I wish to thank Mark D. Steinberg, Derek Offord, Andreas Schönle, and Diane P. Koenker for their stimulating comments.

1. For an overview of the English institution of the Grand Tour as “a whole new paradigm for traveling,” see Buzard, James, “The Grand Tour and After (1660-1840),” in Hulme, Peter and Youngs, Tim, eds., The Cambridge Companion to Travel Writing (Cambridge, Eng., 2002), 37–47.CrossRefGoogle Scholar Karamzin's omission of Italy was a huge deviation from English practice.

2. Gorsuch, Anne E. and Koenker, Diane P., “Introduction,” in Gorsuch, Anne E. and Koenker, Diane P., eds., Turizm: The Russian and East European Tourist under Capitalism and Socialism (Ithaca, 2006), 2.Google Scholar

3. G. P. Dolzhenko, Istoriia turizma v dorevoliutsionnoi Rossii i SSSR (Rostov-on-Don, 1988), 9.

4. Offord, Derek, Journeys to a Graveyard: Perceptions of Europe in Classical Russian Travel Writing (Dordrecht, 2005), 25–47 Google Scholar; Dickinson, Sara, Breaking Ground: Travel and National Culture in Russia from Peter I to the Era of Pushkin (Amsterdam, 2006), 27–36 Google Scholar; and Okenfus, Max J., “The Cultural Transformation of Petr Tolstoi,” in Cross, A. G., ed., Russia and the West in the Eighteenth Century (Newtonville, Mass., 1983), 231-33.Google Scholar For developments beginning with the reign of Elizabeth, see also Wladimir Berelowitch, “La France dans le ‘grand tour’ des nobles russes au cours de la seconde moitié du XVIIIe siècle,” Cahiers du Monde russe et soviétique, 34 nos. 1-2 (1993): 193-210.

5. Dickinson, Breaking Ground, 143-64; and Layton, Susan, “Russian Military Tourism: The Crisis of the Crimean War Period,” in Gorsuch, and Koenker, , eds., Turizm, 43–63.Google Scholar

6. For examples of the terms, see Offord, Journeys to a Graveyard, 13, 123, 178; and Dickinson, Breaking Ground, 15, 22, 24, 29. Dickinson mistranslates puteshestvenniki (travelers) as “tourists” (143) in discussing a letter the officer poet Konstantin Batiushkov wrote in Paris in 1814.

7. Schönle, Andreas, Authenticity and Fiction in the Russian Literary Journey, 1790-1840 (Cambridge, Mass., 2000), 203-4, 207-8Google Scholar; Ely, Christopher, “The Origins of Russian Scenery: Volga River Tourism and Russian Landscape Aesthetics,” Slavic Review 62, no. 4 (Winter 2003): 674-75CrossRefGoogle Scholar; McReynolds, Louse, “The Prerevolutionary Russian Tourist: Commercialization in the Nineteenth Century,” in Gorsuch, and Koenker, , eds., Turizm, 24–25.Google Scholar On developments mainly within the empire, see McReynolds, “Prerevolutionary Russian Tourist,” 27-42; and Dolzhenko, Istoriia turizma, 30-63.

8. On the general point, see Sears, John F., Sacred Places: American Tourist Attractions in the Nineteenth Century (New York, 1989), 3.Google Scholar

9. Ely, “Origins of Russian Scenery,” 675.

10. Lipson, Leopol'd, Pervoe v Rossii predpriiatie dlia obshchestvennykh puteshestvii vo vse strany sveta (St. Petersburg, 1885)Google Scholar; and McReynolds, “Prerevolutionary Russian Tourist,” 26-27.

11. For a contemporary view of tourism as a practice “incapable of producing serious knowledge,” see Clifford, James, Routes: Travel and Translation in the Late Twentieth Century (Cambridge, Mass., 1997), 65.Google Scholar But for insistence on tourism's life-enriching potential, see Home, Donald, The Great Museum: The Re-Presentation of History (London, 1984), 248-52Google Scholar; and Home, The Intelligent Tourist (Smithfield, 1989).

