas>).).' href=https://scholar.google.com/scholar?q=Wheatstone's+and+other+manufacturers+produced+a+complete+consort+of+concertinas;+in+addition+to+the+treble,+there+were+(and+still+are)+tenor+(with+lowest+note+on+c),+baritone+(G),+and+bass+(C)+concertinas+available.+We+should+also+note+that+until+the+late+1850s+or+early+1860s,+concertina+manufacturers+utilized+a+meantone+tuning+and+divided+the+octave+into+fourteen+notes,+with+separate+buttons+for+A+flat/G+sharp,+on+the+one+hand,+and+E+flat/D+sharp,+on+the+other,+with+the+A+flat+and+E+flat+being+tuned+forty-one+cents+higher+than+the+G+sharp+and+D+sharp,+respectively;+on+this+point,+see+especially,+Atlas,+‘The+Victorian+Concertina’,+and+idem,+‘A+41-Cent+Emendation:+A+Textual+Problem+in+Wheatstone's+Publication+of+Giulio+Regondi's+Serenade+for+English+Concertina+and+Piano’,+Early+Music,+33/4+(2005),+609–17+(also+online+at+).>Google Scholar

14 Hector Berlioz, Grand Traité d'instrumentation et d'orchestration modernes, 2nd edn (Paris, 1855), 287; Berlioz came to know the concertina when he served as a judge of musical instruments at the Great Exhibition of 1851; see Atlas, The Wheatstone English Concertina, 39–40. On the concertinas displayed at the Exhibition, see Great Exhibition of the Works of Industry of all Nations, 1851. Official Descriptive and Illustrated Catalogue (London, 1851), 469–70, and the supplement to the Illustrated London News, xix/512 (23 August 1851); see also, Peter and Ann Mactaggart, Musical Instruments in the 1851 Exhibition, (Welwyn, Herts, 1986), 60.Google Scholar

15 Some notes on the pieces in Ex. 1: (a) Macfarren's Romance was originally the first movement of a now-lost, two-movement Romance and Allegro agitato for concertina and strings (violin, viola, ‘cello, and bass), in which form it was premiered by Richard Blagrove in 1854; the Romance alone was reworked for concertina and piano, in which version it is edited in Atlas, The Wheatstone English Concertina, 115–21 (with commentary on 79–89); (b) Barnett's Spare Moments was premiered by Blagrove in 1857 (Atlas, The Wheatstone English Concertina, 63); (c) Case's Serenade is reprinted in the series Concertina Connection Music Publications (Helmond NL, n.d.); (d) Warren's variations on The Last Rose of Summer dates from no later than 1837, when Giulio Regondi performed it at the Birmingham Festival (Atlas, The Wheatstone English Concertina, 76); whether this is the same as—or even similar to—The Last Rose for concertina and guitar that he played in Ireland in June 1835 is not clear; on this performance, see Lawrence, Tom, ‘Giulio Regondi and the Concertina in Ireland’, Concertina World: International Concertina Association Newsletter, 411 (July 1998), 22–3 (also online at both <http://www.ucd.ie/pages/99/articles/Lawrence/pdf> and <http://www.concertina.com/Lawrence>); (e) another section of Regondi's Morceau, bars 24–34, appears in Atlas, The Wheatstone English Concertina, 21, while the entire concertina part of the ‘Andantino’ section can be patched together from Atlas, Contemplating the Concertina: An Historically-Informed Tutor for the English Concertina (Amherst CT, 2003), Exx. 5.19 (p. 56) and 6.12 (pp. 68–9). Finally, in connection with the instrument's ability to play contrapuntal lines, we might note that Regondi included the opening fugue from Bach's unaccompanied Violin Sonata, No. 3, BWV 1005, in his tutor Rudimenti del Concertinista, or A Complete Series of Elementary & Progressive Exercises for the Concertina (London, 1844).Google Scholar

16 On the repertory played by one amateur concertinist, Miss Isabella Maria Herries of Sevenoaks, Kent (Inv. 422), see the discussion in §IV, 6, below. References to women in the Inventory are accompanied by their Inventory number.Google Scholar

17 Grove, ‘Concertina’, in A Dictionary of Music and Musicians, i (London, 1878); I discuss Grove's comments about the instrument in ‘Historical Document’, 61–5.Google Scholar

18 Favourite sources were the operas of Meyerbeer, Gounod, Rossini, Bellini, Donizetti, Verdi, and Balfe, and the oratorios of Handel.Google Scholar

19 See the Catalogue of Ewer & Co's Universal Circulating Music Library (London, 1860), 232–7, nos. 31395–842, which lists 477 works by thirteen composers/arrangers for the instrument. To put that figure into perspective: (1) it lists and numbers multiple pieces in a set or collection as separate items; (2) the catalogue as a whole accounts for 51, 801 items, so that the 477 pieces for concertina constitute but .086% of the total; and (3) there are 17, 687 items for the piano. We can widen that perspective—now in the concertina's favour—by comparing its numbers with those for two other instruments deemed suitable for women, guitar and harp, both of which had much longer histories: guitar = 442 items (nos. 5655–6097, pp. 46–50); harp = 296 items (nos. 31013–309, pp. 229–31). Finally, the harmonium, another of the new free-reed instruments of the period that enjoyed some success in cultured circles, is represented by 258 items (nos. 30754–31012, pp. 227–9). On the Ewer catalogue, see Temperley, Nicholas, ‘Ballroom and Drawing-Room Music’, in The Romantic Age, 1800–1914, ed. Nicholas Temperley, The Athlone History of Music in Britain (London, 1981), 113.Google Scholar

20 For information on these works (some of which were never published and are now seemingly lost), see Atlas, The Wheatstone English Concertina, 58–68, especially Tables 1 and 2, which offer relevant bibliographical information; to the works mentioned there should be added (1) a fourth, recently-discovered work by Macfarren, Geraldine, Romance, which should also be added to the Worklist in Temperley, ‘Macfarren, Sir George (Alexander)‘, New Grove 2, xv, 473; credit for the discovery of Geraldine in the Fitzwilliam Museum, Cambridge, belongs to Ms Pauline De Snoo; see her notice in Concertina World: International Concertina Association Newsletter, 410 (April, 1998), 16–17; and (2) Harcourt's Sonata for Violin (or Concertina) and Piano Forte, Op. 2, published by Addison, Hollier & Lucas in 1861; on Harcourt, who was organist at St Peter's, Mancroft, Norwich, see James D. Brown and Stephen S. Stratton, British Musical Biography: A Dictionary of Musical Artists, Authors and Composers, Born in Britain and its Colonies (London, 1897; reprint New York, 1971), 182.Google Scholar