12. Hostility to the “crowd” was a staple of Romantic writing, including the poetry of Aleksandr Pushkin and Mikhail Lermontov. On this topos in Vasilii Zhukovskii's account of contemplating the Sistine Madonna in Dresden in 1821, see Schönle, Authenticity and Fiction, 98-101. Zhukovskii, however, did not specify the nationality of the other gallery visitors.

13. Quoted in Alekseev, M. P., “Pushkin i angliiskie puteshestvenniki v Rossii,” Literaturnoe nasledstvo 91 (1982): 638n2.Google Scholar See also Chernykh, P. Ia., Istoriko-etimologichieskii slovar’ sovremennogo russkogo iazyka, 2 vols. (Moscow, 1993), 2:272.Google Scholar As of 1816, French authors of the Romantic era tended to identify le touriste as a ludicrous Englishman. Stendhal, however, applied the term to himself (Mémoires d'un touriste, 1838). The 1863 Larousse gave “touriste” the neutral meaning of leisure traveler, and its 1875 edition declared Jean-Jacques Rousseavi the world's premier touriste (first tourist). The latter stressed Rousseau's walks in the Alps: see Boyer, Marc, Histoire générate du tourisme du XVIe au XXIe siècle (Paris, 2005), 5–6, 53-54, 77,182, 185.Google Scholar

14. On the latter paradigm, see Batten, Charles L. Jr., Pleasurable Instruction: Form and Convention in Eighteenth-Century Travel Literature (Berkeley, 1978).Google Scholar In practice, Russian travelers, as much as their English counterparts, often ran wild abroad. For eighteenthcentury Russian observers deploring such behavior, see Cross, A. G., “By the Banks of the Thames“: Russians in Eighteenth-Century Britain (Newtonville, Mass., 1980), 231-32Google Scholar; Berelowitch, “La France dans le ‘grand tour,'” 203, 208-9n66; and Schönle, Authenticity and Fiction, 79-80.

15. Karlinsky, Simon, “The Amber Beads of Crimea,” California Slavic Studies 2 (1963): 108-9Google Scholar; Layton, Susan, Russian Literature and Empire: Conquest of the Caucasus from Pushkin to Tolstoy (Cambridge, Eng. 1994), 24–27, 54-70Google Scholar; and McReynolds, “Prerevolutionary Russian Tourist,” 21-22.

16. Quoted in Alekseev, “Pushkin i angliiskie puteshestvenniki,” 638n2.

17. E. N. Kologrivova, Golos za rodnoe (St. Petersburg, 1842), quoted in Alekseev, “Pushkin i angliiskie puteshestvenniki,” 579.

18. Ivan Golovin, “Puteshestvennik nashego vremeni,” Syn otechestva 5 (1838): pt. 1:71, 75. For conventional representation of Italy's pleasures, see V. P. Botkin, “Otryvki iz dorozhnykh zametok po Italii” (1839), in his Pis'ma ob Ispanii, ed. B. F. Egorov and A. Zvigil'skii (Leningrad, 1976), 202-15. On the general tension between purpose and pleasure, see Koenker, Diane P., “Travel to Work, Travel to Play: On Russian Tourism, Travel, and Leisure,” Slavic Review 62, no. 4 (Winter 2003): 657-59CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Gorsuch and Koenker, “Introduction,” 6-8.

19. Both as a value judgment and as a neutral synonym for leisure traveler, “turist” remained rare in Russian public discourse until the 1850s, as suggested in Layton, “Russian Military Tourism,” 50-55. On the “turist” as flâneur in Petersburg, see Druzhinin, A. V., “Zametki peterburgskogo turista” (1855), Sobranie sochinenii, 8 vols. (St. Petersburg, 1865-67), 8:111-17.Google Scholar

20. P. V Annenkov, Parizhskie pis'ma, ed. I. N. Konobeevskaia (Moscow, 1983), 10, 19. Eighteenth-century popular Russian literature had already fashioned the middle-brow traveler, as remarked in Gitta Hammarberg's review of Schönle, Authenticity and Fiction, in Slavic Review 60, no. 3 (Fall 2001): 676.