21 The brief biographical sketch draws upon what is a growing literature about Regondi: Douglas Rogers, ‘Giulio Regondi: Guitarist, Concertinist or Melophonist? A Reconnaissance’, Guitar Review, 91 (Fall 1992), 1–9; 92 (Winter 1993), 14–21; 97 (Spring 1994), 11–17; Lawrence, ‘Giulio Regondi and the Concertina in Ireland’, 21–5; Helmut C. Jacobs, Der junge Gitarren- und Concertinavirtuose Giulio Regondi: Eine kritische Dokumentation seiner Konzertreise durch Europa, 1840 und 1841 (Bochum, 2001); idem, ‘Giulio Regondi’, in Die Musik in Geschichte und Gegenwart, rev. edn, ed. Ludwig Finscher (Kassel, 2005), Personenteil, xiii, cols. 1443–5; Atlas, The Wheatstone English Concertina, 48–54; idem, ‘Giulio Regondi: Two Newly Discovered Letters’, The Free-Reed Journal, 4 (2002), 70–84; idem, ‘Collins, Count Fosco, and the Concertina’, Wilkie Collins Society Journal, n.s., 2 (1999), 56–60 (the last two articles also available online at <http://www.concertina.com/atlas>); and idem, ‘A 41-Cent Emendation’, 609–17; Susan Wollenberg, ‘Giulio Regondi at Oxford’, Papers of the International Concertina Association, 3 (2006), forthcoming (also online at <http://www.concertina.org/pica.php>); eadem, Music at Oxford in the Eighteenth and Nineteenth Centuries (New York, 2003), 171. On Regondi as guitarist, see Button, The Guitar in England, 100–13, 126–33; Alessandro Boris Amisich, Giulio Regondi (1822–1872): concertista e compositore del romanticismo—documentazione (Milan, 1995), and a series of six articles by him: two in the Italian guitar journal GuitArt: ‘Giulio Regondi’, ii/8 (1997), 24–49, and ‘La prima tournee europea di Giulio Regondi. Nuovi elementi’, viii/29 (2000), 32–9; and four in Il ‘Fronimo': ‘Giulio Regondi: Un bambino prodigio’, xi/45 (October 1983), 32–4; ‘Giulio Regondi: La camera concertistica negli anni ‘40’, xv/58 (January 1987), 34–43; ‘Giulio Regondi: Compositore e concertista’, xvi/62 (January 1988), 28–40; and ‘Giulio Regondi: Dieci studi ed una foto’, xix/76 (July 1991), 38–45. There is a modern edition of Regondi's works for guitar in Giulio Regondi: The Complete Works for Guitar, ed. Simon Wynberg (Monaco, 1981), which, however, must be supplemented by Giulio Regondi: Ten Etudes for Guitar, ed. John Holmquist (Columbus OH, 1990); unfortunately there is no such edition of his much more substantial output for English concertina.);+and+idem,+‘A+41-Cent+Emendation’,+609–17;+Susan+Wollenberg,+‘Giulio+Regondi+at+Oxford’,+Papers+of+the+International+Concertina+Association,+3+(2006),+forthcoming+(also+online+at+);+eadem,+Music+at+Oxford+in+the+Eighteenth+and+Nineteenth+Centuries+(New+York,+2003),+171.+On+Regondi+as+guitarist,+see+Button,+The+Guitar+in+England,+100–13,+126–33;+Alessandro+Boris+Amisich,+Giulio+Regondi+(1822–1872):+concertista+e+compositore+del+romanticismo—documentazione+(Milan,+1995),+and+a+series+of+six+articles+by+him:+two+in+the+Italian+guitar+journal+GuitArt:+‘Giulio+Regondi’,+ii/8+(1997),+24–49,+and+‘La+prima+tournee+europea+di+Giulio+Regondi.+Nuovi+elementi’,+viii/29+(2000),+32–9;+and+four+in+Il+‘Fronimo':+‘Giulio+Regondi:+Un+bambino+prodigio’,+xi/45+(October+1983),+32–4;+‘Giulio+Regondi:+La+camera+concertistica+negli+anni+‘40’,+xv/58+(January+1987),+34–43;+‘Giulio+Regondi:+Compositore+e+concertista’,+xvi/62+(January+1988),+28–40;+and+‘Giulio+Regondi:+Dieci+studi+ed+una+foto’,+xix/76+(July+1991),+38–45.+There+is+a+modern+edition+of+Regondi's+works+for+guitar+in+Giulio+Regondi:+The+Complete+Works+for+Guitar,+ed.+Simon+Wynberg+(Monaco,+1981),+which,+however,+must+be+supplemented+by+Giulio+Regondi:+Ten+Etudes+for+Guitar,+ed.+John+Holmquist+(Columbus+OH,+1990);+unfortunately+there+is+no+such+edition+of+his+much+more+substantial+output+for+English+concertina.>Google Scholar

22 Dublin Evening Post (12 June 1834); cited after Lawrence, ‘Giulio Regondi and the Concertina in Ireland’, 22.Google Scholar

23 The Continental tour is documented in detailed fashion in Jacobs, Der junge Gitarren- und Concertinavirtuose Giulio Regondi: the Gewandhaus program is reproduced in both Jacobs, 89–92, and Atlas, The Wheatstone English Concertina, Pl. 10.Google Scholar

24 For the review in the Musical World, xix/25 (21 June 1844), see Atlas, The Wheatstone English Concertina, 52. The Quartet continued to perform (with some changes in personnel) at least through the mid-1850s, with the Musical World, xxxiii/25 (23 June 1855), describing its performance of the Beethoven Quartet in F, Op. 18, No. 1, as ‘very satisfactory … maintaining throughout the most perfect ensemble’ (quoted in Atlas, The Wheatstone English Concertina, 52). On Blagrove, see below; on Case (1823–92), who turned out many compositions and no fewer than five method books for the concertina and was also active as a violinist; see Atlas, The Wheatstone English Concertina, 56–7, and Brown and Stratton, British Musical Biography, 81; on Sedgwick, who emigrated to the United States by late 1851 and enjoyed a successful career as a composer of theatre music in New York, see Atlas, The Wheatstone English Concertina, 57, and Michael Meckna, ed., The Collected Works of Alfred B. Sedgwick (New York, 1994).Google Scholar

25 Musical World, xxix/25 (24 June 1854), 43; quoted in Rogers, ‘Giulio Regondi’, Pt. I, 4; Atlas The Wheatstone English Concertina, 53.Google Scholar

26 On Blagrove, see Bashford, Christina, ‘Blagrove. English Family of Musicians. §3. Richard (Manning) Blagrove’, in New Grove 2, iii, 670–1; Atlas, The Wheatstone English Concertina, 54–6; Brown and Stratton, British Musical Biography, 50–1.Google Scholar

27 George Bernard Shaw, ‘Music for Conoisseurs’ (31 January 1877), in Shaw's Music, 3 vols, ed. Dan H. Laurence (New York, 1981), i, 86; cited in Atlas, The Wheatstone English Concertina, 55.Google Scholar

28 Athanaeum, 20 (30 May 1846), 562; quoted in both Rogers, ‘Giulio Regondi’, Pt 1, 2, and Atlas, The Wheatstone English Concertina, 73–4. Chorley's negative review prompts the following question: is it possible that at least some of the negative reaction in the press (and futher instances are cited in Atlas, The Wheatstone English Concertina, 73–5) was caused by the association of the instrument with women, both, as we shall see, on the concert stage (see §IV.2.c, below) and in domestic settings? My own view is that it was not. I read the negative reaction as having nothing to do with gender and everything to do with what the individual critic thought about the musical nature of the instrument itself. We might even note that Chorley softened his criticism a decade later, and actually praised the concertina in another review of Regondi (Atlas, The Wheatstone English Concertina, 74).Google Scholar

29 Anonymous review in The Musical Times, xvi/364 (1 June 1873), 109; on Silas's now-lost chamber music for the concertina, see Atlas, The Wheatstone English Concertina, 68; Sydney Smith collaborated with Blagrove on at least three occasions; see the British Library Integrated Catalogue, online at <http://catalogue.bl.uk>..' href=https://scholar.google.com/scholar?q=Anonymous+review+in+The+Musical+Times,+xvi/364+(1+June+1873),+109;+on+Silas's+now-lost+chamber+music+for+the+concertina,+see+Atlas,+The+Wheatstone+English+Concertina,+68;+Sydney+Smith+collaborated+with+Blagrove+on+at+least+three+occasions;+see+the+British+Library+Integrated+Catalogue,+online+at+.>Google Scholar

30 Shaw's Music, i, 575–6; also quoted in Atlas, The Wheatstone English Concertina, 75; the ‘Teutonic’ instrument to which Shaw refers is the ‘Anglo-German’ concertina (see note 12), while the ‘midnight Mohock’ refers to the street musicians with whom that instrument became associated in the middle of the century. For a profile of such a musician, a teenage ‘Anglo’ player who performed on the steamboats along the Thames, see the interview in Henry Mayhew, London Labour and the London Poor, iii (London, 1861; reprint New York, 1968), 182–5; the interview is reproduced in its entirety in Atlas, ‘Historical Note: Mayhew's “Concertina Player on the Steamboats” from London Labour and the London Poor, vol. 3 (1861)‘, Papers of the International Concertina Association, 1 (2004), 31–7 (also online at <http://www.concertina.org/pica.php>).).' href=https://scholar.google.com/scholar?q=Shaw's+Music,+i,+575–6;+also+quoted+in+Atlas,+The+Wheatstone+English+Concertina,+75;+the+‘Teutonic’+instrument+to+which+Shaw+refers+is+the+‘Anglo-German’+concertina+(see+note+12),+while+the+‘midnight+Mohock’+refers+to+the+street+musicians+with+whom+that+instrument+became+associated+in+the+middle+of+the+century.+For+a+profile+of+such+a+musician,+a+teenage+‘Anglo’+player+who+performed+on+the+steamboats+along+the+Thames,+see+the+interview+in+Henry+Mayhew,+London+Labour+and+the+London+Poor,+iii+(London,+1861;+reprint+New+York,+1968),+182–5;+the+interview+is+reproduced+in+its+entirety+in+Atlas,+‘Historical+Note:+Mayhew's+“Concertina+Player+on+the+Steamboats”+from+London+Labour+and+the+London+Poor,+vol.+3+(1861)‘,+Papers+of+the+International+Concertina+Association,+1+(2004),+31–7+(also+online+at+).>Google Scholar