21. As used throughout my article, “cultural tourism” focuses on the arts and “built culture” (museums, monuments, architecture, and so forth). In a broader, ethnographic sense, “cultural tourism” takes as its object a whole “way of life,” including gastronomy, customs, and “sex tourism attractions.” For both definitions, see Bauer, M., “Cultural Tourism in France,” in Richards, Greg, ed., Cultural Tourism in Europe (Wallingford, 1996), 147-48.Google Scholar

22. These criteria follow Dean MacCannell, The Tourist: A New Theory of the Leisure Class, rev. ed. (New York, 1999), 42-43, 51; and John Urry, Consuming Places (1995; reprint, London, 1997), 141-42.

23. Gersevanov, “Iz putevykh vpechatlenii turista: Pereezd cherez Simplon,” Otechestvennye zapiski 57 (March 1848): pt. 8:2-3, 5, 9-11.

24. Dickinson, Breaking Ground, 169. But for Karamzin's encounters with English travelers, including rowdy guests at a hotel in France, see Offord, Journeys to a Graveyard, 91.

25. On train travel and modernity, see Billington, James H., The Icon and the Axe: An Interpretive History of Russian Culture (New York, 1966), 382-85Google Scholar; and Schivelbusch, Wolfgang, The Railway Journey: The Industrialization of Time and Space in the Nineteenth Century (Berkeley, 1986).Google Scholar

26. N. Livenskii [N. A. Mel'gunov], “Turisty voobshche, i osobenno russkie. (Pis'mo v redaktsiiu iz-za granitsy),” Otechestvennye zapiski 123 (March 1859): pt. 6:1. For identification of the author, see Masanov, I. F., Slovar’ psevdonimov russkikh pisatelei, uchenykh i obshchestvennykh deiatelei, 4 vols. (Moscow, 1956-60), 2:121.Google Scholar A prominent cultural figure in his time, Nikolai Mel'gunov (1804-1867) was a financially independent author, a music and art critic, a literary salon host in Moscow, and a publicist of moderate political persuasion. He lived abroad for extended periods beginning in the late 1830s. See Russkie pisateli, 1800-1917: Biograficheskii slovar', 4 vols. (Moscow, 1989-99), 3:572-76; and Shaskho, Philip, “Nikolai Alexandrovich Mel'gunov on the Reformation and the Work Ethic,” Comparative Studies in Society and History 9, no. 3 (April 1967): 256-58.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

27. The quote is taken from a discussion of England right after the Napoleonic wars, in Shelley Baranowski and Ellen Furlough, “Introduction,” in Shelley Baranowski and Ellen Furlough, eds., Being Elsewhere: Tourism, Consumer Culture, and Identity in Modem Europe and North America (Ann Arbor, 2001), 2.

28. Buzard, James, The Beaten Track: European Tourism, Literature, and the Ways to “Culture, “ 1800-1918 (1993; reprint, Oxford, 2001).CrossRefGoogle Scholar

29. On the need for research on this issue, see Koenker, “Travel to Work,” 664.

30. Rogger, Hans, National Consciousness in Eighteenth-Century Russia (Cambridge, Mass., 1960), 5–6, 77-84CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Cross, Anthony, “'Them': Russians on Foreigners,” in Franklin, Simon and Widdis, Emma, eds., National Identity in Russian Culture: An Introduction (Cambridge, Eng., 2004), 83–92 Google Scholar; Offord, Journeys to a Graveyard, xv-xxvi, 7-13, 21-23, 249-53; and Dickinson, Breaking Ground, 16-20, 45-53, 164-75.

31. Ely, Christopher, This Meager Nature: Landscape and National Identity in Imperial Russia (DeKalb, 2002), 72–78, 140-45, 223-29Google Scholar; Ely, “Origins of Russian Scenery,” 666-82; Dickinson, Breaking Ground, 84-95, 131-42,199-226; Hughes, Lindsey, “Monuments and Identities,” in Franklin, and Widdis, , eds., National Identity in Russian Culture, 179-84Google Scholar; and Sandler, Stephanie, Commemorating Pushkin: Russia's Myth of a National Poet (Stanford, 2004), 47–84.Google Scholar As late as 1916, however, Russia's Society for Tourism was still struggling against a “Russian antipathy toward the native terrain,” and western Europe appears to have remained the dominant Russian tourist goal: Ely, Meager Nature, 4. See also Dolzhenko, Istoriia turizma, 19. But on late nineteenth-century chauvinistic promotion of spa tourism in the Russian empire, see McReynolds, “Prerevolutionary Russian Tourist,” 38-42.