31 Through one of those unfortunate instances of terminological confusion, the German-language reviews of Regondi's 1840–1 tour consistently refer to the concertina as a ‘melophon’; on that instrument, which was patented by Pierre Charles Leclerc at Paris in 1837 and is shaped somewhat like a deep-bellied guitar, see Arthur W.J.G. Ord-Hume/Josiane Bran-Ricci, ‘Melophone’, in New Grove 2, xvi, 376.Google Scholar

32 Developed in Dijon in the late 1830s, this was a mouth-blown instrument with a piano-like keyboard; see Musical World, xiii/188, new ser., v/95 (24 October 1839), 410.Google Scholar

33 This too was a mouth-blown instrument, but with buttons on two sides arranged somewhat like those on the English concertina; see Atlas, The Wheatstone English Concertina, 29–31 and Pl. 6.Google Scholar

34 But see the necessary qualification of that percentage in note 67, below. In addition, that percentage includes transactions for male-run commercial enterprises, which I have not separated from those for ‘private’ individuals.Google Scholar

35 See the discussion in §IV, 1, and the section headed ‘The Ledgers’.Google Scholar

36 There is one notice for a ‘Prince’, the German Prince Leiningen (on 11 November 1859, C1052, 3), which could refer either to Ernst Leopold, Prinz zu Leiningen (1830–1904), or to his brother, Eduard Friedrich Maximilian Johann, Prinz zu Leiningen (b. 1833); see Marlene A. Eilers, Queen Victoria's Descendants (Baltimore, 1987), 148. There is also a transaction for ‘His Highness Duleep Singh’ (1838–93) on 17 November 1857 (C1051, 2); on Duleep Singh, the Maharajah of Lahore and King of the Sikh Empire, who arrived in England in 1854, see Bance, Peter, The Duleep Singhs: The Photographic Album of Queen Victoria's Maharajah (Stroud, 2004).Google Scholar

37 I borrow both terms from Gillett, Musical Women in England, Chapters 1 and 2.Google Scholar

38 I cite ledgers and page numbers therein when appropriate; the Inventory provides this information for every entry. On the ledgers' ‘C‘-number signatures, see note 160, below.Google Scholar

39 For a detailed examination of family relationships among the ledgers' women, see §IV, 4, and Table 12.Google Scholar

40 He was murdered on 6 May 1882 by Fenian sympathizers in Dublin; see Angus N. Wilson, The Victorians (New York, 2003), 453.Google Scholar

41 For the entry in Lucy Lyttelton's diary, which is dated 11 August 1854 and describes an evening spent with Mr Girdlestone, see John Bailey ed., The Diary of Lady Frederick Cavendish (New York, 1971), vol. 1, xii–xiii and 71; also cited in Atlas, The Wheatstone English Concertina, 3, and Ronald Pearsall, Victorian Popular Music (Newton Abbot, 1973), 70; for Mary Gladstone and Balfour, see Lucy Masterman ed., Mary Gladstone (Mrs. Drew): Her Diaries and Letters (New York, 1930), passim; on Balfour and the concertina, see Scholes, Percy, The Mirror of Music: 1844–1944 (Oxford, 1947; reprint, Freeport NY, 1970), ii, 814; Stuart Eydmann, ‘The Life and Times of the Concertina: The Adoption and Usage of a Novel Musical Instrument with Particular Reference to Scotland’, Ph.D. dissertation, The Open University (1995), 62–3 (also online at <http://www.concertina.com/eydmann>); Blanche E.C. Dugdale, Arthur James Balfour (London, 1936), 38; and my forthcoming article, ‘Lord Arthur's “Infernals”: Arthur James Balfour and the Concertina’ (the ‘Infernal’ was Mary Gladstone's nickname for the concertina).); Blanche E.C. Dugdale, Arthur James Balfour (London, 1936), 38; and my forthcoming article, ‘Lord Arthur's “Infernals”: Arthur James Balfour and the Concertina’ (the ‘Infernal’ was Mary Gladstone's nickname for the concertina).' href=https://scholar.google.com/scholar?q=For+the+entry+in+Lucy+Lyttelton's+diary,+which+is+dated+11+August+1854+and+describes+an+evening+spent+with+Mr+Girdlestone,+see+John+Bailey+ed.,+The+Diary+of+Lady+Frederick+Cavendish+(New+York,+1971),+vol.+1,+xii–xiii+and+71;+also+cited+in+Atlas,+The+Wheatstone+English+Concertina,+3,+and+Ronald+Pearsall,+Victorian+Popular+Music+(Newton+Abbot,+1973),+70;+for+Mary+Gladstone+and+Balfour,+see+Lucy+Masterman+ed.,+Mary+Gladstone+(Mrs.+Drew):+Her+Diaries+and+Letters+(New+York,+1930),+passim;+on+Balfour+and+the+concertina,+see+Scholes,+Percy,+The+Mirror+of+Music:+1844–1944+(Oxford,+1947;+reprint,+Freeport+NY,+1970),+ii,+814;+Stuart+Eydmann,+‘The+Life+and+Times+of+the+Concertina:+The+Adoption+and+Usage+of+a+Novel+Musical+Instrument+with+Particular+Reference+to+Scotland’,+Ph.D.+dissertation,+The+Open+University+(1995),+62–3+(also+online+at+);+Blanche+E.C.+Dugdale,+Arthur+James+Balfour+(London,+1936),+38;+and+my+forthcoming+article,+‘Lord+Arthur's+“Infernals”:+Arthur+James+Balfour+and+the+Concertina’+(the+‘Infernal’+was+Mary+Gladstone's+nickname+for+the+concertina).>Google Scholar

We should note that the sales ledgers contain notices that likely relate to the participants: C1052, 77–8, records transactions for ‘Girdlestone’ (probably Lucy's friend) on 11 November and 9 December 1862, while C1053, lists sales for ‘Balfour’ on both 15 June and 20 December 1865 (pp. 15, 20), possibly with reference to Lord Arthur, who would have been seventeen years old at the time; on the other hand, the transaction recorded for ‘Balfour Esq’ on 2 March 1853 (C1048, 26) is undoubtedly for an older member of the family, perhaps for his father, James Maitland Balfour (1820–56). On 2 February 1841, C1046, 7, records a sale to Miss Gladstone (see Inv. 358), who, however, cannot be the future prime minister's daughter, who was born only in 1847. See also the entries in the Inventory for Miss Gascoyne (Inv. 345) and Miss Maitland (Inv. 560).Google Scholar

42 The instrument had originally been sold to Lady Montford (Inv. 613) one month earlier, on 17 December 1839 (C1046, 2).Google Scholar

43 On Saltoun, the Societa Lirica, Ella, and the latter's Musical Union, see Bashford, Christina, ‘Ella, John’, New Grove 2, viii, 145; eadem, ‘John Ella and the Making of the Musical Union’, in Music and British Culture, 1785–1914: Essays in Honour of Cyril Ehrlich, ed. Christina Bashford and Leanne Langley (Oxford, 2000), 193–214; and eadem, ‘Learning to Listen: Audiences for Chamber Music in Early-Victorian London’, Journal of Victorian Culture, 4 (1999), 25–51.Google Scholar

44 He and Wheatstone had called upon the royal family at Kew Palace at some point between 1833 and the death of William IV in 1837 in order to make a present of a Wheatstone seraphine to George IV, future Crown Prince and King of Hanover, who was then residing in England; Wheatstone also took the opportunity to demonstrate his harmonica-like symphonion (see note 33); see Ella, Musical Sketches, Abroad, and at Home, 3rd edn, rev. and ed. John Belcher (London: 1878), 314–15.Google Scholar

45 Communication of 10 August 2004; Ella expresses his intent to sell the concertina in an entry in his diary dated the very same day: ‘Received of Wheatstone a new Concertina Price 16 Gs:—to sell’. Ella would buy another concertina on 1 January 1851 (C1047, 1), once again, however, with the intent of selling it.Google Scholar

46 Bashford, ‘John Ella and the Making of the Musical Union’, 200.Google Scholar

47 On Sainton, see George Grove/R.J. Pascal, ‘Sainton, Prosper’, in New Grove 2, xxii, 113–14; on Dolby, see below, §IV, 2, c. The transaction for the Viscount Falmouth occurs on 9 September 1853 (C1048, 52) and refers to him as the ‘Earl’ of Falmouth. However, when George Henry Boscawen, 2nd Earl of Falmouth, and Ella's committee member, died on 29 August 1852, the title of Earl became extinct and that of Viscount was adopted by the Earl's cousin, Evelyn (the Falmouth of C1048). On the Earl's activities in the Musical Union, see Bashford, ‘John Ella and the Making of the Musical Union’, 200, 208; eadem, ‘Learning to Listen’, 32.Google Scholar

48 Bashford, ‘John Ella and the Making of the Musical Union’, 203, n. 30.Google Scholar

49 On Lygon, see George E. Cokayne et al., The Complete Peerage of England, Scotland, Ireland, Great Britain and the United Kingdom, Extant, Extinct or Dormant, rev. edn, 13 vols in 14 (London, 1910–59; reprint, Stroud, 2000, in 6 vols), ii, 42; Dorothy E. Williams, The Lygons of Madresfield Court (Worcester, 2001), passim.Google Scholar

50 On Everest, see Matthew H. Edney, Mapping an Empire: The Geographical Construction of British India, 1765–1843 (Chicago, 1997), 147, 475 (my thanks to Robert Gaskins for this reference); The Dictionary of National Biography, 22 vols, ed. Leslie Stephen and Sidney Lee (Oxford, 1885–91), vi, 950–1.Google Scholar

51 For photos of the concertina, the metal case, and the entry in C1046, see Birley, Margaret, ‘Introduction: A Project to Digitize the Ledgers of the C. Wheatstone & Co. Concertina Factory at the Horniman Museum, London’; online at <http://www.horniman.info/documnts/info.htm>..>Google Scholar

52 William Cawdell, A Short Account of the English Concertina: Its Uses and Capabilities, Facility of Acquirement, and other Advantages (London, 1865), 13–14; further on Cawdell, see §V, 3.Google Scholar

53 See, for example, the entries in C1050 for 13 and 22 October 1856, on each of which days they purchased twelve concertinas (pp. 12, 34–5).Google Scholar

54 Scates's notice appears in the unpaginated ‘Advertiser’ section; it is available online at <http://www.concertina.com/pricelists/scates/Scates-MDRA-1862.pdf>, as part of a series of such documents. The Directory, henceforth cited as MDRA plus year, was published annually by Rudall, Rose and Carte. On Scates, who moved from London to Dublin in 1851, see Wayne, ‘Concertina Book’, 103–7., as part of a series of such documents. The Directory, henceforth cited as MDRA plus year, was published annually by Rudall, Rose and Carte. On Scates, who moved from London to Dublin in 1851, see Wayne, ‘Concertina Book’, 103–7.' href=https://scholar.google.com/scholar?q=Scates's+notice+appears+in+the+unpaginated+‘Advertiser’+section;+it+is+available+online+at+,+as+part+of+a+series+of+such+documents.+The+Directory,+henceforth+cited+as+MDRA+plus+year,+was+published+annually+by+Rudall,+Rose+and+Carte.+On+Scates,+who+moved+from+London+to+Dublin+in+1851,+see+Wayne,+‘Concertina+Book’,+103–7.>Google Scholar

55 On Sumner, see Carpenter, Edward, Cantuar: The Archbishops in their Office (London, 1971), 300–11.Google Scholar

56 George Case, The Baritone Concertina: A New Method (London, 1857), 2; cited in Atlas, The Wheatstone English Concertina, 6–7; see also, Scholes, The Mirror of Music, ii, 814.Google Scholar

57 On Bridgman, see Eydmann, ‘The Life and Times of the Concertina’, 51–4; Brown and Stratton, British Musical Biography, 61.Google Scholar

58 On Ward, see Brown and Stratton, British Musical Biography, 438; Atlas, The Wheatstone English Concertina, passim, and pp. 139–41 for his Menuet and Trio, Op. 19 (1883), for ‘Two Treble Concertinas, with an accompaniment (ad libitum) for Bass Concertina, Violoncello or Pianoforte’.Google Scholar

59 On Pratten (1824–68), see Brown and Stratton, British Musical Biography, 326; Pratten wrote a concertina tutor, Complete Instruction for the Concertina (1856), and a short piece for concertina and piano, Francesco: Romance (1859). C1046, 67, records a transaction for a Mr W. S. Pratten on 13 March 1848; perhaps the first initial is incorrect, or perhaps this is a relative.Google Scholar

60 There is a notice about one of their concerts in The Musical World, xxvi/25 (21 June 1851), 397; on Kiallmark (1804–87)—not too be confused with his similarly-named violinist-composer father (1781–835)—see Brown and Stratton, British Musical Biography, 230.Google Scholar

61 On Neate (1784–877), who enjoyed a friendship with Beethoven, see W.H. Husk/Bruce Carr, ‘Neate, Charles’, in New Grove 2, xvii, 728.Google Scholar

62 See Atlas, ‘Who Bought Concertinas in the Winter of 1851? A Glimpse at the Sales Accounts of Wheatstone & Co.‘, in Nineteenth-Century British Music Studies, i, ed. Bennett Zon (Aldershot, 1999), 60; on the various dealers, see D.W. Krummel and Stanley Sadie, eds., Music Printing and Publishing, The Norton/Grove Handbooks in Music (New York, 1990), 203, 208, 307, 359, 482; J.A. Parkinson, Victorian Music Publishers: An Annotated List, Detroit Studies in Music Bibliography, 64 (Warren MI, 1990), 55–6, 114, 213, 300–1.Google Scholar

63 The practice of one manufacturer/dealer placing his own label on another manufacturer's instrument was by no means uncommon.Google Scholar

64 On Novello (1810–96), see Cooper, Victoria, The House of Novello: Practice and Policy of a Victorian Music Publisher, 1829–1866 (Aldershot, 2003).Google Scholar

65 Ellis's translation of Helmholtz was published as On the Sensations of Tone as a Psychological Basis for the Theory of Music (London, 1875); the reference to the specially-tuned instrument appears in the 2nd edition (1885), 470; there may well be further references to Ellis among the entries for that surname on 21 October 1858 and 23 March 1859 (C1051, 45, 65), though these lack first names or initials. My reference to a transaction for Ellis on 1 January 1851 (C1047, 1) in ‘Who Bought Concertinas’, 63–4, 73, 86, is incorrect; the name there listed is ‘Ella’ (see note 45).Google Scholar

66 Maurice, P.M., ‘What Shall we Do with Music? A Letter to the Rt. Hon. Earl of Derby, Chancellor of the University of Oxford, 1856'; Maurice's letter is cited in Cyril Ehrlich, The Music Profession in Britain Since the Eighteenth Century: A Social History (Oxford, 1985), 43; Eydmann, ‘The Life and Times of the Concertina’, 72; my thanks to Susan Wollenberg for Maurice's correct initials; on Regondi at Oxford, see Wollenberg, Music at Oxford, 171, and eadem, ‘Giulio Regondi at Oxford’.Google Scholar

67 Assuming that the ratio of individual gentlemen named to the number of transactions that they generated is approximately the same as that for the women (1, 769 transactions for 978 women), we might expect to find the names of—very roughly—about 7, 000 individual males, though we might wish to lower that number somewhat owing to the large number of bulk sales to instrument dealers.Google Scholar

68 There is a copy in the Horniman Museum, Wayne Archive, C824; it is reproduced in its entirety in Chambers, ‘Louis Lachenal: “Engineer and Concertina Manufacturer”‘, The Free-Reed Journal, 1 (1999), 16–18 (also online at <http://www.concertina.com/chambers>; the price list alone is also online at <http://www.concertina.com/Wheatstone-Pricelist-1848-C824.pdf>.;+the+price+list+alone+is+also+online+at+.>Google Scholar