32. The essential point is made in Offord, Journeys to a Graveyard, xxi, 17-20. Stories about imaginary Russians on the move also participated in the search for national identity (Pushkin's prisoner in the Caucasus or Nikolai Gogol“s Chichikov, for example). But confusion ensues if one allows all sorts of “travel” to blend into “tourism.” This happens, in my opinion, in Eric J. Leed, The Mind of the Traveler: From Gilgamesh to Global Tourism (New York, 1991).

33. Additional suggestive treatments of tourism and nation building include Sears, Sacred Places, esp. 4-11; Pretes, Michael, “Tourism and Nationalism,” Annals of Tourism Research 30, no. 1 (January 2003): 125-42CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Palmer, Catherine, “An Ethnography of Englishness: Experiencing Identity through Tourism,” Annals of Tourism Research 32, no. 1 (January 2005): 7–27.CrossRefGoogle Scholar But for failed official efforts to create a sense of national solidarity through tourism, see the following: Aldis Purs, “'One Breath for Every Two Strides': The State's Attempt to Construct Tourism and Identity in Interwar Latvia,” 97-115; Scott Moranda, “East German Nature Tourism, 1945-1961: In Search of a Common Destination,” 266-80; Diane P. Koenker, “The Proletarian Tourist in the 1930s: Between Mass Excursion and Mass Escape,” 119-40; and Anne E. Gorsuch, “Time Travelers: Soviet Tourists to Eastern Europe,” 205-26, all in Gorsuch and Koenker, eds., Turizm.

34. Buzard, Beaten Track, 9; and MacCannell, Tourist, 1-9, 176-77, 203.

35. Buzard, Beaten Track, 82-85, 6-7, 32.

36. Buzard, Beaten Track, 80-89, 97-103, 107-30, 142-43. On Thomas Cook's tours, beginning on domestic routes in 1841 and on the Continent in 1855, see ibid., 45-65.

37. Gleason, Abbott, Young Russia: The Genesis of Russian Radicalism in the 1860s (New York, 1980), 83.Google Scholar On the “fluid era of the early 1860s,” see also Dowler, Wayne, Dostoevsky, Grigor'ev, and Native Soil Conservatism (Toronto, 1982), 94–95.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

38. In the mid-nineteenth century, the term raznochintsy (people of various ranks) referred mainly to socially progressive intellectuals of humble origins: see Elise Kimerling Wirtschafter, Social Identity in Imperial Russia (DeKalb, 1997), 64.

39. Stites, Richard, The Women's Liberation Movement in Russia: Feminism, Nihilism, and Bolshevism, 1860-1930 (Princeton, 1978), 29–63.Google Scholar

40. For pertinent travel diaries, see L. P. Shelgunova, Iz dalekogo proshlogo, in N. V. Shelgunov, L. P. Shelgunova, and M. L. Mikhailov, Vospominaniia, 2 vols. (Moscow, 1967), 2:66-72, 114-22; and Polina Suslova, Diary, in Fyodor Dostoevsky, The Gambler, with Polina Suslova's Diary, trans. Victor Terras, ed. Edward Wasiolek (Chicago, 1972), 201-302.

41. Fedor Tiutchev perceived a bewildering “thaw” beginning in Russia soon after Nicholas I's death: see Gleason, Young Russia, 80.

42. Dickinson, Breaking Ground, 232.

43. Turgenev first traveled in Europe while a student at Berlin University in 1838-1841. On his extensive travels abroad during 1856-1861, see Leonard Schapiro, Turgenev: His Life and Times (Oxford, 1978), 124.

44. McReynolds, “Prerevolutionary Russian Tourist,” 26.

45. For examples pro and con, see Kornei Chukovskii, “Zheleznaia doroga,” Sobranie sochinenii, 6 vols. (Moscow, 1965-69), 4:373-433.