69 Harrison, J.F.C., The Early Victorians: 1832–1851 (New York, 1971), 66; see also, P. Howarth, The Year 1851 (London, 1951), 83.Google Scholar

70 Members of the working class who wished to play the concertina would have turned to the cheap German imports or their British imitations, that is, to the ‘Anglo’ (see note 12). Thus Henry Mayhew's teenage concertina player (see note 30) paid only 16s for his instrument. An advertisement by Rudall, Rose & Carte in MDRA/1855 lists a German import for as little as a half guinea (10s/6d).Google Scholar

71 The Musical World, xxii/47 (20 November 1847), 749, and subsequent issues.Google Scholar

72 For instance, why does the Wheatstone list fail to account for instruments with, say, thirty-eight, forty-four, or forty-six buttons, transactions for which are numerous in the early ledgers C1046 and C104a? Even if they were no longer being produced, Wheatstone's must surely have had at least some such instruments in stock.Google Scholar

73 See Wainright, David, Broadwood by Appointment: A History (London, 1982), 164; Rosamond E.H. Harding, The Piano-Forte: Its History Traced to the Great Exhibition of 1851 (Cambridge, 1933; reprint New York, 1973), 383–4. We might also compare the cost of concertinas with that of flutes and clarinets. Thus in 1854, Rudall, Rose and Carte sold their least expensive flutes for £3, while their clarinets fell within a range of £4–12; see Ehrlich, The Music Profession in Britain, 101; Eydmann, ‘The Life and Times of the Concertina’, 66–7.Google Scholar

74 See Mactaggart and Mactaggart, Musical Instruments in the 1851 Exhibition, 47. Though Wheatstone's also exhibited, they did not advertise their prices in the exhibition catalogue.Google Scholar

75 The advertisement appears on the inside of the back cover.Google Scholar

76 MDRA/1855, unpaginated.Google Scholar

77 Tucked in at the end of an advertisement for harmoniums, prices for concertinas with fewer than forty-eight buttons are listed from £1.16.0 to £3.3.0; this advert appears online at <http://www.concertina.com/pricelists/wheatstone-english/Wheatstone-MDRA-1859.pdf>..>Google Scholar

78 The list appears in The International Exhibition of 1862, Illustrated Catalogue of the Industrial Department, ii, ‘Class XVI—Musical Instruments’ (London, 1862), 112; it is reproduced in Chambers, ‘Some Notes on Lachenal Concertina Production’, 6 (as is, on p. 5, a Lachenal advertisement from MDRA/1859), and online at both <http://www.concertina.org/pica/php> and <http://www.concertina.com/pricelists/Lachenal/Lachenal-Intl-Exhibition-1862.pdf>.+and+.>Google Scholar

79 The Musical World, xxxiii/39 (29 September 1855), 639.Google Scholar

80 But see the discussion about these two ledgers below (‘The Ledgers’).Google Scholar

81 About the concertina in these venues, see especially Eydmann, ‘The Life and Times of the Concertina’, 151–211.Google Scholar

82 Pearsall, Victorian Popular Music, 97.Google Scholar

83 My thanks to Robert Gaskins for the suggestion of correlating sales/production with publications.Google Scholar

84 To be sure, I cannot give precise numbers; my impression is based upon searches through the indices of the Musical World and The Musical Times compiled by Répertoire international de la presse musicale (RIPM).Google Scholar

85 I would certainly listen to arguments for conflating the following pairs of women: (1) Lady C. Courtney (Inv. 195) and Lady Caroline Somers Cocks (Inv. 815), though we would consistently have to emend the spelling of ‘Courtney’ to ‘Courteney’; (2) Miss Frankland Russell (Inv. 322) and Lady Walsingham (Inv. 907), though they could just as well be sisters; (3) the Hon. Mrs Stanley (Inv. 831) and Mrs W.O. Stanley (Inv. 832), though title and initials never come together in the ledgers; and (4) Miss Baring (Inv. 41) and Lady Suffield (Inv. 845), if we are confident that Lady Suffield was the wife of the 5th—as opposed to the 4th—Baron Suffield. Conflating these four pairs of women, lowers the total number of women to 974.Google Scholar

In addition, an interpretation different from my own of another matter leaves the number of women intact but could affect the total number of transactions. The ledgers contain many instances in which either the only transaction for a woman (or for a man) or the first transaction of what will turn out to be two or more bears the annotation ‘exchange’. But if there are no transactions prior to the one in question, what is being exchanged, and is there a ‘hidden’ transaction that we can no longer identify (see the discussion below)?Google Scholar

86 The problem is equally persistent in connection with the men in the ledgers.Google Scholar

87 Though Miss-Mr relationships could conceivably refer to sister-brother, niece-uncle, cousin-cousin, I spell out my reasons for assuming that, lacking evidence to the contrary, they refer to daughter-father in §IV, 3, c.Google Scholar

88 See Ponsonby, Magdalen, Mary Ponsonby: A Memoir, Some Letters and a Journal (London, 1927), vi-viii; William H. Kuhn, Henry and Mary Ponsonby: Life at the Court of Queen Victoria (London, 2002), 57–60.Google Scholar

89 Photographs of the instrument appear online at <http://www.concertina.netyjb_bulteel_wheatstone.html>, where, however, the accompanying note gives the wrong date of purchase.,+where,+however,+the+accompanying+note+gives+the+wrong+date+of+purchase.>Google Scholar

90 See, for example, the entries for 5 October 1863 and 13 April 1864 in C1052, 89, 96; some instruments could be rented for less, as noted in a transaction of 26 July 1864 in which the rental fee is 8s per month (C1053, 4); one could also rent by the week for 2s/6d (see the entries for 11, 13, and 27 June 1854 in C1053, 2–3); finally, on 29 July 1864, C1053, 4, records a rental for the rather pricey ‘5/– a night’. A rental fee of 10s/6d per month was also advertised by Keith, Prowse; see their advertisement in The Times, 6 October 1851, 8.Google Scholar

91 Occasionally, Wheatstone's loaned an instrument as a courtesy while they were repairing a customer's own concertina; thus an annotation to a transaction of 21 July 1864 states that an instrument was ‘lent during tuning’ to one Shaw Lefevre (C1053, 4); about that family, see the discussion concerning Miss Lefevre (Inv. 517)Google Scholar

92 All instruments cited in the Inventory for which there are multiple transactions among women are identified as such in Appendix II, which lists the instruments in serial-number order (without, however, distinguishing between purchases and rentals). The Inventory also notes instances in which an instrument circulated among both men and women, at least when I was able to catch them (they are often hundreds, even thousands of entries apart). After I completed the research for this study, Mr Wes Williams posted his exhaustive, computer-aided ‘Serial Number and Date Indexes to the Wheatstone Ledgers’, which lists all ‘concordances’ between serial numbers both within each individual ledger and across the ledgers as a whole; the index appears online at <http://www.concertina.com/ledgers/indexes>..>Google Scholar

93 Kuhn, Henry and Mary Ponsonby, 60–1; Emily's older sister, Mary Elizabeth, was also musical and developed a close friendship with the composer Dame Ethel Smyth; see Ponsonby, Mary Ponsonby, viii.Google Scholar

94 Kuhn, Henry and Mary Ponsonby, 182.Google Scholar

95 The letter is printed in Chopin's Letters, ed. Henryk Opieński (New York, 1931/reprinted New York, 1971), and appears online at <http://www.iconportal.com/chopin.letter1848.1030>; see also William G. Atwood, Fryderyk Chopin: Pianist from Warsaw (New York, 1987), 183. Perhaps Lady Belhaven is also the woman to whom Chopin refers in a letter written to Grzymala from Hamilton Palace nine days earlier: ‘Lady——-, one of the first great ladies here, in whose castle I spent a few days, is regarded here as a great musician. One day, after my piano, and after various songs by other Scottish ladies, they brought a kind of accordion [a concertina?], and she began with the utmost gravity to play on it the most atrocious tunes.‘; see also William G. Atwood, Fryderyk Chopin: Pianist from Warsaw (New York, 1987), 183. Perhaps Lady Belhaven is also the woman to whom Chopin refers in a letter written to Grzymala from Hamilton Palace nine days earlier: ‘Lady——-, one of the first great ladies here, in whose castle I spent a few days, is regarded here as a great musician. One day, after my piano, and after various songs by other Scottish ladies, they brought a kind of accordion [a concertina?], and she began with the utmost gravity to play on it the most atrocious tunes.‘' href=https://scholar.google.com/scholar?q=The+letter+is+printed+in+Chopin's+Letters,+ed.+Henryk+Opieński+(New+York,+1931/reprinted+New+York,+1971),+and+appears+online+at+;+see+also+William+G.+Atwood,+Fryderyk+Chopin:+Pianist+from+Warsaw+(New+York,+1987),+183.+Perhaps+Lady+Belhaven+is+also+the+woman+to+whom+Chopin+refers+in+a+letter+written+to+Grzymala+from+Hamilton+Palace+nine+days+earlier:+‘Lady——-,+one+of+the+first+great+ladies+here,+in+whose+castle+I+spent+a+few+days,+is+regarded+here+as+a+great+musician.+One+day,+after+my+piano,+and+after+various+songs+by+other+Scottish+ladies,+they+brought+a+kind+of+accordion+[a+concertina?],+and+she+began+with+the+utmost+gravity+to+play+on+it+the+most+atrocious+tunes.‘>Google Scholar

96 On their patronage, see Button, Stewart, The Guitar in England, 113, 115, 117; on the role of women as patrons of music, see Gillett, Musical Women in England, 34–76.Google Scholar

97 See Lindsay, WilliamAlexander, The Royal Household (London, 1898), 64–5, 73, 81, 160, 164, 186.Google Scholar

98 See note 44.Google Scholar

99 On Burdett Coutts, see Healy, Edna, Lady Unknown: The Life of Angela Burdett-Coutts (New York, 1978), especially pp. 60–2 on her acquaintance with Wheatstone; Dictionary of National Biography, iii, 297–9; Gillett, Musical Women in England, 35, 43. The entries for Miss Burdett Coutts underscore a constant problem in reading the ledgers: she is listed as ‘Coutts’, ‘B. Coutts’, and ‘Coutts Burdett’, thus only alluding to the compound surname in one instance and getting it backwards in another. Finally, although the entries could refer to Angela's one sister who was still unmarried at the time, Joanna Frances, the association with Wheatstone himself points strongly to Angela, who eventually married William Lehman Ashford Bartlett in 1881.Google Scholar

100 On Jacob Montefiore, see Encyclopaedia Judaica, 16 (Jerusalem, 1971), cols. 270, 274; on the Goldsmids, see Dictionary of National Biography, viii, 81.Google Scholar

101 See Boyle's Fashionable Court and Country Guide and Town Visiting Directory Corrected for April 1847 (London, 1847), 767, and see note 85, above.Google Scholar

102 Dictionary of National Biography, iii, 1042–3.Google Scholar

103 Dictionary of National Biography, vi, 665–6.Google Scholar

104 See Rainbow, Bernarr, ‘The Rise of Popular Music Education in Nineteenth-Century England’, in The Lost Chord, ed. Temperley, 20–6.Google Scholar

105 Dictionary of National Biography, x, 423.Google Scholar

106 See Robert L. Patten, George Cruikshank's Life, Times, and Art, 2 vols (New Brunswick NJ, 1992), ii, 2; Dictionary of National Biography, xvii, 799–800.Google Scholar

107 Dictionary of National Biography, xvi, 1274–5.Google Scholar

108 The families are accounted for in Bernard J. Burke, A Genealogical and Heraldic History of the Landed Gentry of Great Britain and Ireland, 6th edn, 2 vols (London, 1879), i, 113, 309, 833–4; ii, 945, 1002, 1432; Dictionary of National Biography, ix, 706–8; xii, 290–4; xvii, 1095–6; on the Lushingtons, see Gillett, Musical Women in England, 101–2, which includes a wonderful family portrait of two later generations of the family participating in a performance of chamber music.Google Scholar

109 Further about the image, see <http://freepages.family.rootsweb.com/~victorianphotographs/visitors/sent.htm>; on Mary's brother Sam, see Shipman, Pat, To the Heart of the Nile: Lady Florence Baker and the Exploration of Central Africa (New York, 2004); see also, Shipman, ‘The Picture Gallery: Ms Mary Baker with Concertina, c. 1857‘, Papers of the International Concertina Association, 3 (2006), forthcoming.Google Scholar

110 MDRAI1855, unpaginated advertisement.Google Scholar

111 The Times, 20 January 1855, 14.Google Scholar

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113 On the Panormo family, see Button, The Guitar in England 211–29 and appendices 3–4.Google Scholar

114 On the careers of Catherina Josepha—who is said to have taught more than fifteen hundred pupils, including the Princess Louise—her father Ferdinand, and a third sister, Giulia, both of whom were important guitarists in their own right, see Button, The Guitar in England, 78–86, 113–16, 133–7, 144–8; Gillett, 'Entrepreneurial Women Musicians in Britain, 211–14.Google Scholar

115 See, for example, the publications listed in the British Library Integrated Catalogue.Google Scholar

116 See Ellsworth, Therese, ‘Women Soloists and the Piano Concerto in Nineteenth-Century London’, Ad Parnassum: A Journal of Eighteenth- and Nineteenth-Century Instrumental Music, 2 (2003), 21–49. Ledger C1048, 62, records three transactions for a Madame Henry Dulcken (Inv. 264) on 5 November 1853; and while Louise Dulcken was married to a gentleman named Henry, the transactions postdate her death; see the comments in the Inventory.Google Scholar

117 Jacobs, Der Junge Gitarren- und Concertinavirtuose Giulio Regondi, 94; Maria Dunkel, Akkordeon—Bandoneon—Concertina im Kontext der Harmonikainstrumente, Texte zur Geschichte und Gegenwart des Akkordeons, 6, ed. Helmut C. Jacobs and Ralf Kaupenjohann (Bochum, 1999), 69; M.G. Friedrich, ‘Gesammtuberblick die hervorragendsten Erscheinung auf dem Felde der ausubenden Kunst des In- und Auslandes’, Caecilia, xxvii/108 (1848), 240.Google Scholar

118 The Musical World, xxv/47 (23 November 1850), 762; on the sisters and violin prodigies Teresa and Maria Milanollo, see Gillett, Musical Women in England, 23, 86.Google Scholar

119 La Revue et gazette musicale de Paris, xx/43 (23 October 1853), 374.Google Scholar

120 That Wheatstone's accepted instruments manufactured by others is attested by their advertisement in The Daily News, 21 November 1851, 8: ‘The Concertina.—The Patentees, Messrs. Wheatstone & Co., to render evident the great inferiority of cheap instruments made externally in imitation of their own, particularly solicit the attention of purchasers to a dissected model at their depot, this being a specimen of all concertinas manufactured by them, which, in consequence of great resources, added to 20 years’ experience, are brought to a perfection unattainable otherwise. A large assortment of inferior instruments, full compass, double action, taken in exchange, some quite new, from £5.—20, Conduit-street, Regent-Street'. For concertinas being sold at auction, see the notice of Puttick & Simpson in The Musical World, xxvi/32 (9 August 1851), 510, in which they offer the music library of the late J.P. Street, Esq., which included, among other things, a ‘first rate Concertina by Wheatstone’.Google Scholar

121 On the Binfields, see Brown and Stratton, British Musical Biography, 47; on Regondi's performance in 1839, see Rogers, ‘Giulio Regondi’, Pt. II, 16–17, and Atlas, The Wheatstone English Concertina, 80.Google Scholar

122 Rogers, ‘Giulio Regondi’, Pt. II, 17; there is a fine recording of Remembrance, one of the instrument's virtuoso showpieces, by Douglas Rogers on The Great Regondi: Original Compositions by the 19th Century's Unparalleled Guitarist & Concertinist, vol. ii. The Giulio Regondi Guild, Bridge Records, BCD 9055 (1994); the piece is reprinted in the series Concertina Connection Music Publications, No. 80312 (Helmond NL, n.d.).Google Scholar