46. N. A. Dobroliubov, “Russkaia tsivilizatsiia, sochinennaia g. Zherebtsovym” (1858), Sobranie sochinenii, 9 vols. (Moscow-Leningrad, 1961-64), 3:257.

47. [Mel'gunov], “Turisty,” 6.

48. Kas'ianov [Ivan Aksakov], “Iz Parizha (Pis'mo v Redaktsiiu),” Den', no. 12 (24 March 1863): 3. For identification of the author, see Stephen Lukashevich, Ivan Aksakov, 1823-1886: A Study in Russian Thought and Politics (Cambridge, Mass., 1965), 83.

49. On the general lack of statistics, see John Towner, “Approaches to Tourism History,” Annals of Tourism Research 15, no. 1 (1988): 49. From 1763 into the 1780s, Russian authorities issued around 600 passports annually, including those for foreigners leaving Russia. See Berelowitch, “La France dans le ‘grand tour,'” 194.

50. My preoccupation with the Russian “crowd” excludes Lev Tolstoi's “Iz zapisok kniazia D. Nekhliudova. Liutsern” (From the notes of Prince D. Nekhliudov. Lucerne, 1857), an antibourgeois story that pits a lone, aristocratic Russian traveler, spontaneous and generous, against stuffy, stingy English bourgeois tourists overrunning the Swiss town. On tensions between tourists of different nationalities, see Jonathan D. Culler, “The Semiotics of Tourism,” Framing the Sign: Criticism and Its Institutions (Oxford, 1988), 158.

51. N. Ustrialov, “Petr Velikii v Vene v 1698 godu,” Sovremennik 56 (February 1856): pt 2:140-41.

52. N. G. Chernyshevskii, Polnoe sobranie sochinenii, 16 vols. (Moscow 1939-53), 4:230.

53. Quote from Konstantine Klioutchkine, “Between Sacrifice and Indulgence: Nikolai Nekrasov as a Model for the Intelligentsia,” Slavic Revietu 66, no. 1 (Spring 2007): 56.

54. On Turgenev's detached treatment of Russia as a “provincial culture,” see Peterson, Dale E., The Clement Vision: Poetic Realism in Turgenev and James (Port Washington, N.Y., 1975), esp. 5, 35, 64–68.Google Scholar But for anxious visions, see Lounsbery, Anne, “'No, This Is Not the Provinces!’ Provincialism, Authenticity, and Russianness in Gogol's Day,” Russian Review 64, no. 2 (April 2005): 259-80CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Lounsbery, , “Dostoevskii's Geography: Centers, Peripheries, and Networks in Demons,” Slavic Review 66, no. 2 (Summer 2007): 211-29.CrossRefGoogle Scholar More generally, from the field of “provincial studies,” see Russkaia provintsiia: Mif-tektsreal'nost', ed. A. F. Belousov and T. V. Tsiv'ian (Moscow, 2000).

55. On the yokel as a contemporary issue, consult the special cluster of articles in Slavic Review 67, no. 1 (Spring 2008), esp. Eliot Borenstein, “OurBorats, Our Selves: Yokels and Cosmopolitans on the Global Stage,” 1-7.

56. I. S. Turgenev, Polnoe sobranie sochinenii i pisem, 28 vols. (Moscow-Leningrad, 1960-68; hereafter PSS), 7:71.

57. On thematic similarities between Asya and other Turgenev stories, see Kagan-Kans, Eva, Hamlet and Don Quixote: Turgenev's Ambivalent Vision (The Hague, 1975), 41–51 Google Scholar; and Seeley, Frank Friedeberg, Turgenev: A Reading of His Fiction (Cambridge, Eng., 1991), 153-55.Google Scholar

58. Turgenev, PSS, 7:75.

59. For a feminist reading, see Joe Andrew, “Introduction,” in Ivan Turgenev, Asya, ed. with notes and vocabulary by F. G. Gregory (London, 1992), 15-22. On the resonance of the contemporary Russian woman question in Asya, see also Victor Ripp, Turgenev's Russia: From Notes of a Hunter to Fathers and Sons (Ithaca, 1980), 162-72, esp. 169-70.