123 Brown and Stratton, British Musical Biography, 47; Atlas, The Wheatstone English Concertina, 80.Google Scholar

124 Brown and Stratton, British Musical Biography, 47; she is the dedicatee of Regondi's Serenade, which names her as ‘of Cheltenham’; the piece has been recorded by Douglas Rogers, The Great Regondi, vol. 1 (1993); there is an edition in Atlas, The Wheatstone English Concertina, 124–39, with notes on pp. 80–1, 86, and a reprint in Concertina Connection Music Publications, No. 80308; see also, Atlas, ‘A 41-Cent Emendation’.Google Scholar

125 Marguerite's family relationships are spelled out clearly in reviews of the family's concerts in Paris in 1853, 1856, and 1861: Revue et Gazette Musicale de Paris, xx/8 (20 February 1853), 69; xxiii/17 (27 April 1856), 131; xxviii/7, 52 (17 February 1861).Google Scholar

126 The review (p. 69) appears under the rubric ‘Auditions Musicales: La Famille Binfield’ and is signed by the music critic Henri Blanchard.Google Scholar

127 A more complete list would require examining the title page of at least every published work in the repertory, something that goes beyond the scope of this study.Google Scholar

128 That Miss Andrews is surely Hoffman's sister is evidenced, I think, by her having purchased the very same instrument (no. 368) that Hoffman—as Mr R. Andrews—had bought six months earlier, on 13 February 1840 (C1046, 3). On Hoffman as a concertinist and his close, even heartfelt relationship with Regondi, see Hoffman, Richard, Some Musical Recollections of Fifty Years (New York, 1907), 82 and the plate facing p. 98, which reproduces the program for his New York concert of 25 November 1847, which claims that the concert will introduce Wheatstone's ‘Patent Concertina’ to the American public; see also Atlas, The Wheatstone English Concertina, 8, 54.Google Scholar

129 The letter is reproduced in facsimile and transcribed in Jacobs, Der junge Gitarren- und Concertinavirtuose Giulio Regondi, 270–2.Google Scholar

130 There are two women, Harrel (Inv. 398) and Heywood (Inv. 424), whose marital status—Mrs or Miss—is not clear; I have included them in both categories, so that either one or another of the categories is inflated by a count of two or each by a count of one. The ledgers also fail to make the marital status of a third woman explicit: Scates (Inv. 766), but here we may well be dealing with Miss Linda Scates, dedicatee of Regondi's Leisure Moments (see Table 10) and the daughter of the publisher and concertina manufacturer Joseph Scates (see §III, 2).Google Scholar

131 Marianne Farningham, Girlhood (London, 1869), 15; quoted after Deborah Gorham, The Victorian Girl and the Feminine Ideal (Bloomington IN, 1982), 38; on the dynamics of the relationships between various members of the family, including father-daughter, see Leonore Davidoff and Catherine Hall, Family Fortunes: Men and Women of the English Middle Class, 1780–1850 (Chicago, 1987), 321–56.Google Scholar

132 Given Regondi's connections with Oxford, it is tempting to speculate that all the Marshalls just named could be members of the Marshall family that formed something of a musical dynasty there in the nineteenth century; see Wollenberg, ‘Giulio Regondi at Oxford’.Google Scholar

133 They are the daughters of the Rev. John Evelyn Boscawen, Canon of Canterbury, and the former Catherine Elizabeth Annesley; on the Boscawen family, see Dictionary of National Biography, ii, 876–84.Google Scholar

134 Recorded in C1046, 54, 58, 64.Google Scholar

135 The Musical Times, xi/242 (1 April 1863), 1.Google Scholar

136 Note, however, that the single transactions recorded for Mrs Astree (Inv. 26) and Lady Galway (Inv. 335) involve the bass concertina; did other family members (or circle of friends)—as yet unidentified—round out a quartet? On the Concertina Quartet made up of Regondi, Blagrove, Case, and Sedgwick, see above, §II, 3.Google Scholar

137 The first of these was Joseph Scates, who started his business that very year.Google Scholar

138 On Lachenal & Co., which was established in 1859, see Chambers, ‘Louis Lachenal’, 7–18, and ‘Some Notes on Lachenal Concertina Production’, 3–23; on Marie Lachenal's use of instruments made by the family, see Debenham and Merris, ‘Marie Lachenal’, 5.Google Scholar

139 On the Herries family, see Dictionary of National Biography, ix, 706–8.Google Scholar

140 The performance is noted in The Musical World, xviii/36 (7 September 1843), 304.Google Scholar

141 The entire set of four pieces appears in facsimile in Atlas, The Wheatstone English Concertina, 109–13 (with commentary on pp. 77, 79, 85).Google Scholar

142 In the Ewer catalogue of 1860, Warren is represented by 124 items, the runner-up being George Case with seventy-nine; see Atlas, The Wheatstone English Concertina, 57.Google Scholar

143 The title refers to Pierre Rode's (1774–1830) Air varié in G, Op. 10.Google Scholar

144 This, of course, assumes an equal-tempered instrument, to which temperament Wheatstone's probably began to move in the mid- to late 1850s (see note 13, above), and perhaps, then, we may presume that this and other alterations date from around or after Miss Herries's transactions of 1856.Google Scholar

145 Though if Miss Hemes was referring to herself, we may wonder how she managed to read all the other music in her collection. Perhaps the copy with the large notes was intended for someone else.Google Scholar

146 Wayne, ‘Concertina Book’, 1–79, accounts for a total of thirty-six concertina manufacturers up to 1890. Of these, two were women: (1) Elizabeth Lachenal (widow of Louis Lachenal), who ran the family business from the time of her husband's death in December 1861 until she sold the firm in 1873; see Chambers, ‘Some Notes on Lachenal Concertina Production’, 8; and (2) a Miss Jane Alexander, who is listed as a concertina maker at 45 Burlington Arcade in Post Office Directory London/1856, 1815 (Inv. 7); it is unlikely, however, that she ran her own business (and she is not among the manufacturers cited by Wayne).Google Scholar

147 The Musical World, v/61 (12 September 1837), 135–6.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

148 The Musical World, xxxiii/39 (29 September 1855), 636. The passage was lifted virtually verbatim from Case's Instructions for Performing on the Concertina (London, 1849), 3.Google Scholar

149 Blagrove, ‘How to Play the Concertina’, The Girl's Own Paper, ii (1880–1), 488.Google Scholar

150 My thanks to Mr Robert J. Wood, a candidate for the Ph.D. in Musicology at The Graduate Center of The City University of New York, for reading beyond the word ‘Paris‘—printed in large capital letters—and spotting the references to the concertina. They would no doubt have escaped my own eye.Google Scholar

151 One of these, the steel-reed, equal-tempered no. 6760, is now in my personal collection.Google Scholar

152 She is listed in the Addenda to the main body of the Inventory.Google Scholar

153 The Times, 9 January 1855, 11.Google Scholar

154 The ninth edition of Warren's Instructions has been published in a facsimile edition by Jenny Cox for Hands on Music (Bristol, 1998).Google Scholar

155 On the concerts, see Table 13 and, for a detailed discussion, Debenham and Merris, ‘Marie Lachenal’, 1–4; Gaskins, “The Lachenal Sisters Visit Edinburgh' (cited in Table 13, note (b)).Google Scholar

156 My thanks to Wim Wakker and Robert Harvey for the measurements of the Chidley and Scates concertinas, respectively. Both instruments are known as ‘stretch’ concertinas, that is, rather than all six sides of the hexagon being equal in length (as on the treble and baritone), the top and bottom sides are a little longer than the other four; on the Scates, the dimensions are 7 inches on top and bottom, 5 inches on each of the other four sides.Google Scholar

157 See Mactaggart and Mactaggart, Musical Instruments in the 1851 Exhibition, 60. This seems to be one of the earliest references to a concertina with fifty-six buttons, preceded only by a notice that Regondi played on such an instrument at Dresden in 1846. It was not until the Spring of 1871 that Wheatstone's began to offer a fifty-six-button model as a regular option; see Atlas, ‘The Victorian Concertina’.Google Scholar