60. Quote from Peterson, Clement Vision, 66.

61. Turgenev, PSS, 7:81.

62. Chernyshevskii, Nikolai, “The Russian at the Rendezvous,” in Matlaw, Ralph E., ed. and trans., Belinsky, Chernyshevsky, and Dobroliubov: Selected Criticism (Bloomington, Ind., 1976), 108-13, 122-26.Google Scholar

63. [Mel'gunov], “Turisty,” 1-2, 6.

64. The source is M. A. Titmarsh [William Makepeace Thackeray], The Kickleburys on the Rhine, 3d ed. (London, 1851), 34 (see also Buzard, Beaten Track, 90). For a translation that omits the original's satirical references to Russian gamblers abroad, see “Angliiskie turisty. Ocherk Vill'iama Tekkereia,” trans. A. Butakov, Otechestvennyezapiskib, no. 6 (1851): pt. 8:106-44.

65. [Mel'gunov], “Turisty,” 2 - 3 , 7-10.

66. Ibid., 5-6, 10, 11.

67. Ibid., 6, 8.

68. Ibid., 11. For Mel'gunov's subsequent reflections, anticipating Max Weber's ideas about the Protestant work ethic, see Shaskho, “Nikolai Alexandrovich Mel'gunov on the Reformation,” 258-65.

69. See also oppositions between the Russian gentleman narrator and vulgar Russian men and women abroad in the feuilletons of Druzhinin, “Zametki i uveselitel'nye ocherki petersburgskogo turista: Nashi za granitseiu” (1857) and “Russkie za granitseiu” (1860), Sobranie sochinenii, 8:518-30, 546-74.

70. In the summer of 1859 Chernyshevskii took a short trip to London to discuss political differences with Herzen. A lost letter Chernyshevskii wrote his father from Lübeck apparently castigated western Europe. His father answered: “If being abroad is really not entertaining, then what is it that attracts the throngs of our compatriots going over there?” See Chernyshevskaia, N. M., Letopis’ zhizni i deiatel'nosti N. G. Chernyshevskogo (Moscow, 1953), 172.Google Scholar

71. N. V Shelgunov, letters from 21 and 27 June 1858, in Shelgunov, Shelgunova, and Mikhailov, Vospominaniia, 2:89, 91.

72. Dobroliubov, letter to M. I. Shemanovskii, 11/23 June 1860, Sobranie sochinenii, 9:422.

73. Urry, Consuming Places, 167; and commentary concerning Soviet experience in Koenker, “Travel to Work,” 663.

74. Born in Orenburg and raised in Uletskaia Zashchita, Mikhailov was the son of a Kirghiz princess and a Russian civil servant in the mining industry. A serf owned by a member of the Aksakov family, Mikhailov's paternal grandfather was beaten to death for protesting against his master's broken promise to give him his freedom. See P. Fateev, “Mikhail Illarionovich Mikhailov (1830-65),” in Mikhailov, Sochineniia, 2 vols. (Chita, 1950), l:v-ix.

75. Mikhailov's “Parizhskie pis'ma” appeared in six installments, Sovremennik (September-December 1858) and (January-February 1859); “Londonskie zametki” appeared in four installments, Sovremennik (June-September 1859).

76. Nekrasov had advised Mikhailov “to touch lightly on political affairs.” See Jennifer Lonergan, “M. L. Mikhailov and Russian Radical Ideas about Women, 1847-1865” (PhD diss., University of Bristol, 1995), 166.

77. Mikhailov, “Parizhskie pis'ma,” Sovremennik (November 1858): pt. 1:199, 212, 215. For the Thackeray quote and the rise of the Murray and Baedeker guidebook empires, see Buzard, Beaten Track, 65-79, esp. 75.

78. Mikhailov, “Parizhskie pis'ma,” Sovremennik (September 1858): pt. 1:269-71. Another user of the guidebook of Heinrich Reichard (1751-1828), Dostoevskii recommended buying it, in a letter to N. N. Strakhov, 26 June/8 July 1862, Polnoe sobranie sochinenii, 30 vols. (Leningrad, 1972-90), 28, bk. 2:26 and bk. 5:362.