158 The full title is A Short Account of the English Concertina, Its Uses and Capabilities, Facility of Acquirement, and Other Advantages. The date of publication can be fixed in December, 1865, on the grounds that (1) Cawdell, who refers to himself as an amateur concertinist, cites a lecture that he himself gave on 2 December, and (2) the publication was reviewed in The Musical Times on 1 January 1866 (see below). The pamphlet (it runs twenty-four pages) was reprinted in 1866 without substantive change. I know of two contemporary reviews: a moderately favourable one in The Musical Times, xii/275 (1 January 1866), 211, and a devastating one in The Musical Standard, iv/90 (10 February 1866), 260: ‘We can quite believe Mr. Cawdell when he says that in expressing his thoughts in print he has not sought assistance of any kind. It would have been better if he had; for a less skilful literary performance than his brochure it would be difficult to conceive’. Cawdell's Short Account can be read online at <http://www.concertina.com/cawdell>, where there is an informative note by Robert Gaskins about the differences between the title pages of 1865 and 1866., where there is an informative note by Robert Gaskins about the differences between the title pages of 1865 and 1866.' href=https://scholar.google.com/scholar?q=The+full+title+is+A+Short+Account+of+the+English+Concertina,+Its+Uses+and+Capabilities,+Facility+of+Acquirement,+and+Other+Advantages.+The+date+of+publication+can+be+fixed+in+December,+1865,+on+the+grounds+that+(1)+Cawdell,+who+refers+to+himself+as+an+amateur+concertinist,+cites+a+lecture+that+he+himself+gave+on+2+December,+and+(2)+the+publication+was+reviewed+in+The+Musical+Times+on+1+January+1866+(see+below).+The+pamphlet+(it+runs+twenty-four+pages)+was+reprinted+in+1866+without+substantive+change.+I+know+of+two+contemporary+reviews:+a+moderately+favourable+one+in+The+Musical+Times,+xii/275+(1+January+1866),+211,+and+a+devastating+one+in+The+Musical+Standard,+iv/90+(10+February+1866),+260:+‘We+can+quite+believe+Mr.+Cawdell+when+he+says+that+in+expressing+his+thoughts+in+print+he+has+not+sought+assistance+of+any+kind.+It+would+have+been+better+if+he+had;+for+a+less+skilful+literary+performance+than+his+brochure+it+would+be+difficult+to+conceive’.+Cawdell's+Short+Account+can+be+read+online+at+,+where+there+is+an+informative+note+by+Robert+Gaskins+about+the+differences+between+the+title+pages+of+1865+and+1866.>Google Scholar

159 Could his ‘group of young ladies’ be the Lachenal sisters, whose Islington and Edinburgh concerts of June and October 1865, respectively, he discusses on pages 15, 22–3 (see Table 13, above)?Google Scholar

160 Each ledger has two signatures: (1) that beginning with the letter C is specific to the Wayne Archive proper and reflects the numeration that was already in use when the ledgers were housed at the Concertina Museum, Belper, Derbyshire; (2) that beginning with the letter R is the signature within the Horniman collection as a whole. With the exception of the single reference to each ledger's R number in this section, I have used the C series throughout both the Introduction and the Inventory on the grounds that it has become commonplace in the literature on the concertina and has been retained as the ledgers' primary identification tag in the ‘official’ digitised version on the Horniman website, <http://www.horniman.info>. A note about the former Concertina Museum: though this was a private museum maintained by Mr Neil Wayne, Neil always granted access to those who were interested in consulting its holdings (including a spectacular collection of nineteenth-century instruments), all of which, like the ledgers, are now in the Horniman Museum's Wayne Archive. I still look back to his generosity and to my own research there in 1993 with fond memories.. A note about the former Concertina Museum: though this was a private museum maintained by Mr Neil Wayne, Neil always granted access to those who were interested in consulting its holdings (including a spectacular collection of nineteenth-century instruments), all of which, like the ledgers, are now in the Horniman Museum's Wayne Archive. I still look back to his generosity and to my own research there in 1993 with fond memories.' href=https://scholar.google.com/scholar?q=Each+ledger+has+two+signatures:+(1)+that+beginning+with+the+letter+C+is+specific+to+the+Wayne+Archive+proper+and+reflects+the+numeration+that+was+already+in+use+when+the+ledgers+were+housed+at+the+Concertina+Museum,+Belper,+Derbyshire;+(2)+that+beginning+with+the+letter+R+is+the+signature+within+the+Horniman+collection+as+a+whole.+With+the+exception+of+the+single+reference+to+each+ledger's+R+number+in+this+section,+I+have+used+the+C+series+throughout+both+the+Introduction+and+the+Inventory+on+the+grounds+that+it+has+become+commonplace+in+the+literature+on+the+concertina+and+has+been+retained+as+the+ledgers'+primary+identification+tag+in+the+‘official’+digitised+version+on+the+Horniman+website,+.+A+note+about+the+former+Concertina+Museum:+though+this+was+a+private+museum+maintained+by+Mr+Neil+Wayne,+Neil+always+granted+access+to+those+who+were+interested+in+consulting+its+holdings+(including+a+spectacular+collection+of+nineteenth-century+instruments),+all+of+which,+like+the+ledgers,+are+now+in+the+Horniman+Museum's+Wayne+Archive.+I+still+look+back+to+his+generosity+and+to+my+own+research+there+in+1993+with+fond+memories.>Google Scholar

161 This is the only ledger that contains contemporary pagination. I have followed the pagination that appears in the digitised version of the ledgers on the Horniman website.Google Scholar

162 At the risk of repeating information already given in Table 2 (and to be restated a final time in the ‘Preface to the Inventory'): ‘Plain’ indicates that the instrument has only an undecorated circular opening carved into its wooden ends (to let the sound escape), as opposed to the fancy ‘fretwork’ on more expensive models; (2) ‘Single action’ indicates that the instrument has only one reed per note instead of the customary two reeds (double action), and can therefore produce a sound only with the bellows moving in one direction, with movement in the other direction producing a whisper-like ‘whoosh’. Obviously, single-action inhibits what one can play.Google Scholar

163 This is not to say that work on the ledger commenced only after all the transactions that it records were completed. More likely, perhaps, the ledger was begun as the individual records of the transactions began to accumulate, and was then periodically brought up to date. Perhaps the breaks between scribal hands mark the points at which there were stops and starts, with the missing serial numbers and the lack of prices (the latter beginning in C1047, which commences on 1 January 1851) perhaps indicating that these were no longer recoverable.Google Scholar

164 Clearly, the signature C104a breaks the otherwise straightforward series of numbering. This ledger was improperly catalogued—it simply had no signature—while it was housed at the Concertina Museum in Belper. Thus while all the other ledgers retain their old C numbers, this one was freshly dubbed C104a at the Horniman Museum during the process of digitisation.Google Scholar

165 At the very least, the date 3 May 1834 (entered in pencil) claimed for the sale of no. 352 to the Rev. Leach (p. 18) must be regarded as highly suspect (it seems much too early and should probably read 1839, in which year the same Rev. Leach purchased no. 296 on 3 June), while the entry for no. 381, which records the sale of that instrument to one E. J. Webb on ‘22 Oct 26‘ (p. 20) is clearly impossible, as it antedates the development of the concertina; in fact, C1046, 51, dates this same transaction from 21 October 1846.Google Scholar

166 In addition, page 49 records a late pencil entry in connection with no. 943 for a Mr Hownslow that seems to be dated 12 August 1861.Google Scholar

167 That is, the instrument had buttons only for G sharp and D sharp, and thus lacked the concertina's early characteristic of differentiating (by forty-one cents) between these ‘enharmonic’ pairs; see note 13, above.Google Scholar

168 On Minting, who salvaged and saved the ledgers when Wheatstone's was taken over by Boosey & Hawkes and eventually passed them on to the Concertina Museum in Belper, see Wayne, ‘Concertina Book’, 1401–1.Google Scholar

169 Communication of 28 October 2003. There are five extant Wheatstone production books from the twentieth century; these were donated to the Horniman Museum by Mr Steve Dickinson, the present-day proprieter of what might be called a ‘resurrected’ Wheatstone & Co. The books are housed in the Horniman Museum, Dickinson Archive, with the signatures SD01–05, and are available online at <http://www.horniman.info>. Although these production books provide valuable information about the date of manufacture and various features of the instruments, they do not contain information pertaining to sales..+Although+these+production+books+provide+valuable+information+about+the+date+of+manufacture+and+various+features+of+the+instruments,+they+do+not+contain+information+pertaining+to+sales.>Google Scholar