79. Quote from Klioutchkine, “Between Sacrifice and Indulgence,” 48.

80. Mikhailov, “Parizhskie pis'ma,” Sovremennik (October 1858): pt. 1:468-69 and (November 1858): pt. 1:182, 191-93.

81. On Mikhailov as a leading proponent of women's emancipation in Russia, see Stites, Richard, “M. L. Mikhailov and the Emergence of the Woman Question,” Canadian Slavic Studies?,, no. 2 (Summer 1979): 178-99Google Scholar; and Lonergan, “M. L. Mikhailov,” 188-93.

82. Mikhailov, “Parizhskie pis'ma,” Sovremennik (November 1858): pt. 1:221.

83. Mikhailov, “Londonskie zametki,” Sovremennik (June 1859): pt. 3:219, 225-38.

84. Mikhailov, “Londonskie zametki,” Sovremennik (July and August 1859), reprinted in his Sochineniia, 3 vols. (Moscow, 1958), 3:340-41, 342-55.

85. Dobroliubov, “Iz Turina,” Sobranie sochinenii, 7:23.

86. Dobroliubov, letters to M. A. Markovich, 28 May/9 June 1861 and to N. G. Chernyshevskii, 12/24June 1861, Sobranie sochinenii, 9:471-72, 473-75. The woman's parents forbade the marriage because of Dobroliubov's precarious health.

87. Dobroliubov, letter to A. F. Kavelina, 14/26 November 1860, Sobranie sochinenii, 9:454.

88. Frank, Joseph, Dostoevsky: The Stir of Liberation, 1860-1865 (London, 1986), 62.Google Scholar See also Suslova, Diary, 6 September 1863, 215-16: Polina evokes there her sister Nadezhda's ascetic disapproval of traveling, particularly to Italy. Pursuing medical studies at the time, Nadezhda Suslova would become Russia's first woman doctor.

89. “Ot“ezzhaiushchim za granitsu,” in Dobroliubov, Sobranie sochinenii, 7:469. For exact publication data, see A. Maksimovich, “Nekrasov—uchastnik ‘Svistka,'” Literaturnoe nasledstvo 49-50 (1946): 319.

90. Quoted in N. A. Nekrasov, Polnoe sobranie sochinenii i pisem, 15 vols. (Leningrad, 1981-85), 2:362.

91. U., “Zametki o khoziaistvennom polozhenii Rossii,” Russkii vestnik 41 (September 1862): 239-41.

92. [Aksakov], “Iz Parizha,” 4. Aksakov misdates the source (cited just above), a mistake repeated in Dostoevskii, Polnoe sobranie sochinenii, 5:399.

93. F. M. Dostoevskii, Zimnie zametki o letnikh vpechatleniiakh, Polnoe sobranie sochinenii, 5:61. For an English translation, see Dostoevsky, Winter Notes on Summer Impressions, trans. David Patterson (1988; reprint, Evanston, 1997). Subsequent quotes from this translation are sometimes amended. For an analysis of Dostoevskii's narrative as a post-Crimean War effort to reestablish “national self-respect” (199), consult Offord, Journeys to a Graveyard, 197-220.

94. Dostoevskii, Zimnie zametki, 5:55. On paraphrasing Fonvizin, see Il'ia Pomerantsev, “Dostoevskii i literatura puteshestvii,” Russian Literature 47, no. 1 (January 2000): 98-107; and Derek Offord, ‘“Beware the Garden of Earthly Delights': Fonvizin and Dostoevskii on Life in France,” Slavonic and East European Review, 78 no. 4 (October 2000): 625-42.

95. On the colonial import, see Kleespies, Ingrid, “Caught at the Border: Travel, Nomadism, and Russian National Identity in Karamzin's Letters of a Russian Traveler and Dostoevsky's Winter Notes on Summer Impressions,” Slavic and East European Journal 50, no. 2 (2006): 241-42, 248CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Offord, Journeys to a Graveyard, 252. More generally on the “dynamics of colonization … at the level of narrative and imagination,” consult Kristi Siegel, “Introduction: Travel Writing and Travel Theory,” in Kristi Siegel, ed., Issues in Travel Writing: Empire, Spectacle, and Displacement (New York, 2002), 3-4.

96. Dostoevskii, Zimnie zametki, 5:51.

97. The scholarly literature has glossed over Dostoevskii's anxious self-description as a “mere tourist” (prostoi turist), too rushed to write properly about Paris: see his letter to N. N. Strakhov, 26 June/8 July 1862, Polnoe sobranie sochinenii, 28, bk. 2:27. Soviet commentary on this letter deleted “prostoi turist,” in ibid., 5:357.

98. Frank, Dostoevsky, 233-38, 247-48; and Pomerantsev, “Dostoevskii i literatura puteshestvii,” 94.

99. Dostoevskii, Zimnie zametki, 5:46-47, 49-50.

100. Ibid., 5:63. Zimnie zametki calls the English alone “turisty” (and feminine turistki). Dostoevskii's persona designates himself a “modest traveler” (skromnyi puteshestvennik), mistranslated as “modest tourist.” See Dostoevskii, Zimnie zametki, 5:76, and Dostoevsky, Winter Notes, 46.

101. Dostoevskii, Zimnie zametki, 5:63.

102. Having an interview with Herzen was an honor. But by the late 1850s, he had become a Russian tourist attraction. Describing herself as the “custodian of a museum,” Nikolai Ogarev's wife showed “a multitude of Russians” the study, dining room, living room, and garden of Herzen's London mansion over the years. Shelgunova, Iz dalekogo proshlogo, 98. See also Gleason, Young Russia, 96-97.

103. Dostoevskii received advice from Turgenev before going abroad: Frank, Dostoevsky, 179. Favorable discussion of Fathers and Sons figures in Zimnie zametki, 5:59-60. Note also the similar descriptions of Russian tourists’ faces: tupoe nedoumen'e (blank perplexity, in Asya) and tupoe ozhidanie (blank expectation, in Zimnie zametki). See Turgenev, PSS, 7:75, and Dostoevskii, Zimnie zametki, 5:63.

104. Dostoevskii, Zimnie zametki, 5:48.

105. Ibid., 5:48-49.

106. Ibid., 5:76-77.

107. Ibid., 5:69-70.

108. Ibid., 5:52.

109. Ibid., 5:69-70.

110. Ibid., 5:77.

111. [Aksakov], “Iz Parizha,” 3-4; and Kas'ianov [Ivan Aksakov], “Iz Parizha (Pis'mo II),“Den', no. 16 (10 April 1863): 1-3.

112. “Our tourists” in Dresden are described as an insipid lot in Ivan Turgenev, Fathers and Sons (1862), trans. Constance Garnett, rev. Ralph E. Matlaw (New York, 1966), 165. On former Russian serf owners as sex tourists in Paris, see Saltykov-Shchedrin, M. E., “Nasha obshchestvennaia zhizn': Podvigi russkikh ‘guliashchikh liudei’ za granitsei” (May 1863), Sobraniesochinenii, 20 vols. (Moscow, 1965-77), 6:99–109.Google Scholar

113. On official Soviet efforts to control the meanings and practice of tourism, see Koenker, “Travel to Work,” 658-59; and Gorsuch, Anne E., “'There's No Place Like Home': Soviet Tourism in Late Stalinism,” Slavic Review 62, no. 4 (Winter 2003): 760-66.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

114. On such Soviet preoccupations, see David-Fox, Michael, “Stalinist Westernizer? Aleksandr Arosev's Literary and Political Depictions of Europe,” Slavic Review 62, no. 4 (Winter 2003): 733-59CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Gorsuch, “Time Travelers,” 217-25.

115. McReynolds, “Prerevolutionary Russian Tourist,” 42.

116. On Leikin, see McReynolds, “Prerevolutionary Russian Tourist,” 17; and Steve Smith and Catriona Kelly, with additional material by Louise McReynolds, “Commercial Culture and Consumerism,” in Catriona Kelly and Shepherd, David, eds., Constructing Russian Culturein the Age of Revolution: 1881-1940 (Oxford, 1998), 121-23.Google Scholar